Turkish press: Istanbul Cinema Museum revives Yeşilçam nostalgia

An interior view of the Istanbul Cinema Museum, Istanbul, Turkey, Feb. 26, 2021. (AA Photo)

The history of Turkish cinema is almost as old as the history of cinema itself. Although the first Turkish film is still being debated academically, cinema, which quickly entered the Ottoman Empire, bore its first fruits in the country at the beginning of the 20th century. According to the dominant opinion, “Yün Eğiren Kadınlar” (“Women Spinning Wool”), shot in 1905 by the Manaki Brothers (Yanaki and Milton) in Macedonia – which was Ottoman land at that time – was the first Ottoman film.

A visitor examines exhibits at the Istanbul Cinema Museum, Istanbul, Turkey. (Courtesy of the author)

The first cinema screening in the Ottoman Empire, where technological developments in Europe were rapidly followed, was made long before by the Jewish origin Sigmund Weinberg, also known as the “Palace Filmmaker”. When he did this screening, the date was 1895, which was only a year after Europe.

Turkish cinema, which started to rise with the transition to democratic life in 1950, broke production records in the 1960s. In terms of production, Turkish cinema even surpassed Hollywood in those times. This colorful period, which continued strongly until 1975, was called “Yeşilçam.” However, the Yeşilçam era of Turkish cinema faded as it was captured by pornography in the 1980s. It nearly died in the 1990s when there was a great production shortage. In the 2000s, the movement of returning to Anatolia and its rural regions in productions meant a new era and artistic momentum in Turkish cinema. Figures like Nuri Bilge Ceylan made Turkish cinema known in the West during this period. In addition to the films with high artistic sensitivity, which received awards from Europe, production of local romantic comedies also increased.

As it has been briefly summarized, interesting memories and plenty of objects are hidden behind the cinema tradition in Turkey along with hundreds of films. If you want to see them and understand the story of Yeşilçam, there is a place for you: Istanbul Cinema Museum.

Located on Istanbul’s most famous street Istiklal Avenue, the museum was first a mansion. After the disaster known as the “Great Fire of Pera” in 1870 turned the Beyoğlu district to ashes, stone buildings were preferred. Agop Köçeyan, one of the great Armenian bankers of that time, had a mansion built on the street in the same year. The famous murals of the mansion were painted by French painter Hippolyte-Dominique Berteaux. Köçeyan, who had resided here for years, donated his mansion to the Taksim Vosgeperan Armenian Church just before his death. But the ownership of the building changed over time and it became an art and entertainment center. The building started to host one of the most prestigious cinemas in Istanbul in 1948 and has since become one of the legendary cinemas of the city under the name of Atlas. The Atlas Cinema was restored by the initiatives of the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism and the Istanbul Cinema Museum opened its doors in the same building recently.

Inside this historical building, which you reach by stepping off crowded Istiklal Avenue, you encounter a cinema museum similar to those in Europe and equipped with technological facilities. In the museum, which is open to visitors on three floors, you can produce a tiny movie yourself on the first floor and experience movies shot in Istanbul using VR technology and trace the places where movies have been screened in Istanbul since 1897 with an application. In a section here, you can also make fun phone calls with stars from Turkish cinema! The application named “Memory Pool of Turkish Cinema” provides an interactive way to see the figures who have worked in 8,406 films.

As you climb the stairs of the museum, you go back in time historically. The second floor is full of sections to familiarize guests with the history of cinema. This is the section that most attracts my attention. Tools from the pioneers of today’s video cameras, the first cameras and old editing benches show how difficult it was to make films in the past, reminding the audience to appreciate the films. It also highlights how old Yeşilçam films were made with limited means.

Among the exhibits, the objects used in old movies are also remarkable. The original illustrations from the movie “Amentü Gemisi Nasıl Yürüdü?” (“How was the Amentü Ship Steered?”) and the figures used in Turkey’s first feature-length puppet film are two impressive examples.

The items of famous directors and actors of Turkish cinema – including the camera of Türkan Şoray, who is a famous actress and director; a costume worn by actress Hülya Koçyiğit and the chair of director Memduh Ün – are also very interesting and provide a glimpse of the old Yeşilçam days.

In recent years, Turkish directors have made a tremendous impression, taking home a plethora of awards, particularly at film festivals in Europe. These actual awards will also be on show for a time at the Istanbul Cinema Museum. Among the awards are Nuri Bilge Ceylan’s Palme d’Or, the highest prize at the Cannes Film Festival, and Semih Kaplanoğlu’s golden bear from the Berlin International Film Festival.

The figure of humongous ghoul Gulyabani used in the 1976 Turkish comedy “Süt Kardeşler” (“Milk Siblings”) by director by Ertem Eğilmez, in the Istanbul Cinema Museum, Istanbul, Turkey. (Courtesy of the author Murat Tarik)

The final floor of the museum has been allocated for temporary exhibitions. As of late, the venue has been hosting a traditional Turkish shadow play.

Despite being new, the Istanbul Cinema Museum stands out for exhibiting the largest collection of visual memory of Turkish cinema.

Supply of Sputnik V COVID-19 vaccine to Armenia approaches the practical stage, Ambassador says

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 16:23,

YEREVAN, MARCH 26, ARMENPRESS. Russian Ambassador to Armenia Sergei Kopyrkin hopes that the Sputnik V vaccine against COVID-19 will soon be delivered to Armenia.

During a meeting with the reporters today the Ambassador said very active works are being carried out on this direction.

“It is approaching the practical implementation stage. I hope it would be possible to conduct the deliveries very soon. In any case, as an Embassy we are assisting it with all possible means”, he said.

As for the possibilities of producing the vaccine in Armenia, the Ambassador said Armenia’s ministry of health and the Russian investors are cooperating over this matter.

“I do not have concrete information about that, but I know that this topic is under very active discussions and I hope the vaccine will be delivered to Armenia very soon”, he said.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Lebanon President receives Maral Najarian released from Azerbaijani captivity

News.am, Armenia

President of Lebanon Michel Aoun today received Maral Najarian who was released from Azerbaijani captivity. Najarian said she was held captive along with her family in Shushi and thanked President Michel Aoun for the role played in releasing her from captivity.

Lebanese-Armenian Maral Najarian, who is a citizen of the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Lebanon, was captured by Azerbaijanis while she was going to Shushi to take her personal items on November 10, 2020. She returned to Lebanon on March 11.

Najarian’s return to Lebanon was made possible through the combined efforts of the Lebanese government, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation-Dashnaktsutyun political party Lebanon Chapter’s Central Committee, the head of the Russian State Duma and Russia-based Armenians, as well as a few deputies of the National Assembly of Armenia.

White House official on Armenian Genocide: History must be acknowledged

Public Radio of Armenia

We will forever respect the perseverance of the Armenian people, a senior White House official told The Hill.

The comment comes after a bipartisan coalition of nearly 40 lawmakers led by Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) urged President Biden to become the first U.S. president to officially recognize the Ottoman Empire’s Armenian genocide. 

When reached for comment, a senior administration official noted Biden’s statement on the Armenian genocide as a presidential candidate, adding in a statement to The Hill, “He said then that we must never forget or remain silent about this horrific campaign. And we will forever respect the perseverance of the Armenian people in the wake of such a great tragedy.” 

The official said the Biden administration “is committed to promoting respect for human rights and ensuring such atrocities are not repeated. A critical part of that is acknowledging history.”

Armenian Deputy PM, Head of ADB Armenian Office discuss opportunities of sectoral cooperation

Armenian Deputy PM, Head of ADB Armenian Office discuss opportunities of sectoral cooperation

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 19:46,

YEREVAN, MARCH 18, ARMENPRESS. Deputy Prime Minister of Armenia Tigran Avinyan met with Head of the Armenian Office of Asian Development Bank Paolo Spantigati on March 18.

As ARMENPRESS was informed from the Office of Tigran Avinyan, greeting the guest, Avinyan noted that the Government of Armenia greatly values the cooperation with the ADB. He thanked the Bank for supporting Armenia in the fight against the COVID-19.

The Deputy PM of Armenia presented the economic response program adopted by the Government of Armenia and its priorities – to restore the economic activity, ensure stability of the economic atmosphere and develop medium-term economic policy agenda.

The sides discussed cooperation opportunities in the sphere of infrastructures.

Armenpress: Armenia’s Tourism Committee preparing for tourist season: Russia among targeted countries

Armenia’s Tourism Committee preparing for tourist season: Russia among targeted countries

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YEREVAN, MARCH 15, ARMENPRESS. The Tourism Committee of Armenia is preparing for the tourist season. Acting chairman of the Committee Alfred Kocharyan told Armenpress that they are developing a marketing strategy, outlining the directions and their future plans. Although they are engaged in an active work, they have to be flexible as all the programs can change at any moment conditioned by coronavirus.

“The pandemic is not over yet, therefore, we need to take this into account. In any case we are preparing for the tourism seasons, we are working with the countries from where tourist flows are possible at this stage”, he said.

At this moment, he stated, Russia is among the targeted countries from where tourist flow is possible: here the Committee plans to implement a number of marketing programs. In particular, the MITT international travel and tourism trade show opens in Moscow on March 16, and Armenia will also take part in the event. The Tourism Committee will be present at the event with more than 20 tourism companies during which they will present Armenia’s tourism opportunities with a broad scope.

“I will also meet with my Russian counterpart to discuss issues relating to the sector, to understand what actions we can take for ensuring bilateral tourism flows. We are planning to invite journalists, bloggers from Russia to Armenia. The goal is to raise awareness among Russians”, Alfred Kocharyan said.

In line with this, Armenia is also considering other markets where the COVID-19 situation is similar to the one here. For instance Ukraine, which doesn’t require COVID-19 test from Armenian tourists, insurance for COVID-19 is enough. The Tourism Committee of Armenia is drafting proposals for presenting them to the government so that Armenia will be able to host the Ukrainians with the same terms.

“Iran is also under consideration. I would like to state that I had meetings on this direction as well, we plan to restore the land flows. I can also mention the Arabic countries. We are drafting a proposal for restoring the visa regime in these directions”, he said, adding that they are working in parallel with the coronavirus situation, making the public health as a priority.

The Tourism Committee is also developing programs for domestic tourism. In particular, a major tourism exhibition is expected to open in Yerevan in May, where Armenia’s provinces will be represented in separate pavilions. The goal is to present the tourism potential of the country’s provinces to the broad public.

Alfred Kocharyan stated that in 2020 Armenia’s tourism sector registered over 80% decline, just 375 tourists visited the country. He highlighted the government’s coronavirus response programs and stated that these programs are being revised, discussions are being held and decisions are made based on the situation.

Interview by Anna Gziryan

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Karabakh Conflict Far From Over and Could Explode Again

Jamestown Foundation
March 9 2021

Following the Moscow-brokered ceasefire and post-war declarations signed by Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan that ended the 2020 Second Karabakh War, the international community has generally concluded three things. First is that the Karabakh conflict is over; second, that the benefits of reopening transportation routes are so great that all sides will be interested in seeing the provisions of these declarations realized; and third, that the likelihood of any new fighting between the sides is minimal, not least because of the presence of Russian peacekeepers on the ground (see EDM, October 13, 2020 and December 16, 2020). Indeed, former Armenian foreign minister Vardan Oskanyan writes that this “stereotypical view” has spread so widely that it is distracting attention from the real situation. Namely, he argues, the benefits spelled out within these trilateral declarations are far less likely to be realized than most think, and the danger that more fighting may eventually break out is far greater (Hraparak, March 6; IA REX, March 7).

Oskanyan’s words deserve attention not only because they undoubtedly reflect the views of many in Yerevan but also because they challenge what is the received opinion in numerous world capitals. More than that, his argument finds support both in the current difficulties the parties face and the increasingly obvious fact that the economic carrots laid out in the declarations as the reward for regional cooperation will not be realized for several years at the earliest. This offers a virtual invitation for those opposed to the current settlement to engage in actions to torpedo it, even if they are not in a position to achieve their own alternative goals.

In his article, Oskanyan argues that when “stereotypes are formed in the international community, it is very difficult to dispel them” by arguments alone. Sometimes these stereotypes benefit one side, sometimes the other; but they often stand in the way of understanding what is in fact going on. In the past, the Armenian side benefitted from some stereotypes, and that is why relative stability in the South Caucasus was maintained from 1994 to 2020. But now, new stereotypes have arisen that threaten Yerevan’s interests and must be countered before they block Armenia from achieving any of its objectives, Oskanyan asserts (Hraparak, March 6; IA REX, March 7).

The former foreign minister points to three new stereotypes that he says have emerged in the last few months: 1) a belief that “the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh has been solved, 2)” a conviction that “Karabakh is Azerbaijani territory” and that the issues facing Armenians living there are only about human rights, and 3) a certainty that “the time has come to look to the future.” The train powered by such views, Oskanyan says, has left the station and is gathering speed. To stop it, Yerevan must work in “three directions: diplomatic, military and international-legal.” Otherwise, Armenia and Armenians will find themselves marginalized to the point of lasting defeat.

To prevent that from happening, Oskanyan continues, Yerevan must argue that the November 2020 ceasefire declaration did not “reflect the desire of the Republic of Armenia but was the result of a situation imposed on it by military force,” and that no “status quo imposed by military actions can ever be the basis for long-term peace in the region.” Moreover, he adds that “the Armenian side has never and will never aspire to lands that do not belong to it but will defend those that do.” Finally, “the achievement of the rights of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh to sovereignty on their land remains the chief task of the foreign policy of Armenia.”

According to Oskanyan, Yerevan must rebuild its military, launch an international diplomatic campaign by uniting Armenia, the Armenian diaspora and the people of Karabakh, as well as bring a maximum possible number of cases before international tribunals to challenge Azerbaijan’s most recent moves. Unless it does so, he says, “in the not-so-distant future, we will see the Nakhchivanization of the remnants of Artsakh [the Armenian name for Karabakh], the exodus of Armenians from Syunik [the Armenian name for the Zengezur corridor between Azerbaijan and the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhchivan], and even the loss” of this region to Baku. That outcome would cut off Armenia from Iran and connect mainland Azerbaijan and Turkey by land.

However that may be, there are real and serious problems threatening both the ceasefire and the reopening of transportation links as detailed in the latter, January 2021, trilateral declaration. Ending a war is never easy. Problems always persist regarding the fate of casualties and prisoners, and questions are raised about compensation. But in this case, there are some more serious disputes that were not solved by real negotiations or a real agreement. Those outstanding issues, thus, call into question the optimism of the international community. Among the most critical of these is the continued role of Armenian military units in Karabakh. These units have entered into a symbiotic relationship with the Russian peacekeepers there (see EDM, December 8, 2020), even though Baku has demanded that they be withdrawn because, in its view, their continuing presence contradicts the November declaration (Doshdu, March 1, 2021).Yerevan has shown no interest in doing so, and Moscow is not pressuring the Armenians, thus leaving in place forces that could easily become another casus belli for Azerbaijan.

But an even more serious obstacle to any establishment of a lasting peace is the spreading fear that reopening transportation routes, something Moscow has promoted as central, is anything but a done deal. Earlier this month, for example, Armenia reacted with fury to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s use of the term Zengezur for the corridor that is slated to be opened between Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan. Armenia saw that formulation as a move toward Azerbaijan’s seizure of what the Soviets declared and the international community recognizes to this day as Armenian territory (Kavkazsky Uzel, March 5; Windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com, March 7). And the possibility of a new Armenian-Turkish railway seems farfetched given the attitudes of both sides at the present time (Stoletie, March 3).

Given all this, the risks that a new armed conflict will break out remain all too real, especially if the international community comforts itself with the notion that such an outcome is impossible.

https://jamestown.org/program/karabakh-conflict-far-from-over-and-could-explode-again/

Ombudsman of Armenia: If I am deprived of my financial independence, I will appeal to the Constitutional Court

News.am, Armenia

The draft law on the reduction of funding for the Human Rights Defender and his staff, and, in fact, the draft on deprivation of financial independence, sent to parliament is unconstitutional. The Ombudsman of Armenia Arman Tatoyan stated this at a press conference on Saturday.

“If the law is adopted, I will appeal to the Constitutional Court to challenge the constitutionality of this law.

Moreover, I will submit a petition to suspend this provision, as it will cause problems from the point of view of democracy and legal security,” he stressed.

The Armenian authorities intend to deprive the Human Rights Defender of the constitutional guarantee of financial independence. Such independence is stipulated by the constitutional law, according to which the annual amount of allocations provided by the state budget for financing the Ombudsman and his staff cannot be less than the allocations provided by the state budget of the previous year.

Asbarez: Hye Hopes Completes Phase 1 of Educational Programs for Displaced Youth from Artsakh



Hye Hopes’ educational programs provides displaced students from Artsakh with the supplies and support needed to continue their education

YEREVAN—Hye Hopes, Inc., a nonprofit based in Burbank, California, was established in November of 2020 with the mission of providing equitable and sustainable learning resources along with teacher professional development and social emotional services for the forcibly displaced youth of Artsakh and Syunik Marz.  

Hye Hopes is pleased to announce the successful completion of its first phase in Kapan, the capital of the Syunik region on March 12 – with four classrooms serving students from 3rd through 10th grades in learning POD’s of 12 students with an eight week program.  The Hye Hopes initiative provided laptops, projectors, printers, and supplies to support the students with remote synchronized instruction by teachers from California and throughout the United States of America.  In addition to providing remote educational instruction and resources for the students, the Hye Hopes program provides training for our volunteer teachers as well as teachers in Armenia in areas of remote learning such as setting up Zoom, Google Classrooms and Mental Health.

Hye Hopes also signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the TUMO Center for Creative Technologies with the aim of bringing Hye Hope’s educational content to satellite TUMO Box locations during school hours. “Our team is enthusiastic to ensure educational resources and innovative opportunities are delivered to students in the Syunik region and to collaborate with TUMO within the Syunik Marz,” said Greg Krikorian, Founder of Hye Hopes, Inc.

On his most recent trip to the Syunik Marz, Krikorian, visited over 20 schools in the cities of Kapan, Meghri, Goris, and Sisian in order to provide a needs assessment and help develop strategic areas for Hye Hopes to best continue supporting the Armenian youth. “Our teachers, staff, parents and students are grateful for Hye Hopes during challenging times for Armenia. Our students were eager and excited to work on the new laptops, which for many of them it is their first time working on Lenovo & HP Laptops,” stated Lusine Zarkaryan, Principal of N1 School in Kapan.

The Hye Hopes team is excited to begin the second phase of the project in Kapan. The eight week learning session will officially begin on March 23rd in the Kapan region. More funds are needed to continue and expand the Hye Hopes initiative. To donate or for more information please visit the website.

Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict: How Baku destroyed Russian S-300s with Israeli suicide drones

Middle East Eye
March 3 2021

The Azerbaijani military used decoy aircraft to lure out the air-defence systems deployed in Nagorno-Karabakh



An S-300 missile system at the rehearsals of Victory Day parade in Moscow in 2009 (Creative Common/Vitaly V Kuzmin)


By Ragip Soylu in Baku

Published date: 3 March 2021

Azerbaijani forces used a sophisticated method to destroy Russian-made S-300 air defence systems during the Nagorno-Karabakh war last year, combining Soviet-era single-engine planes with Israeli-made “suicide” drones, Middle East Eye can reveal.

Azerbaijan’s battle strategy was based on the use of advanced drone technology in the disputed mountainous territory, tactics that won Baku the 44-day war against Armenian forces. Yerevan suffered huge losses of Russian weaponry, including six S-300 systems, according to the Azerbaijan military.

A senior official, who was briefed on Azerbaijan’s drone warfare, told MEE that at first Baku found it difficult to detect the S-300s, which were concealed and difficult to spot.

‘Azerbaijan even didn’t need to change the actual shape of the Antonovs, they just need to appear as military drones on the radar’

– Can Kasapoglu, analyst

The solution, according to the official, was simple: Azerbaijan needed a decoy aircraft to lure and identify the Russian-made systems. Baku then began to employ Soviet-era Antonov An-2 single-engine utility and agricultural aircraft, which cost no more than $100,000 and were readily available.

Azerbaijani engineers converted the aeroplanes into unmanned aerial vehicles by replacing the pilot with a kit that allows remote control.

“The Antonovs would appear on radar as legitimate military-grade drones and activate the S-300 systems,” the official said. “And then Israeli-built Harop loitering munitions, dubbed ‘kamikaze drones’, would hit the Russian-made systems.”

A satellite image published by Russian media last October indicated that Azerbaijan had moved 50 An-2 biplane aircraft to Yevlakh airport, near the Azerbaijani city of Ganja.

Shushan Stepanyan, the spokesperson for the Armenian military, reportedly said on 1 October that they shot down an An-2 that didn’t eject any pilot, raising suspicions that it was being used as an unmanned aerial device, collecting information on Armenia’s air defences.

Can Kasapoglu, director of defence research at Turkish think-tank EDAM, told MEE that the method was a textbook approach to the Russian weaponry.

“The Russian military, like the Armenians, wouldn’t activate their systems unless they see a threat on the radar,” he said. “Azerbaijan even didn’t need to change the actual shape of the Antonovs, they just need to appear as military drones on the radar.”

During the September-November conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, a nominal Azerbaijani territory that had been occupied by Armenian forces since 1994, Turkey and Israel provided unprecedented support for Baku.

Armenia and Azerbaijan agreed on a ceasefire after six weeks of heavy fighting in November, following the Azerbaijani army’s seizure of the strategic city of Shusha (known as Shushi in Armenian).

The agreement, which was met with anger and disbelief among Armenians, handed administrative control over several areas of the mountainous territory to Azerbaijan.