Asbarez: Azerbaijan Demolishes Genocide Centennial Bell Tower in Stepanakert

Satellite images show the systematic destruction of the Genocide Centennial bell tower in Stepanakert


Azerbaijan continues is systematic destruction of Armenian sites in occupied Artsakh. The most recent reported case of demolition is a bell tower erected on the Armenian Genocide centennial in occupied Stepanakert, Hovik Avanesov, Artsakh’s Cultural Heritage Commissioner reported.

The destruction was recorded by the Caucasus Heritage Watch, which has consistently reported on Azerbaijan’s policy to destroy traces of Armenian sites since the 2020 Artsakh War.

The bell tower, constructed out of white marble, included relics and remains from Der Zor, which is synonymous with the death marches experience by the victims of the Genocide.

Satellite data from Airbus and Planet Labs clearly demonstrate that the monument and the entire surrounding memorial complex were destroyed between July 14, 2025 and April 25, 2026. This chronology suggests a deliberate and phased operation, aimed at completely “cleansing” the area of any trace of the Armenian presence.

This latest destruction comes a week after Azerbaijan confirmed that it deliberately destroyed the Holy Mother of God Cathedral and the St. Jacob Church both in occupied Stepanakert. The Caucasus Muslim Association said in its announcement that the demolition was in line with Azerbaijan’s policies of destroying buildings that were built during what the group called “Armenian occupation.”

The European Parliament, in a resolution passed last week, condemned Azerbaijan for the destruction of cultural, religious and heritage sites in occupied Artsakh.

“This operation must be viewed in the context of international law and the protection of cultural heritage. The deliberate destruction of cultural property contradicts a number of international conventions, including those adopted under the auspices of UNESCO. However, this case shows that such actions continue, often with impunity, which encourages such acts to continue,” Avanesov said.

“Furthermore, the destruction of the monument is not only cultural, but also clearly political and ideological in nature. It aims to reshape the historical narrative of the territory, erasing evidence of the Armenian presence and creating an ‘empty’ historical space. This is a classic example of the manifestation of cultural genocide, when not only people are destroyed, but also their memory, culture and material evidence of existence,” he added.

Even many Europeans do not believe in the European perspective. Stepan Danielyan

May 5, 2026

According to the results of the Armenia-EU summit Armenia-EU joint declaration was adopted, in which, among other things, it is stated:

“The EU recognizes the European aspirations of the Armenian people, which are rooted in 2025. in March, with the adoption of the law on “Starting the process of accession of the Republic of Armenia to the European Union”, which expresses the country’s intention to move towards the EU.

168am-the political scientist, analyst from Stepan Danielyan asked if he believes in the European perspective of Armenia, and in which case it will be realistic?

“Even many Europeans do not believe in the European perspective. Here, perhaps, it is necessary to quote the words of the “beloved of the Armenian people” Macron, who stated months ago that he is not sure whether the European Union will exist as such or not in 5 years. In other words, if the president of one of the major countries has that opinion, there is no question about us either,” Stepan Danielyan said in response.

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  • Aliyev arrived in Yerevan on a special visit. Armenia was turned into a territory of proxy war. Suren Surenyants

In his observations about the “real” goals of this summit, the analyst made several emphases, emphasizing both its internal Armenian and geopolitical significance.

“The purpose of this entire event was to provide pre-election support to the current government. It also had geopolitical significance. they show that they have entered the formal territory of Russia. This was a demonstration, a demonstration to the President of Russia that geopolitical changes can already take place here. Another consideration is that competition between the European Union and the United States also exists in different regions of the world, including the South Caucasus, whose role in terms of transportation is increasing,” he explained.

Stepan Danielyan responded to the correction: Has Russia, in fact, washed its hands of the region?

“Russia has definitely not washed its hands from the region, Russia’s situation in terms of war is quite problematic, and Russia is trying its best to find new enemies.

or not to get new complications, to avoid them, but he will avoid them until the situation is already unacceptable for him.

I think that formally, Armenia has not yet crossed those red lines, because the important thing for the current prime minister is these pre-election dividends and collecting points from those shows, but real, concrete steps against Russia have not been taken yet. He did not leave the CSTO, he did not leave the EAEU, he did not demand that the Russian troops leave Armenia. Those are the important points, the red lines for Russia, which the current regime has not yet crossed.”

What is the price of France’s post-war debt to Armenia?

May 5, 2026

These days in Yerevan, French President Emmanuel Macron admitted that his country and he are the key actors of the 2022 Prague process, which de facto recognized Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan.

In particular, during the state dinner at the presidential residence on the evening of May 4, the head of France said the following.

“Since the fall of 2022, I have not forgotten anything from that night. Only two years had passed since the beginning of the war. The situation was very volatile and you showed great courage because you were making a decision for your country. But I want to say something simple։

First of all, in such moments, I believe, France has fulfilled its duty. It is true that it was strange for many people in Europe or elsewhere why we unconditionally support Armenia. By the way, to calm you down, I should mention that after the meeting that the Prime Minister referred to, I almost stayed out of all subsequent meetings until the conflict with President Aliyev was settled.”

Read also

  • Defense spending is cut, programs are scrapped
  • US: THE TAIL OF THE PEAR, UKRAINE: TERRIBLE WEAPONS. THEY TOLD US: GET OUT OF RUSSIA, THEN YOU WANT TO SEE THE LIGHT ON YOUR HEAD. ARTHUR KHACHIKYAN
  • Aliyev arrived in Yerevan on a special visit. Armenia was turned into a territory of proxy war. Suren Surenyants

Of course, this is not the first time that Macron expresses this idea. On one occasion, in an interview given to one of the French media, he mentioned that Artsakh is a territory that has not been recognized by the international community.

“Nagorno-Karabakh is an area in the heart of Azerbaijan, and he started a terrible war with many casualties, terrible scenes, and occupied that area in September. And launched several attacks all along the border, presumably to build a corridor from one end of his territory to the other. And what can we do? We clearly condemned it, I did it immediately, I called President Aliyev and invited the leaders of the two countries to Paris. France is one of the mediating powers. After that I invited the leaders of both countries to Prague. Within a few hours, we met with the President of the European Council and the leaders of the two countries. and we decided that both sides are committed to recognizing the 1991 borders.” he elaborated.

Nikol Pashinyan has not once expressed his gratitude for this mission of Macron these days.

“The architecture of peace is based on the Alma Ata Declaration, the recognition of the territorial integrity, sovereignty and inviolability of the borders of Armenia and Azerbaijan. The role of French President Emmanuel Macron is key in this architecture,” Nikol Pashinyan emphasized during a joint statement with Macron on May 5.

It is another matter that the Armenian figures who are in good relations with the French president may not agree with the claims regarding Macron’s key or important role in the mentioned process. Of course, the third country always defends what your country decides, in this case, Armenia decided to fulfill the demands of Azerbaijan and received the support of France, but the problem is that the head of the former IC co-chairing country considers the Prague decision of the RA authorities as exemplary.

Why are we writing this? During the days of the war and after it, various circles unequivocally claimed that France offered military aid to Armenia, but Armenia or Nikol Pashinyan refused. In particular, during the NDB rally years ago, Vladimir Poghosyan, the adviser of the former head of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia, Onik Gasparyan, presented himself, in particular, had announced.

“We know that the 44-day war of 2020 was planned together with Turkey. Since 2012, Russia has broken the military balance. I can’t believe that Aliyev has become such a stubborn boy that he can block the road on his own and say: I am doing a blockade. This is a joint work with the Russian Federation. They especially weaken our army, all the roads were closed during the war. None of the money we contributed, which was supposed to bring weapons and ammunition from Russia, entered Armenia. It was also a thought process. During the war, I negotiated with the representatives of France, with the ambassador, France offered us military assistance, our government refused.”

First of all, does Vladimir Poghosyan, who worked at the General Directorate of Security during the war, or perhaps gave advice to Onik Gasparyan, the head of the General Directorate at that time, does he have justifications that Russia was one of the planners of the war, did Onik Gasparyan have such information and did he speak about this in the Investigative Commission? 

Besides thatby what right did he negotiate with the French side, if such a thing happened, can he bring clear evidence of what military aid France offered to Armenia during the war, which was rejected, when, by and large, there was no official confirmation from either Armenia or France.

And these days, the statements of the leaders of Armenia and France mentioned above prove exactly this: nothing like that happened.

But there are official facts, which is earlier 168.amthe stated: noting that before the 44-day war, warnings were made in the Ministry of Defense about Turkish threats to the French side and the possibility of Turkey’s direct participation in the war. In particular, after the July battles and before the 44-day war, in the Ministry of Defense of the RA, on the French side has been warned about the possible consequences and goals of Turkish-Azerbaijani joint military exercises.

In other words, at that time Defense Minister Davit Tonoyan noted that “from the military point of view, their tactical nature is not a concern, but it is important so that the military exercises do not turn into provocative actions in the immediate vicinity of the borders of the Republic of Armenia, defense structures and other infrastructures.”

of the 44-day war days more several times to the French ambassador at the time, Jonathan Lacotte had met Former RA Defense Minister Davit Tonoyan, during which he presented the facts of the involvement of foreign servicemen and mercenaries, the consequences of the targeting of peaceful settlements by the enemy, it was noted that the maintenance of the ceasefire can be ensured only in the case of the use of international verification measures.

2020 Pashinyan, in turn, several times during the war had a phone conversation With Macron, including war on the first day. 

And in June 2023, Pashinyan in the Investigative Commission had mentioned.

“On October 17, French President Emmanuel Macron took the initiativewho informed me that the President of Azerbaijan agrees to establish a cease-fire without preconditions from the midnight of October 18. Naturally, I agreed to this, and within a few hours, the following statement was agreed between France, Armenia and Azerbaijan, which was published late in the evening of October 17. “The Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan decided to establish a humanitarian ceasefire on October 18, at 00:00 local time.

This decision was made in continuation of the statement made by the presidents of the French Republic, the Russian Federation and the United States of America representing the OSCE Minsk Group co-chair countries on October 1, the statement made by the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs on October 5 and in accordance with the joint statement adopted in Moscow on October 10.

Regarding this announcement, even before publication, we had consultations with our Russian partners, who welcomed the initiative: Contrary to the announcement, however, no ceasefire was established on October 18 either, although all day long we have been making diplomatic efforts to stop the war. In other words, after this announcement, there was no pause at all.”

It is believed that France either did not try or failed to first prevent the war and then its terrible course and outcome. Of course, we do not blame France for the defeat in the war, and we remember very well that Russia is Armenia’s strategic ally, that Armenia was also the guarantor of Artsakh’s security. We also remember very well that Nikol Pashinyan was satisfied with the support shown by Russia during the war, that he had about 9 telephone conversations with Russian President Putin, that during the war Pashinyan wanted the Russian peacekeepers to be stationed in Artsakh, and after the war, Putin said about Pashinyan: “он не предатель”. We remember everything very well, and besides all this, also the fact that France was ready to sign an arms supply agreement with Armenia in October 2023, after the depopulation of Artsakh.

In this context, let us remind that in 2024 In the spring, the former Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia Davit Tonoyan to “Pastinfo” had said.

“The lack of military-technical cooperation between the Republic of Armenia and France was not caused by the lack of interest of the Republic of Armenia, and the above-mentioned change after the actual depopulation of Artsakh, that is, the establishment of cooperation, is explainable. I hope that in the current geopolitical conditions, the military-technical cooperation with France will be long-term and continuous, and in terms of security risks, it is calculated and predicted.”

Continuity is essentially ensured. And in addition to the weapons supplied to Armenia by France, on May 5, a contract for the supply of equipment was signed between the RA Ministry of Defense and the French Sofema Group in Yerevan. In addition, the RA Defense Department has signed a contract for the supply of transport helicopters with the Airbus helicopters company.

No one denies that France Military aid to Armenia is conditional with the historical basis of Armenian-French relations and the fact of age-old friendship, which France never ignores. But, of course, as they say, nothing happens just like that in politics, there are also other motives, which is also in the logic of the “political campaign” against the Russian Federation or pushing it out of the region. This, if we also take into account some of the statements made by French President Emmanuel Macron during the “Yerevan Dialogue-2026” international conference.

First, he announced. “The South Caucasus should not be a place of competition between empires, which consider the region as a trophy, a prize, pitting local nations against each other. The South Caucasus can regain its central position between Europe, Asia and the Middle East. And in the South Caucasus there are opportunities to be a crossroads in this region, to be that middle corridor.”

Then, the French president considered it necessary to emphasize that for a long time many people thought that the fate of Armenia was possible only under the patronage of Russia, noting:

“The war of 2020, what you experienced, the tragedy that many families went through, saw that it was not the patronage that many imagined. We saw that Russia left Armenia, we understood that those dreams are not reality. Everyone seems to have learned that he must be a patron in the region, because the South Caucasus always seems to have to be protected by someone.”

And before this, Nikol Pashinyan did not oppose these claims of Macron, not far in the past during the NA-Government question-and-answer session after his visit to Moscow and Putin’s meeting. had announced. 

“We had very long and detailed discussions and we have acquired such strategic agreements to deepen cooperation in various fields, the expression of which we will see in the near future.”

Later, at a briefing with journalists, when Nikol Pashinyan was asked whether there are military-technical agreements with Russia, whether your statement means that Armenia has an agreement to buy weapons from Russia, he answered:

“We have military-technical cooperation with Russia, we had it, which at some point was either interrupted or decreased, and yes, we have an agreement to implement the previously reached agreements.”

Later, in response to our written request, the RA Ministry of Defense did not deny the plans to purchase weapons from Russia.

It turns out, do not the de jure established strategic relations with France prevent Armenia from having strategic agreements with Russia as well, or will the wish of Macron and Europe be fulfilled at some point, and instead of Russia, Europe will help Armenia to ensure border security?

Note that press publications According to Macron, he stated that: «There are still 4,000 Russian soldiers and more than 1,000 border guards on the territory of Armenia, so Europe should help this country to ensure the security of its own borders more independently.”




EU and Armenia sign connectivity deal at first Yerevan summit

Brussels Signal, Belgium
May 5 2026

The partnership is to focus on transport, energy and digital links between the EU and Armenia, supporting the country’s economic development.

The European Union and Armenia have signed a connectivity agreement aimed at strengthening ties in transport, energy and digital infrastructure, in a move that elevates relations between Brussels and Yerevan.

The deal was sealed on May 5 in the Armenian capital during the first ever EU-Armenia summit. It was signed by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, European Council President António Costa and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

According to the leaders, the summit sought to lay the foundations for a closer association in political, economic and security matters, with an eye on stability in the South Caucasus region.

The partnership is to focus on transport, energy and digital links between the EU and Armenia, supporting the country’s economic development.

The agreement falls within the EU’s wider connectivity agenda and Armenia’s “Crossroad of Peace” initiative. It is to be implemented through new high-level dialogue mechanisms, including dedicated forums on connectivity and transport to coordinate priorities and joint projects.

Speaking at the summit, Von der Leyen said the meeting marked “a new stage” in relations, with the aim of intensifying political dialogue, strengthening economic ties and moving towards a “safer, more prosperous and stable” future.

“This first EU-Armenia summit takes our partnership to a new level and sets a clear direction and agenda for the years ahead. At the heart of this work is our joint commitment to peace and stability in the region,” she said.

The Commission President added that, going forward, Brussels would deepen political dialogue with Yerevan, strengthen economic links and work towards “a more secure, prosperous and stable future”.

Alongside the connectivity deal, the EU has launched a call for strategic investment in Armenia in areas such as digital infrastructure, innovation and semiconductor capacity. The first letters of intent have been signed with private-sector partners.

The European Commission also delivered its first progress report on Armenia’s visa liberalisation plan, which recognises advances made by Yerevan. Border management cooperation has been stepped up through a working arrangement with the EU border agency Frontex.

On security and defence, the leaders backed the launch of an EU partnership mission in Armenia. They also confirmed the dispatch of an initial tranche of aid to the Armenian Armed Forces under the European Peace Facility, worth €30 million.

Armenia, in the South Caucasus, has gradually moved closer to the West in recent years, particularly following the 2020 conflict over the disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, in which Russia’s traditional role as security guarantor was widely seen as having weakened.

The Yerevan summit is expected to be followed by further high-level meetings later this year, as Brussels seeks to anchor Armenia within its eastern partnership framework.

Opening statement by President von der Leyen at the first EU-Armenia Summit

Europeans Commission
May 5 2026

Page contents

Thank you, Prime Minister, dear Nikol, for the warm reception you have given to my friend António and me receiving us here.

I would like to congratulate you, both for hosting the European Political Community yesterday here in beautiful Yerevan. And for your peace-oriented agenda. Armenia has long been a valued member of our broader European family. Your peaceful Velvet Revolution in 2018 demonstrated your country’s commitment to core European values. That is democracy, respect for the rule of law, and fundamental freedoms. Today, I want to express our firm support and partnership with Armenia. We live in a volatile geopolitical context, and in this challenging environment, – this first-ever EU–Armenia Summit could not be more timely. It is the opportunity to deepen our bonds, and take our unique partnership to the next level. We will do so along four key priorities.

First, connectivity. We have just signed a Connectivity Partnership. It brings a new level of ambition to our cooperation. Starting with transport. Few countries are as uniquely positioned as Armenia. Your “Crossroads of Peace” initiative has the potential to link Europe with the South Caucasus and Central Asia. And to turn Armenia into a key transport hub. We are ready to work on rebuilding border crossing points, as your frontiers reopen with neighbouring countries. We know how important it is for a landlocked country like Armenia to be firmly integrated into a regional transport network. 

This is why we will support your integration into key transport networks, like the Trans Caspian Corridor. It is a route that is also of strategic importance for Europe, also given the growing flows of trade between our two regions. This is why today we are launching a High-Level Dialogue on Transport. As transport networks are a driving force for competitiveness.

Turning to energy. Armenia’s rapid expansion of solar energy is remarkable. It is a clear sign of your commitment to diversifying Armenia’s energy mix. And it is of paramount importance given the energy crisis we are all facing. We are supporting projects to further boost your energy independence, specifically in view of the precious renewable resources you were describing. This already includes 25 million EUR for the Caucasus Transmission Network. And investment in energy storage, for your security of supply.

Now turning to digital. Armenia’s emerging AI and engineering ecosystem is a strength we want to build on. Together we have identified a wide set of projects, and we have witnessed the signature of several Letters of Intent with leading companies. We are encouraging European companies to invest here, – where talent and opportunities come together. Armenia is the place to be.

The second priority is stronger cooperation on security. Under the European Peace Facility, we are supporting the Armenian Armed Forces. But Armenia also has to counter foreign information manipulation, hybrid threats and interference. Our new EU Partnership mission will support you in countering hybrid threats and disinformation. Because one thing is absolutely clear, the Armenian people’s will must remain the only legitimate source of power in the country.

The third priority is cooperation on visa policy and home affairs. Visa liberalisation is a priority that matters deeply to the Armenian people. And rightly so – since it is a key vehicle to bring our people closer together. So, we are pleased to present the first progress report on the implementation of the visa liberalisation action plan. And congratulation, it shows good work and progress since last November. I am absolutely convinced we are going to get there. Also today, we are also setting a new working arrangement between Frontex and Armenia. It will strengthen cooperation on border and migration management.

Last but not least, the fourth priority is continued economic support and societal resilience. Two years ago, we launched Resilience and Growth Plan for Armenia. Worth a 270 million euro. Its implementation is progressing well. We now expect the plan to leverage 2.5 billion euro in mobilised investments. We are supporting Armenian businesses, helping them grow and innovate, and access new markets. We are investing in skills and employment, but also on demining which is vital for safety and recovery. And we are providing much-needed support, including housing, to those displaced from Karabakh.

So, a wide range of topics. I have just touched on the most important ones, but this, dear Nikol and dear António, shows the width and the depth of our cooperation, and I am very much looking forward to our next summit.

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London: Joint Declaration on a Strategic Partnership between the United Kingdo

GOV. UK
May 5 2026
Press release

Joint Declaration on a Strategic Partnership between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Republic of Armenia.

The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Republic of Armenia (hereinafter: the Sides), building upon the Joint Statement on the establishment of the UK–Armenia Strategic Dialogue of November 2023, and recognising the longstanding and friendly relations between them, founded on mutual respect, shared values, growing cooperation, and convergence of interests in various fields, express their determination to reinforce their bilateral relations through the establishment of a Strategic Partnership.

Recalling their commitment to uphold and promote democracy, human rights, the rule of law, good governance, and a rules-based international order, including respect for sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and inviolability of internationally recognised borders, the Sides reaffirm their adherence to the purposes and principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and other international instruments promoting peace and security.

Emphasising the importance of the Washington Peace Summit Declaration of 8 August 2025 and the initialled Agreement “On the Establishment of Peace and Interstate Relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan”, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland reaffirms its continued support for the institutionalisation of peace and normalisation of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, based on mutual recognition of each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as delimitation of the interstate borders in accordance with the 1991 Almaty Declaration.

Welcoming the ongoing efforts to unblock regional transport communications to improve regional connectivity and stability, the Sides recognise that sustainable peace and connectivity can catalyse prosperity and security in the region. In that regard, the Sides agreed to continue discussing connectivity projects, highlighting the “Crossroads of Peace” and “TRIPP” initiatives as platforms for enhanced regional connectivity and economic cooperation.

The Sides have reached the following understanding:

  1. Defence and Security: The Sides share a long-term commitment to building Armenia’s capacity in the areas of security, resilience and defence. They underline the importance of advancing regional peace and stability, strengthening Armenia’s ability to manage evolving security challenges, and enhancing cooperation in areas including defence cooperation, institutional reform, border security and tackling illegal migration, cyber resilience, and the wider response to hybrid threats. The Sides further affirm their intention to cooperate in multilateral fora where interests align and opportunities permit.

  2. Economic Growth and Development: The Sides share an objective to promote sustainable economic growth and diversification in Armenia, deepen bilateral trade and investment ties, and strengthen regional connectivity in areas such as transport, energy and communication, as enablers of stability and prosperity. They recognise the importance of improving the business environment, supporting private‑sector development, facilitating investment, and cooperating in specific sectors of mutual agreement.

  3. Governance and Democratic Resilience: The Sides share a commitment to democratic values, transparent and effective governance, and inclusive institutions. They recognise the importance of strengthening public sector performance, ensuring free and fair elections, countering hybrid threats, advancing anti‑corruption efforts, and supporting an enabling environment for independent media and civil society. They also commit to exploring further bilateral cooperation that reinforces democratic resilience.

Final Provisions

The Sides have reached an understanding to hold an annual Strategic Partnership session on the three aforementioned areas, where the Sides have reached a mutual understanding. This will be delivered through a jointly owned Outcome Framework Document, which will ensure coherence between UK and Armenian activity and provide a monitoring mechanism to review progress against delivery.

This declaration is not an international treaty and does not create legal rights or obligations under domestic or international law. Implementation of activities under this declaration will be subject to the availability of resources and in accordance with the respective laws and regulations of the Sides. Additional areas of cooperation may be identified and mutually agreed upon. This Joint Declaration may be amended at any time by mutual written consent. Each Side may end cooperation under this Joint Declaration at any time, informing the other Side in writing at least six months prior.

Armenia hosts a historic European Union summit as the country charts a course

Associated Press
May 5 2026

Armenia hosts a historic European Union summit as the country charts a course away from Russia

By  ELISE MORTON and MARK CARLSON

YEREVAN, Armenia (AP) — Armenia hosts its first bilateral summit with the European Union on Tuesday, a landmark diplomatic moment for the Caucasus Mountains nation that has formally declared its ambition to join the bloc and is cautiously loosening its ties with longtime ally Russia.
The EU-Armenia summit in Yerevan follows the eighth gathering of the European Political Community, or EPC, which brought dozens of European leaders to the Armenian capital on Monday to address European defense issues and the Iran war.

Meanwhile, Tuesday’s bilateral meeting saw Armenia and the EU sign a connectivity partnership to strengthen economic ties and deepen security cooperation.

The two events underscore how Armenia is seeking to turn westward and shed Russia’s influence. Armenia’s relations with Moscow, its longtime sponsor and ally, have grown increasingly strained since 2023, when neighboring Azerbaijan fully reclaimed the Karabakh region and ended the decadeslong rule by ethnic Armenian separatists.

Armenian authorities accused Russian peacekeepers who were deployed to the region of failing to stop Azerbaijan’s onslaught. Moscow, busy with the war in Ukraine, rejected the accusations, arguing that its troops didn’t have a mandate to intervene.

The war was “a belated demonstration that Russia is dangerously unreliable as a partner,” Richard Giragosian, director of the Regional Studies Center in Yerevan, told The Associated Press.

Pursuing ties with Europe

Since then, the government of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has pursued closer ties with the West, a move welcomed by the 27-nation EU.

The opening ceremony of the EU-Armenia summit on Tuesday saw European Council President António Costa walk the red carpet side by side with Pashinyan and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, while a military band played in front of Armenian and EU flags.

In her opening statement, von der Leyen said that Europe was ready to aid Armenia in becoming a regional hub for global trade routes, including the building of physical infrastructure.

“We’re ready to invest in the local energy production and the energy links across the Black Sea, and we are ready to connect your booming digital scene to Europe’s digital market and turn Armenia’s position at the heart of this region into a motor of growth,” she said.

The new EU-Armenia connectivity partnership will focus on strengthening transportation, energy and digital links. Meanwhile, EU investments in Armenia are expected to reach 2.5 billion euros ($2.9 billion) under its global gateway infrastructure program, both sides said in a joint statement.

“Today’s EU-Armenia summit sends a clear signal of the EU’s firm commitment to deepen our relations with Armenia, and to strengthen cooperation across many new areas,” Costa said. “Bringing Armenia and its people closer to the European Union.”

Symbolic moves

The EU, rather than the United States, has stepped into the vacuum left by Russia, Giragosian said.

“EU engagement is much more prudent and much more productive than the U.S. becoming involved, simply because European engagement is less provocative to Russia over the longer term,” he said.

In 2025, Armenia’s parliament passed a law formally declaring the country’s intention to seek EU membership.

However, Giragosian described Tuesday’s summit as “a focus on deepening the preexisting relationship” rather than a step toward candidacy, referencing the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement that has governed EU-Armenia ties since fully taking effect in 2021.

“The symbolic significance is much greater as a message to Russia,” he said.

Armenia has also taken other symbolic steps. It joined the International Criminal Court in 2023, a move that Moscow condemned as an “unfriendly step.” The court has issued an arrest warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin, accusing him of personal responsibility for the abductions of children from Ukraine.

Armenia also froze its participation in the Moscow-led Collective Security Treaty Organization in 2024.

However, Armenia remains a member of the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union, or EEU, a single market allowing the free movement of goods, capital and labor. The organization also includes Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan — and Putin has made the trade-offs plain.

Speaking at talks with Pashinyan in Moscow earlier this year, Putin warned that Armenia couldn’t simultaneously belong to both the EEU and the EU, noting that Yerevan currently receives Russian natural gas at prices far below European market rates. Pashinyan acknowledged the incompatibility, but said that Armenia could, for now, combine EEU membership with deepening EU cooperation.

Pashinyan, who has been in office since 2018 and faces a parliamentary election in June, stands to benefit politically from the international profile of the European meetings. Giragosian said that Pashinyan’s government is likely to be reelected largely by default, with the opposition unable to offer a credible alternative program.

But Giragosian warned against framing Armenia’s foreign policy as purely a pivot from Russia to the West.

“Armenia is also pivoting beyond the black and white zero-sum game paradigm,” he said, pointing to significant diplomatic investment in Asia, including with Japan, South Korea and China. “This is not about replacing Russia with the West. This is much more innovative, much more sophisticated.”

Heightened tensions

The summit also comes at a moment of diplomatic strains between Azerbaijan and the EU. Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs summoned the EU ambassador last week to protest a European Parliament resolution demanding the release of Armenian prisoners of war and criticizing the treatment of Armenians in Karabakh. Lawmakers in Azerbaijan subsequently voted to suspend all cooperation with the European Parliament.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, who addressed the EPC conference via video link, accused the European Parliament and the Parliamentary Assembly for the Council of Europe, or PACE, of “double standards” for placing sanctions on Azerbaijan’s delegation.

There were also protests outside the EPC summit venue, which was surrounded by tight security. Demonstrators held photos of Armenian prisoners being held in Azerbaijan.

Opposition leader Aram Sargsyan, head of the Democratic Party of Armenia, told the Armenian Press Agency that the European officials were voicing support for Pashinyan before the election and have “forgotten about the Armenians in prison in Azerbaijan.”

___

Elise Morton reported from London. Avet Demourian in Yerevan, and Katie Marie Davies in Manchester, England, contributed to this report.


Armenia seeks place in line to join EU, amid geopolitical turmoil

EU Obsever
May 5 2026

Armenia seeks place in line to join EU, amid geopolitical turmoil

By Andrew Rettman, 5 May 2026 18:43

The EU and Armenia have made a show of deepening strategic ties, as Russian and US aggression spur interest in enlargement.

Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan gave the red-carpet treatment, with a military band, to EU Council chairman António Costa and European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen for a first-ever EU-Armenia summit in Yerevan on Tuesday (5 May).

They also signed a six-page declaration celebrating the “historic milestone” in relations and envisaging EU investment in solar energy, transport links, and the AI and digital sectors in Armenia.

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“Under the Global Gateway strategy, EU investments in Armenia are expected to reach €2.5bn,” they said.

Tuesday’s EU summit was the most high-profile sign yet of Armenia’s breakaway from Russia’s sphere of influence in the past three years.

Pashinyan said the EU investment blueprint and legal and industrial alignment would help his country get closer to a future membership in the bloc.

“If the European Union [one day] accepts us, we will be happy and enthusiastic about it,” he said.

Von der Leyen said: “Your peaceful, velvet revolution in 2018 demonstrated your country’s commitment to core European values – that is, democracy, the respect of the rule of law, and fundamental freedoms”.

She spoke of the EU visa-free travel progress and pledged to help Pashinyan fight Russian disinformation in the upcoming elections in Armenia in June.

“Dear Nikol, you … changed radically the [democratic] conditions of your country,” also said Costa.

“I want to commend your vision for a democratic, resilient, and prosperous Armenia,” he said.

New momentum for enlargement

The Yerevan summit comes amid new momentum on EU enlargement, as smaller and like-minded countries band together in reaction to ongoing Russian aggression in Europe and to US volatility under president Donald Trump.

Ukraine and Moldova are hoping to press ahead with EU accession talks this year after the new government of Hungarian prime minister Péter Magyar takes power in May and lifts his country’s former veto on Ukraine.

In the High North, Iceland is to hold a referendum on relaunching EU accession talks on 29 August.

In the Western Balkans, Albania and Montenegro are well advanced in EU talks and hoping to join in 2028 to 2029, even though Bosnia, Kosovo, North Macedonia, and Serbia are being held back by bilateral disputes.

Accession talks are de facto frozen with Turkey and Georgia due to illiberal rule.

But Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has also voiced interest in overcoming disputes with Cyprus to restart the accession process.

“The disagreements arising from the Cyprus issue have been the reason for obstructing our path to the EU. The issue is not where Ankara is located, but where Brussels wants to position itself in the future global order,” he said on Tuesday.

And even if Serbia and Georgia were being held captive by two pro-Russian governments, both have also seen mass-scale pro-European movements on the streets of their capitals, in a sign of the fragility of those regimes.

Meanwhile, the geopolitical volatility has stirred interest in closer EU economic and security ties also in Canada, Norway, and Switzerland.

And in the rosiest enlargement scenario, the EU could see Albania, Iceland, and Montenegro join in 2028, with Ukraine not far behind in 2029.

Long-term EU approach

For its part, Armenia is still formally part of Russian president Vladimir Putin’s Eurasian Economic Union, which it would have to renounce to join the EU.

But it has already rejoined the International Criminal Court, which has a war-crimes warrant out on Putin, and left Putin’s Collective Security Treaty Organization.

Von der Leyen said in Yerevan on Tuesday: “We are strongly encouraging European companies to invest here”.

And Costa underlined the depth of Europe’s commitment to Armenia’s well-being despite the turbulent years since Putin forced Pashinyan’s predecessor, former Armenian prime minster Serzh Sargsyan, to abandon an association agreement with the EU at a notorious meeting in 2013.

“The European Union is a major, long-term partner for Armenia and the wider region … Armenia can count on the European Union to walk this transformative path together,” Costa said.


Macron backs Armenia’s pro-Europe PM as re-election campaign draws to close

The Guardian, UK
May 5 2026

French president pitches in for Nikol Pashinyan, who faces stiff challenge from pro-Russia parties in vote next month

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Emmanuel Macron has made an unabashed pre-election pitch on behalf of Armenia’s prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, saying the country’s destiny lies with Europe.

The French president also accused Russia of abandoning Armenia after the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war that led to Azerbaijan displacing tens of thousands of Armenians.

Pashinyan, who – unlike the leaders of neighbouring Georgia – is increasingly open about his determination to side with Europe, faces a tough challenge to be re-elected next month. Three pro-Russia or nationalist parties are trying to end his eight-year rule and accuse him of making too many concessions to Azerbaijan in an effort to win peace.

They are also likely to attack Macron for interfering in Armenia’s internal politics. He was a on a state visit in which he was trying to show that choosing Europe was not a geopolitical theory, but a practical point of departure for ordinary Armenians.

France has one of the largest Armenian expatriate communities in Europe, and Macron has long championed a European path for Yerevan. It was with his encouragement that more than 40 European leaders gathered in Yerevan on Monday under the banner of the European Political Community, a body that brings together EU and non-EU countries. At the first summit between Armenia and the EU on Tuesday morning, the bloc offered visa and trade liberalisation.

In his speech to the summit, Macron said: “Many have long thought that Armenia’s destiny is possible only under the patronage of Russia.”

But he said the mass displacement of Armenians in the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh after offensives by Azerbaijan in 2020 and 2023 in which Russia did not intervene showed Moscow’s promise of security was untrue.

“We saw that Russia abandoned Armenia, we understood that greatest dreams are not reality,” he said.

He also expressed hope that this “Armenian moment” with economic growth at 6% would spread across the region.

“I would like the Armenian moment to also become the moment of the entire Caucasus. I have two convictions. First, the south Caucasus should not be an arena for the competition of empires, and second, the region can become a crossroads between Europe, Asia and the Middle East.

“For this, it is necessary to open the borders. I hope that our neighbours will show the same courage as you and follow the path of peace, democracy and prosperity.

“The borders must be fully opened, including with Azerbaijan and Turkey, and they must also operate without restrictions with Georgia.”

More broadly he called for an alliance of independent states to uphold the rule of law. He said lasting peace could not be imposed by the strongest or based on double standards or disrespect for the order established in 1945.

Macron appeared to enjoy popular support as he strolled through the streets of Yerevan. His rendering of Charles Aznavour’s song La Bohème during a state dinner accompanied by Pashinyan on drums went viral.

Johnny Melikyan: Armenia’s Place in the Middle Corridor

Caucasus Watch, Germany
May 5 2026
5 May 2026 | Interviews, Politics, Armenia

How does Armenia’s Crossroads of Peace initiative fit within the Middle Corridor vision? The Crossroads of Peace is a government initiative. Armenia frames this vision as a rules-based transit hub linking Türkiye, Azerbaijan, Iran, and Georgia. Its core principle is that access to all transport transiting through Armenia is provided on the condition of reciprocity, without extraterritorial corridors. It is framed as part of a post-conflict peace architecture, embedding Armenia in both East–West and North–South flows.

The Middle Corridor is a multinational logistics chain connecting, primarily, Europe to Central Asia via the Caspian Sea, Türkiye, Georgia, and Azerbaijan. This is a market-led project informed by geopolitical realignments that currently bypass Armenia. The question is whether these two visions align or collide.

Few analysts are better placed to interpret the country’s competing connectivity narratives than Johnny G. Melikyan, a senior research fellow at the Orbeli Center, an analytical platform supporting the Office of the Prime Minister. His background in institutions linked to the Prime Minister’s Office, combined with advisory work for the Security Council of the National Assembly, International Crisis Group, and Amnesty International, provides him with a unique viewpoint on how connectivity narratives are framed, communicated, and contested.

As elections near, the contrast between a sovereignty-first peace agenda and an externally propelled regional corridor sharpens. Melikyan helps clarify how these competing frameworks shape Armenia’s options at a moment when infrastructure has become inseparable from political legitimacy and regional positioning.

The Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) is a public communications framework rather than a diplomatic term. However, how does TRIPP match the Middle Corridor vision? 

For the moment, the question is how the Middle Corridor can pass through Armenian territory. There is a will to connect Türkiye and Central Asia via Armenia; to connect Europe, Anatolia, and the Central Asian plateau via the Caucasus. Armenia seeks a role there.

Before the 2020 war, Armenia was under blockade (closed borders with Türkiye and Azerbaijan), and the status quo remains largely unchanged. However, politically, the situation dramatically changed after the conflict. The trilateral agreement or the Washington Declaration created the prospect of Armenia reconnecting to logistics networks in the region.

Of course, the situation is evolving, not least due to the conflicts in Ukraine and Iran. The two routes connecting Europe with Central Asia via Iran and the Northern Corridor via Russia are now disrupted for obvious reasons. Therefore, there is more demand for the Middle Corridor.

Since 2020, Yerevan has decided to present its own vision for the future of the region, which is about lifting regional blocks to connectivity, allowing Armenia to integrate into emerging international corridors. 

There is an envisaged route from the Nakhichevan exclave to Azerbaijan proper via Armenian territory. That is what I understand as the TRIPP Corridor. Then there is the Middle Corridor… and then there is the Crossroads of Peace. The latter, in some respects, is about reviving and perhaps modernizing existing Soviet infrastructure. Can you talk us through where these visions meet?

The “Crossroads of Peace” initiative is not only about reviving Soviet infrastructure but also inviting new investment. It goes beyond the small part of the territory linked with the TRIPP corridor, from Azerbaijan to Nakhichevan. It’s a broader vision that sees Armenia reconnecting to the region after 30 years of being excluded from logistics networks: East-West and North-South. To do this, there is a lot of homework. We need to update and expand domestic infrastructure, standing ready to connect to international transit routes.

The Middle Corridor is already functioning. It connects Türkiye (and thereon the EU) to Central Asia via Azerbaijan and the Caspian. That is why, after the Washington Declaration, we can imagine Armenia fitting in as a piece of the puzzle in this route—Southern Armenian highways, the Meghri railway interconnector, and so on.

There is an alternative. Prior to the war in Iran, there was a route from Armenia to Central Asia via Uzbekistan or Turkmenistan to Kazakhstan. We had a couple of successful trials on that route, alternating between trucks and railways. Given the complex security situation regarding Iran, this route is now disrupted. There is renewed momentum for the Middle Corridor.

In terms of developing infrastructure that could be shared, I understand there is already a train line being developed from Azerbaijan to Türkiye, and that train line does not align with the existing Soviet lines in Armenia. Is my understanding correct?

Yes, there is work towards laying a 43km route via Armenia connecting the two segments of the Azerbaijani network, from the mainland to the Nakhichevan exclave. Armenia is advancing the idea of a transit route from Northern Armenia, via Nakhichevan, to Southern Armenia, restoring reciprocity.

Also, there is an option of creating a link between Kars and Nakhichevan via Armenian territory—restoring a small part of the former Kars-Gyumri railway. But what we see now is that Ankara is doing the opposite—it has started to build a railroad on its territory which will link Kars with Nakhichevan directly. The route proposed by Armenia is cheaper and faster to develop. The Turkish vision will cost up to $3bn USD or more. I see this as another step to bypass Armenia and limit its options. Let’s hope this negotiation ends well.

What is the state of play in this negotiation? 

At this stage, we must implement the Washington Declaration. Armenia and the United States are negotiating the founding of a TRIPP company, which later will begin to implement the TRIPP route. This also requires the Armenian-Azerbaijani intergovernmental commissions to progress in the delimitation and demarcation process in the Meghri region.

Of course, there is a greater political challenge still. Under the terms of the Washington Declaration, Armenia is conceding to the development of a route via Armenian territory to link the Azerbaijani mainland to the Nakhichevan exclave. Azerbaijan has not assumed an equivalent reciprocal obligation to allow transit via Nakhichevan. It’s a matter of goodwill, or lack thereof.

As regards the Armenian-Turkish border, we initially expect that it will open for third-country nationals, as agreed before by the representatives of Yerevan and Ankara. In time, this will allow transit for everyone. This means opening checkpoints across the Turkish-Armenian border. There are three options in that respect. One of them is the Margara checkpoint, used a couple of years ago to send humanitarian aid following the earthquakes in Türkiye. Then the idea is to link the Armenian railroad system to the Turkish one.

Is the Russian owner of the Armenian railway system ready to take on the investment required? 

There is a commitment to invest and, therefore, retain the concession rather than lose it. They want to keep this concession. This would require the modernization of the Soviet connection. I think that the Russian-owned “South Caucasus Railway” is committed to this development.

To be clear, if the bilateral politics are right, you are confident that the Russian company would assume the cost of developing the infrastructure. 

Yes, because Yerevan’s position is that the railway system requires modernization to connect to international transport corridors. To keep the concession, the company needs to abide by this demand. Otherwise, the concession will be revoked when it’s up for renewal, which I believe is in 2038. Besides, the cost is not prohibitive. Regarding the Kars-Gyumri or Yeraskh-Nakhichevan routes, they only need to add a couple of kilometers of new railway tracks.

Are the standards between the Azerbaijani, the Turkish, and the Armenian railways the same? 

The network does not have the same specifications. There is compatibility between Armenian and Azerbaijani systems, but not necessarily with the Turkish one. There is a need to harmonize.

Assuming the question of standards is addressed, is there interest from private stakeholders that would make investment in Armenian infrastructure commercially viable? Or is the interest in this infrastructure purely political? 

For more than 10-15 years, the prospect of connecting Armenia to Türkiye has been discussed from a commercial angle. There is clearly private sector interest. The Russian operator has already prepared a couple of distinct business cases for routes to Türkiye. And I think they will be preparing for the opening of the border.

If we are talking about the broader economy and specific clients, the first target sector is mining, with major prospects in Southern Armenia. There is even Chinese interest in some mines in the region. To answer your question, yes, business is interested. And we can imagine that the flow of goods will make this a profitable venture.

After the disruption of the Northern Corridor (Kazakhstan, Russia, Belarus, Poland), the Middle Corridor went from 300,000 tons of goods to three million and is growing. The target is to double that flow. In sum, the business case for investing in this infrastructure is strong. There would be no competition. All routes and all capacity are needed. There is complementarity, inclusive of the routes via Georgia.

These negotiations take place in bilateral formations between Ankara, Yerevan, and Baku. Is there a regional forum?

We have not moved beyond bilateral frameworks yet. Recently, when the Kazakh Minister of Foreign Affairs was visiting Yerevan, he was accompanied by the Minister of Transport. Kazakhstan is trying to understand how TRIPP will affect regional connectivity via the Middle Corridor. External actors have an interest in the South Caucasus. For years, there has been a “3+3” format, inclusive of Iran, Türkiye, and Russia. The geopolitical and security context has made this format less relevant.

For the moment, we have trilateral formats of convening. This last convened at a Deputy Foreign Minister level two years ago. But we do not have a regional forum as such, if by that we mean a permanent process with continuity. All parties are motivated to create and retain this trilateral format. This would make sense for transborder challenges such as transport, water, and infrastructure. In sum, we have a format, but not a forum.

Interview conducted by Ilya Roubanis for Caucasus Watch

https://caucasuswatch.de/en/interviews/johnny-melikyan-armenias-place-in-the-middle-corridor.html