Conflict in the Caucasus: when the soldiers are younger than the war they are fighting

The Economist
Oct 23 2020

Fear and fervour fuel conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan


There is a certain mood in Azerbaijan these days. My first taste of it came on a recent flight from Istanbul to Baku. As the Azerbaijan Airlines plane prepared for take-off, the pilot made an announcement to thunderous applause from the cabin. A neighbour translated his words: “Our armed forces have liberated the city of Zengilan. Glory to our army. Glory to our president and commander-in-chief.”

Landing in Baku a few hours later I was greeted at passport control with fluorescent signs: “Karabakh is ours. Karabakh is Azerbaijan”. Further patriotic spectacles awaited me when I checked into my hotel: the trio of flame-shaped skyscrapers that dominate the skyline of Baku were covered in giant images of Azerbaijani soldiers waving flags, illuminated by 10,000 high-power led lights. It did not seem like the backdrop to peace talks.

The contested city in question, Zengilan, sits close to the southern edge of Nagorno-Karabakh, a beautiful wooded, mountainous stretch of land less than 5,000 square kilometres in size, which few people outside the Caucasus could point to on a map. Yet this forgotten region, in a forgotten part of the world, is now threatening to trigger a conflict of far wider consequence.

Nagorno-Karabakh was the focus of a bloody war between Azerbaijan and Armenia from 1992-94, in which 30,000 people died. Though violence over the disputed area has flared periodically since then, the fighting that erupted in late September seemed to open a new and more dangerous chapter.

For weeks missiles and shells have been launched at urban areas on both sides, killing dozens of civilians. Successive ceasefires have been broken. Armenia says that half of the 150,000-strong population of ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh have been displaced; those who stay cower in basements to avoid the shelling. Though few Azerbaijanis live in Nagorno-Karabakh these days – hundreds of thousands were displaced from Armenian regions in the late 1980s and early 1990s – the government refuses to say how many of Azerbaijan’s troops have died. Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, said on October 22nd that the overall death toll was “nearing 5,000”.

The current conflict has deep roots. The area is a patchwork of religions and ethnicities. Nagorno-Karabakh, which is populated by ethnic Armenians, who are Christian, sits within the internationally recognised borders of Muslim Azerbaijan. The peoples of Azerbaijan and Armenia both claim Nagorno-Karabakh as their Jerusalem, the cradle of their civilisation, central to their identity and statehood. Both countries identify deep cultural links with the area, the historical home of Armenian princes and Azerbaijani poets.

During my time in Baku, I realised that shows of nationalism were designed not to rally people around the flag – they needed little encouragement – but to channel the upsurge of national sentiment. Equally, the 9pm curfew in the city, and blocking of social media there, were aimed at managing uncontrolled expressions of nationalism, as well as the government’s claim to be preventing terrorist attacks and the spread of disinformation.

The existence of an Armenian enclave within Azerbaijan is no historical accident. In 1918, as the Russian empire crumbled, the three Caucasus republics declared their independence, only to be captured by the Bolsheviks soon after. Lenin assigned the predominantly Armenian Nagorno-Karabakh to Soviet Azerbaijan a century ago, as a prize for securing control over its oilfields, and in the hope of installing a red beacon in the Muslim world.

Nagorno-Karabakh is only one of many such outposts that litter the former Soviet states today. Centralised powers have long viewed local allegiances with suspicion and sought to assert a unifying political ideology over what they see the divisive influence of ethnicity or religion. So it was in the Caucasus: Lenin hoped that communism would supersede other identities.

It didn’t. Fear, not faith, kept the Soviet Union together. Nagorno-Karabakh was the first ethnic conflict to blow up on Mikhail Gorbachev as he started loosening Moscow’s repressive grip on the Soviet empire in the 1980s. In February 1988 demonstrators gathered in the enclave’s capital to demand that the region become part of the Armenian Soviet Republic. A week later a mob staged a bloody pogrom against ethnic Armenians in the Azerbaijani city of Sumgait. The violence shattered the façade of friendship between nations within the ussr.

After the Soviet Union collapsed, the violence escalated into full-scale war in 1992. The conflict killed tens of thousands of people and forced a million more out of their homes. Backed by Russia, Armenia took over Nagorno-Karabakh and seven adjacent districts, depriving Azerbaijan of a large chunk of its territory. For Armenia that victory was a foundation of its post-Soviet statehood. In Azerbaijan, it was a cause of trauma and humiliation. Yet Russia saw the continued dispute as a way both to maintain influence over its former vassals and to block Turkey’s influence in the region.

Today the pieces have all shifted. A recent oil boom in Azerbaijan has fuelled both military spending and popular demands to correct what most of the country’s population sees as a historic injustice. Armenia’s current, populist president, Nikol Pashinyan, did not establish his credentials in the Nagorno-Karabakh war, unlike previous leaders, and seems to be compensating with incendiary rhetoric.

Meanwhile the historical imperial rivalry between Russia and Turkey continues to play out. By backing Azerbaijan militarily, Turkey is entering Russia’s former backyard, just as Russia has done with Turkey during recent conflicts in Syria and Libya, once part of the Ottoman Empire. In the past Russia has restrained Azerbaijan from attempting to regain territory by force; now it appears to be giving it a green light.

As ever, the people of the Caucasus are caught in the middle. Many of the soldiers now fighting on each side are younger than the conflict itself. The wounded and displaced civilians are unlikely ever to see a light show on a skyscraper. As nations rise and fall, and wealth ebbs and flows, one story remains the same. The fate of those on the ground in Nagorno-Karabakh relies on geopolitical games playing out far, far away.

PHOTOGRAPHS: LORENZO MELONI


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Azerbaijani UAV destroyed in Armenia

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 20:58,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 23, ARMENPRESS.  The air defense units of the Armed Forces of Armenia have destroyed an Azerbaijani UAV in the north-eastern part of Armenia, ARMENPRESS reports spokesperson of MoD Armenia Shushan Stepanyan wrote on her Facebook page.

The photos of the leftovers of the UAV show that it is a production of Azad Systems company, which is an Azerbaijani-Israeli joint company.

https://armenpress.am/eng/news/1032572.html?fbclid=IwAR126ty5DpgYUWlDqc-dPbC6J9WX-KJ2ccbcclCQxEakwZw91CmBQw8lCuI



Turkey denies airspace for humanitarian flight to Armenia

Public Radio of Armenia
Oct 15 2020

The Qatar Airways flight to Los Angeles-Yerevan carrying humanitarian aid to Armenia scheduled for October 15 will not take place, for which the airline did not give a good reason, the Armenian Civil Aviation Committee informs.

The humanitarian aid was sent by the Armenian-American community to civilians affected by the Artsakh-Azerbaijani war.

Qatar Airways informed the Civil Aviation Committee of Armenia about the cancellation of the flight on October 14. The plane was supposed to pass through Turkish airspace, but Turkey is obstructing the humanitarian cargo to Armenia.

“The organization of a new flight route through other countries, such as the Russian Federation or Georgia, is a matter of hours, so the airline must find other ways to transport humanitarian aid. Information from reliable sources at this time suggests that Qatar Airways will not be able to transport the cargo,” Chair of the Civil Aviation Committee Tatevik Revazyan said.

“We also have grounds to claim that Turkey deliberately closed the air route. This is not the first time that Turkey has obstructed cargo transportation to Armenia. Even before the war, the country began to create obstacles, requiring airlines to provide a detailed list of cargo as it passed through its airspace. Although the provision of airspace is a sovereign right of each country, according to international practice, data are required only for dangerous goods in order to respond properly in an emergency (Chicago Convention, Article 5),” Tatevik Revazyan said, adding that the cargo had already passed the inspection stage.

The Civil Aviation Committee of Armenia has applied to the EUROCONTROL, an organization for aviation security, regarding the incident.

These days, several cargo shipments have been made to Armenia from the USA, France and Russia. Cargo transportation is mainly carried out in cooperation with the Civil Aviation Committee and Armenian air carriers. Airlines do this on a non-profit basis (without profit).


Will Russia recruit Syrian Kurds to fight in Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict?

Al Monitor
Oct 15 2020

While Russia will likely avoid direct involvement in the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, there are signs it could draw lessons from Libya and recruit fighters from Syria to do its bidding.


The Russian Foreign Intelligence Service recently issued a statement saying that the escalating armed confrontation in Nagorno-Karabakh, “like a magnet, attracts militants from various kinds of international terrorist structures.” 

The intelligence service said that according to the information available to it, “Mercenaries from international terrorist organizations fighting in the Middle East — in particular Jabhat al-Nusra, Firqat Hamza, the Sultan Murad Division, as well as extremist Kurdish groups — are actively entering into the conflict zone. Moreover, we are talking about hundreds and even thousands of radicals hoping to make money on the new Karabakh war.” 

The Oct. 6 statement, however, does contains some factual inaccuracies. For example, one of the groups named, Jabhat al-Nusra, has not existed since early 2017, when it merged with other groups to become Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. Also, while the statement included Firqat Hamza and the Sultan Murad Division as being among the “international terrorist organizations” operating in Nagorno-Karabakh, these groups are neither on UN international sanctions lists nor are they recognized as terrorist organizations under Russian law. Likewise, the names of these groups do not appear on the corresponding federal list of organizations banned in Russia. While the presence of fighters from Firqat Hamza and the Sultan Murad Division in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict is supported by various forms of evidence, there is no convincing evidence of the presence of militants from the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham terrorist organization in Azerbaijan.

On the other hand, such a strong statement regarding the forces that Turkey is allegedly using to support Azerbaijan was “balanced” by the intelligence service’s mention of the presence of “Kurdish extremists” in the conflict zone. In this case, the statement was referring to groups that support Armenia. The names were not directly stated, likely in order not to jeopardize relations between Moscow and the Syrian Kurds.

The deployment of Syrian militants to Azerbaijan has been a very sensitive topic in Russia. Russian public opinion does not differentiate between the moderate and extremist opposition in Syria, whether the aforementioned pro-Turkish Syrian groups or fighters from radical terrorist organizations. While the intelligence service’s mention of Jabhat al-Nusra only adds fuel to the fire and could be used as an argument in favor of a future intervention by Moscow in this conflict on the side of Yerevan — under the pretext of fighting terrorism — it would not be without challenges. Armenia is separated from Russia by Georgia and Azerbaijan, so Moscow would not have the opportunity to obtain a corridor for the transfer of their troops to Armenia or for the use of military aviation.

At the same time, the arrival of Syrian militants in Azerbaijan is not so much a factor for possible intervention in the conflict as a source of internal criticism of the Kremlin. Despite the latter’s repeated statements, it has been unable to achieve the main “internal” goal of Moscow’s military operation in Syria: to prevent the emergence of terrorist groups along the perimeter of Russia’s borders. Now the Syrian militants are in Azerbaijan, a mere 50 miles from the border with Russia.

In this context, it was beneficial for the Russian side to stress the presence of “Kurdish extremist groups,” which, according to the intelligence service, came to participate in the conflict on the side of Armenia. While there is no direct evidence of this yet, the potential deployment of Kurdistan Workers Party units or affiliated organizations in the zone of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict would be extremely sensitive for Turkey. If confirmed, instead of Ankara having eliminated the “Kurdish threat” at the southern borders of the country, a “terrorist hotbed” could be being created at Turkey’s northern borders. This could be one price of Turkey’s support for Azerbaijan.

It cannot be ruled out that in the future, if the cease-fire in Karabakh is disrupted and full-scale hostilities resume, Russia would be interested in the involvement of additional military contingents friendly to Yerevan and hostile to Ankara’s regional forces. Armenia, which has very limited resources, will find it increasingly difficult to fight for Nagorno-Karabakh without external assistance. Kurdish groups could become such an element of support and counterbalance the fighters of the Syrian National Army attracted by Ankara.

If the conflict cannot be stopped and it becomes protracted, then the Russian side could also be forced to follow a scenario of supporting Armenia that resembles one it tested in Libya. That is, Moscow would avoid open military intervention in the conflict and direct assistance to the Armenian side. It should be borne in mind that in fact the Armenian armed forces are participating in hostilities, but they do it under the flag of the unrecognized “Republic of Artsakh” on the territory of Azerbaijan. In this case, Moscow recognizes the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan and considers the authorities of “Artsakh” illegitimate, but leaving without providing support for its ally would be too great a reputational loss for Russia. A similar situation was seen in Libya, where eastern warlord Khalifa Hifter also lacked legitimacy and Russia could not openly intervene on his side. At the same time, the Wagner group came in to support Hifter’s forces.

Yet there are questions over whether Russia could use private military companies such as Wagner in the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. On the one hand, the appearance of Russian or Russian-speaking mercenaries with “Slavic appearance” would most likely be regarded by Baku as direct Russian participation in the occupation of Azerbaijani territory and military support of the occupying forces. Russia would like to avoid such accusations. On the other hand, Russian businessman Yevgeny Prigozhin, who according to some sources oversees the activities of Russian private military companies, spoke out in support of Azerbaijan, blaming Armenia and the United States for unleashing the conflict. In an interview with the Turkish daily Aydinlik, he said he sees no problem in the fact that Ankara is providing military assistance to Baku.

“As long as the Turks do not cross the border of Armenia, they have the legal right to interfere in the Karabakh conflict,” Prigozhin said. He claimed that after Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan came to power in Armenia, many American nongovernmental organizations appeared in the country. “This is the crux of the problem. Americans are provoking conflict.”

At the same time, Russian political forces interested in supporting Armenia have other opportunities to provide nonstate military assistance to Yerevan, using foreign fighters instead of the Wagner group. A similar practice has already taken place during the Libyan conflict: In order to avoid excessive attention to persons with European appearance operating in the ranks of Hifter’s Libyan National Army, Syrians recruited by Moscow (with the help of the Bashar al-Assad regime’s special services) began to go to Libya.

According to the news website Newsru, the process of transferring Syrians to Libya from Damascus began in 2019 and the first groups included captured Islamic State militants.

There are also reports that Russian recruiters joined efforts to involve Syrians in the conflict in Libya by opening recruitment points in southern Syria, Damascus and Deir ez-Zor. Some reports say former opposition fighters were promised a monthly salary of $1,000 and exemption from criminal prosecution in exchange for agreeing to fight abroad. However, not all of these commitments were fulfilled in full after the return of these Syrians from Libya.

A similar scheme to that of using mercenaries in Libya could be used to support Armenia. However, in this case, Syrian Kurds instead of Syrian Arabs would be involved in the fighting on the side of the Armenian formations. These Kurds would not necessarily be YPG fighters. It is known that the Russian side tried at the end of 2019 to attract Syrian Kurds to participate under the banner of its proxy forces by organizing recruitment centers for militants in the cities of Amuda and Tel Tamr. Also, the appearance of Kurdish militants in Armenia would not become something sensational for the local population, since a significant diaspora of Yazidi Kurds lives in the country, which maintains close ties with Syrian and Iraqi tribesmen.

In turn, the position of Ankara and Baku on the use of Syrian militants to participate in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict also reflects the Russian approach to the presence of the Wagner Group in Libya. Turkey and Azerbaijan deny the presence of mercenaries, despite the presence of numerous testimonies and statements from the security services and officials of many states. Earlier, Russia took a similar position on Libya, denying the presence of Russian mercenaries and their connection with Moscow, ignoring numerous facts and statements from the intelligence services of European states, the United States and Turkey.

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Targeting religious worship sites and cultural monuments is war crime – MFA Armenia

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 19:20, 8 October, 2020

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 8, ARMENPRESS. The Foreign Ministry of Armenia ahs issued a statement regarding the Azerbaijani regular bombing of Ghazanchetsots Cathedral in Shushi town of Artsakh. As ARMENPRESS was informed from the press service of the MFA Armenia, the statement runs as follows,

‘’On October 8, the armed forces of Azerbaijan launched airstrikes at the masterpiece of the Armenian architecture – the  Ghazanchetsots Cathedral located in the cultural capital of Artsakh, Shushi, causing significant damages.

This is another crime of the military-political leadership of Azerbaijan, which reveals its inhuman essence. Nevertheless, this action fully fits into its policy of Armenophobia developed for decades. Azerbaijan, which has completely annihilated the Armenian cultural heritage in Nakhichevan and in other parts of the historical homeland of the Armenian people, now throughout the ongoing military aggression against Artsakh is trying to deprive Armenians of Artsakh of their homeland and historical memory.

With these actions Azerbaijan replicates behaviour of its newly acquired allies – the infamous international terrorist organizations, who are responsible for destruction of the numerous historical-cultural monuments in the Middle East. 

We condemn in the strongest way this heinous crime of Azerbaijan is also a challenge to the whole civilized humanity. 

In this regard, we remind the Azerbaijani military-political authorities that targeting religious worship sites and cultural monuments is war crime as enshrined in international humanitarian law, the responsibility for which has no statute of limitations’’.

A number of reporters were injured during the bombing, one of them, a Russian journalist, is in critical situation. Doctors of Artsakh are sparing no efforts to save his life.

Editing and translating by Tigran Sirekanyan

CivilNet: Most Victims on Azerbaijani Side Consist of National Minorities, Karabakh Officials Say

CIVILNET.AM

1 October, 2020 19:10

By Emilio Luciano Cricchio

Artur Tovmasyan, President of the National Assembly of Karabakh, has stated that the casualties on the Azerbaijani side consist mostly of various national minorities. 

According to intelligence fathered by the Karabakh Defense Army, Azerbaijan is positioning soldiers from its minority groups in high-risk frontline positions, says Vahram Poghosyan, the Spokesman of the President of Nagorno-Karabakh. 

Poghosyan added that roughly 148 Lezgin soldiers were killed in a single area along the Line of Contact between Karabakh and Azerbaijan.  Lezgins are a Northeast Caucasian ethnic group native predominantly to southern Dagestan, Russia and northeastern Azerbaijan.

Karabakh authorities believe that Azerbaijan’s strategy regarding minority groups will lead to instability and demonstrations inside Azerbaijan. 

In a conversation with CivilNet, publicist Zabil Mageramov, an Azerbaijani of Talysh background, confirmed that it’s mostly the members of national minorities that are being sent to the front lines in Azerbaijan. According to him, 50% of the Azerbaijani victims so far are Talysh.

Turkish Press: Iran denies transferring military equipment to Armenia

Anadolu Agency, Turkey
Sept 29 2020
Iran denies transferring military equipment to Armenia

29.09.2020

TEHRAN

Iran’s foreign ministry on Tuesday denied reports about transferring weapons and military equipment to Armenia.

Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said Iran is carefully examining the goods that pass through its borders.

“Iran will not allow any kind of weapon and ammunition transfer,” he told a press conference in Tehran.

The spokesman said that non-military goods were still crossing between Iran and neighboring countries as usual, adding that the trucks suspected of carrying weapons were transporting normal commercial products.

Violence flared up on the front line between Azerbaijan and Armenia on Sunday after Armenian forces attacked Azerbaijani civilian settlements and military positions.

Relations between the two former Soviet nations have been tense since 1991, when the Armenian military occupied Upper Karabakh, also known as Nagorno-Karabakh, an internationally recognized territory of Azerbaijan.

Four UN Security Council and two UN General Assembly resolutions, as well as many international organizations, demand the withdrawal of the occupying forces.

Several countries, including France, Russia and NATO, have called for an immediate halt to clashes in the occupied region.

*Bassel Barakat contributed to this report from Ankara








CivilNet: It Is Now Very Important to Tune Down the War Rhetoric

CIVILNET.AM

18:00

Azerbaijan launched an offensive along the entire Line of Contact between Azerbaijan and Karabakh, on September 27. The capital of Nagorno-Karabakh, Stepanakert, as well as other residential areas, were bombarded. Civilian casualties have already been reported.

CivilNet’s Ani Paitjan talks with journalist and colleague Tatul Hakobyan about the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh. 

Nagorno-Karabakh reports over 3,000 Azerbaijani ceasefire violations on frontline

Tert.am, Armenia
Sept 26 2020

Azerbaijan’s armed forces violated the ceasefire along the Line of Contact 330 times in the past week, releasing over 3,000 gunshots against Armenian defense posts from weapons of different calibers.

In a press release, Nagorno-Karabakh’s (Artsakh) Ministry of Defense says the frontline subdivisions of the Defense Army maintain control over the situation in the conflict zone, taking the necessary actions to ensure reliable protection measures.



Russia to resume flights with EAEU states, except Armenia

Panorama, Armenia
Sept 19 2020

Russia will resume flights with EAEU member states Belarus, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan from September 21, Tass news agency reported, citing the operational headquarters for the fight against coronavirus.

According to the source, flights will also resume to South Korea starting from September 27.

«Flights to these states will be operated on a reciprocal basis once a week,» the message said.

To note, Armenia remains the only EAEu member state Russia has not opened the borders with. Russian Ambassador to Armenia Sergey Kopirkin earlier told reporters that the issue remained under consideration both in the bilateral format and within EAEU. “The assessment of the epidemic situation is decisive in making the final decision,” the Ambassador said.

To remind Russia stopped regular and charter flights with other countries on March 27. The exceptions were flights organized for the return of Russians from abroad, and certain flights operated on behalf of the government.