Armenia attempts “Carnation revolution”

The Georgian Messenger
16 April 2004

Armenia attempts “Carnation revolution”

Over the last few days, despite the tension between the central
government and the authorities of the Autonomous Republic of Adjara,
the Georgian media still devoted much attention to the events in
neighboring Armenia. The series of protests against the administration
of President Robert Kocharian were forcefully broken up this week, but
opposition leaders say they are planning to continue. Still observers
point out that for several reasons the situation in Armenia is not
similar to that which surrounded Georgia’s Rose Revolution of November
2003 and doubt the Georgian scenario can be repeated.

Last year all three South Caucasian countries conducted elections, the
results of which will play a large role in the future development of
each country. In Azerbaijan and Armenia, as per tradition, the
government prevailed in presidential elections. In Yerevan, Robert
Kocharian was reelected and in Baku, Heydar Aliev managed to pass the
reigns of power to his son Ilham.

Events following parliamentary elections in Georgia, however, unfolded
in a very different manner. After being accused of falsifying the
November 2 campaign, Eduard Shevardnadze’s administration was removed
from power by massive peaceful street protests later dubbed the Rose

Georgia’s example inspired opposition forces in a number of other
post-Soviet countries, among them Armenia. Political processes in
Armenia have always been dominated by the Nagorno-Karabakh
issue. Armenia won control over this region within the borders of
Azerbaijan, but traditionally populated mainly by Armenians after a
vicious three-year war ending in 1994. Today, President Kocharian and
much of the government hails from Karabakh. It can be said that
Armenia has become a prisoner of its victory in the conflict. The
controlling Karabakhi clan can block any opposition insurgence with
the claim that an internal conflict in Armenian society would be
catastrophic for the country’s foreign policy interests. Therefore,
the opposition must resign itself to routine election falsification,
corruption and other governmental sins. In contrast to Georgia, both
the government and opposition in Armenia are strongly
pro-Russian. However, the Russian government unilaterally supports the
Kocharian administration. We can expect no western orientation from
his government. On Wednesday his foreign minister said Armenia has no
plans of joining NATO. He further added, reported Interfax: “If
Georgia and Azerbaijan become NATO members after all and Armenia does
not, this will obviously lead to new dividing lines in the Caucasus.”

Armenia’s “Carnation Revolution” has not been successful. Kocharian
himself, as well as many analysts, point out that Armenia is radically
different from its rosy neighbor. The government there is much
stronger than Shevardnadze’s administration was here in Georgia. All
else aside, during the Rose Revolution, Georgian law enforcement and
military declared their neutrality, which in large part determined the
later development of events. In Armenia, however, the police and the
army unilaterally stood by the side of President Kocharian. It has
been reported that the most active dispersers of last week’s protests
were special service personnel brought in from Karabakh.

Tbilisi’s official position regarding the events in Yerevan was
completely neutral, as the leadership of all three South Caucasian
countries pursue a policy of not interfering in the internal political
processes in neighboring states.

Though Georgians viewed the protests in Armenia from the sidelines,
the local media was awash with speculation about the possible impact
these events could have on Georgia. Their general opinion was that
crisis in Yerevan is not in the country’s interests and that what
suits Georgia best is stable and predictable relations with its
neighbor. In recent days, Armenia made a decision that distances the
country from the path to democratic development. On the other hand,
the decision Georgia made last November greatly accelerated this
process. Change in Georgia is progressing rapidly, with plenty of
successes and plenty of mistakes made by a young government.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

New Articles in The Law `On Children’


Azat Artsakh–Nagorno Karabakh Republic (NKR)

Amendments were made to the NKR law `On children’. According to the
acting law, it is not allowed to sell alcohol and cigarettes to
children under 18 at shops and places of entertainment. According to
the new changes, to this list were added also narcotic drugs, horror
and erotic literature and video films. However, although the law
presupposes liability of those who will break the law, there are no
mechanisms of control. According to the chairman of the social
committee of the National Assembly Edward Aghabekian, it is possible
to work out a mechanism of control by the law on trade and
service. After the mentioned law is brought in effect, parents,
teachers, citizens may go to court for the cases of selling horror or
erotic films and magazines to children under 18. Besides, it is
necessary to observe that even near the schools there are kiosks
selling in daytime magazines with indecent photos. Whereas, in
developed countries showing these products is allowed only after


From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Chess: Utut dreams of top four in Tripoli

The Jakarta Post
April 16, 2004

Utut dreams of top four in Tripoli

Musthofid, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Indonesia’s No. 1 chess grand master Utut Adianto will be heading to the
world chess championship with high hopes for a place in the semifinals.

“I have a lot of confidence (that I’ll do well in) this tournament.
Hopefully, I can reach the semifinals,” Utut told The Jakarta Post here.

The world chess championship will run from June 18 to July 13. The majority
of the matches will be played in Tripoli, Libya, while others will be in
Valetta, Malta.

Utut qualified for the tournament at the Asian Championship in Dubai last

It is the fourth time that Utut has qualified since 1997. Although he was
unable to get past the second round in his previous appearances, Utut says
he thinks he can do it this time.

“For me, it’s now or never. Surely, I still have some good weapons,” he

Utut gave the Indonesian chess team its only gold medal at the recent
Southeast Asian (SEA) Games in December but put in a somewhat discouraging
performance later by finishing only in third place at the Makita Grand
Master tourney.

“After you watch someone lose, you may expect a backlash from him,” he said.

With a total of US$1,508,000 in cash prizes on offer, the tournament has
drawn world’s best players. A first-round loser will still pocket $6,000.

To boost his chances, Utut has hired a foreign coach, Tibor Karolyi of
Hungary, to help him prepare for the tournament. Karolyi, whose coaching
record includes a past stint with world No. 5 Peter Leko, is expected to
arrive here on May 9.

“I know him well. We were together more than two years in a junior
competition. I will need to build further on my chess repertoire and Karolyi
can help me find some ideas on the chess board,” Utut said.

Karolyi, a 43-year-old International Master (IM) title holder will work with
Utut for only two weeks but an extension is possible.

“We’ll see whether I need to extend the partnership by bringing him along
with me to Libya,” Utut said.

Utut will be among 128 of world’s best chess players in the championship,
which uses a knockout format.

With him expected to be the 83rd seed among the contenders, Utut, currently
ranked 135 in the world, will probably face Smbat Lputian of Armenia, whose
world ranking is 60th.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

F18News Summary: Azerbaijan; Russia; Turkmenistan; Uzbekistan;


The right to believe, to worship and witness
The right to change one’s belief or religion
The right to join together and express one’s belief


5 April 2004

A five year suspended jail sentence has been given to Ilgar Ibrahimoglu
Allahverdiev, imam of Baku’s historic Juma Mosque and a leading religious
freedom advocate, Forum 18 News Service has learnt. He was accused of
associating with Iranian revolutionaries and al-Qaida, and later accused of
supporting Protestants and the West, and preaching radicalism. The verdict
has been widely condemned by Azerbaijani human rights activists, the
Baptist Church and the rapporteur of the Council of Europe Parliamentary
Assembly monitoring group on Azerbaijan. However, the state-approved
Caucasian Muslim Board told Forum 18 it welcomed the sentence. Azerbaijan
insists that every Muslim community must belong to the Caucasian Muslim
Board, which has been accused of being “packed with KGB officers”. The Juma
Mosque has refused to submit to the board’s authority and the 1,000 year
old mosque is also fighting an attempt by the authorities to evict
worshippers and turn the mosque into a carpet museum.

6 April 2004

Baptists, Muslims, Adventists, Hare Krishna devotees, Baha’i and human
rights activists have all noticed the problems caused by the censorship of
religious literature in Azerbaijan, the head of the Baptist Union telling
Forum 18 News Service that censorship is “getting worse”. “We even have to
ask for permission for one book sent to us through the post,” Ilya
Zenchenko told Forum 18. “Formally, censorship was abolished in Azerbaijan
by presidential decree in August 1998, but it still exists,” Eldar
Zeynalov, of the Human Rights Centre of Azerbaijan, pointed out, telling
Forum 18 that “If Rafik Aliev [chairman of the State Committee for Work
with Religious Organisations] had existed in Mecca at the time of the
Prophet Muhammad, he wouldn’t have allowed him to produce any books as his
views would have been regarded as heresy.” Zeynalov also noted that
prisoners are sometimes banned from seeing religious literature.

13 April 2004

In the wake of the recent Moscow court decision prohibiting all Jehovah’s
Witness religious activities in the city, some local congregations across
Russia have this month had rental contracts either cancelled or threatened
with cancellation by landlords, Forum 18 News Service has learnt. The
congregations known to be affected are in St Petersburg, Moscow, Vladimir,
Yekaterinburg in the Urals, Krasnoyarsk, and Khabarovsk in the far east of
Russia. The landlords’ decisions appear to be related to misunderstandings
of the nature of the Moscow court decision. In the Vladimir case, the
Jehovah’s Witnesses were told that they could use a venue “as long as they
had the approval of a local Orthodox priest.”

16 April 2004

Although Russian Orthodox and Catholics celebrated Easter without problem
in the Siberian city of Tyumen on 11 April, a large-scale Protestant Easter
evangelistic service due to have been held in a city-owned stadium on 14
April was cancelled by the authorities, citing what they said was a
“terrorist threat”. Andrei Knyazhev, co-ordinator of the Protestant
service, told Forum 18 News Service he is “almost 99 per cent certain” that
the threat was spurious. Forum 18 has been unable to establish the
authenticity or otherwise of the threat independently, though the service
faced opposition from local Orthodox believers. After an explicit Chechen
terrorist threat against Orthodox churches in Russia, the security agencies
have stepped up their protection of Orthodox Christmas and Easter

7 April 2004

In its survey analysis of the religious freedom situation in Turkmenistan,
Forum 18 News Service reports on the almost complete lack of freedom to
practice any faith, apart from very limited freedom for Sunni Islam and
Russian Orthodox Christianity with a small number of registered places of
worship and constant interference and control by the state. This is despite
recent legal changes that in theory allow minority communities to register.
All other communities – Baptist, Pentecostal, Adventist, Lutheran and other
Protestants, as well as Shia Muslim, Armenian Apostolic, Jewish, Baha’i,
Jehovah’s Witness and Hare Krishna – are currently banned and their
activity punishable under the administrative or criminal law. Religious
meetings have been broken up, with raids in March on Jehovah’s Witnesses
and a Baha’i even as the government was proclaiming a new religious policy.
Believers have been threatened, detained, beaten, fined and sacked from
their jobs, while homes used for worship and religious literature have been
confiscated. Although some minority communities have sought information on
how to register under the new procedures, none has so far applied to
register. It remains very doubtful that Turkmenistan will in practice allow
religious faiths to be practiced freely.
* See full article below. *

13 April 2004

After March and April’s terrorist bombings that left nearly 50 people dead
– blamed by the government on Islamic extremists and linked by some without
evidence to Al-Qa’ida – a crackdown on religious believers of all faiths is
taking place, Forum 18 News Service has observed. The crackdown’s targets
include Muslims, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Protestants and Hare Krishna
devotees. A Jehovah’s Witness has told Forum 18 that he was interrogated in
a police station, told he was a potential terrorist, and threatened by
police that “If you do not renounce your ridiculous beliefs, then I will
simply plant drugs on you and put you away for a long time!” Most of those
summoned for interrogation are devout Muslims and amongst those detained is
a leading imam, Rustam Kilichev, who has tried to persuade imprisoned
Muslims to renounce the views of the banned Islamist group Hizb-ut-Tahrir.
The NSS secret police have refused to say why he is being held. Police are
engineering arrests of religious believers by planting leaflets by
Hizb-ut-Tahrir, drugs, and weapons on people. Also, police are searching
believers’ private homes, enquiring about their religious views,
confiscating religious literature, and in one case detained 25 Muslim women
for 24 hours because they were wearing headscarves.

14 April 2004

Even though it has been proved that a Jehovah’s Witness was not teaching
his faith without registration, and so not breaking the law, an Uzbek
criminal court has found him guilty of this, Forum 18 News Service has
learnt. Uzbekistan bans all religious teaching by unregistered religious
organisations or private individuals. The persecution of Jehovah’s
Witnesses, along with all other religious groups, continues in Uzbekistan
and is compounded by the authorities lack of knowledge of faiths. For
example, a deputy public prosecutor has told a Jehovah’s Witness that
reading their literature causes people either to become a “Wahhabi” (a term
widely and loosely used in Central Asia for Islamic extremists), or to
become a terrorist. The same prosecutor also claimed that Jehovah’s
Witnesses hypnotise people.

7 April 2004

By Felix Corley, Editor, Forum 18 News Service

Despite legal changes in March that – at least theoretically – allow
minority religious communities to register for the first time since 1997,
Turkmenistan retains one of the harshest systems of state control over
religious life of any of the former Soviet republics. Under the highly
restrictive 1996 religion law, only two religious faiths were able to gain
registration: communities of the state-sanctioned Sunni Muslim Board and
the Russian Orthodox Church. Amendments to the religion law enacted in
October 2003 made all unregistered religious activity de jure illegal and a
criminal offence. Unregistered religious activity was already being de
facto treated as criminal activity. Baptist, Pentecostal, Adventist,
Lutheran and other Protestant churches, as well as Shia Muslim, Armenian
Apostolic, Jewish, Baha’i, Jehovah’s Witness and Hare Krishna communities
are among those whose activity is banned and punishable under the
administrative or criminal law.

The surprise legal changes this year came at a time when Turkmenistan’s
government was under heavy international pressure over its human rights
abuses. Key United Nations bodies had already condemned Turkmenistan’s
record and this was due to come up again at the UN Commission on Human
Rights in Geneva, which opened on 15 March. The legal changes were heralded
by a decree from President Saparmurat Niyazov on 11 March, the same day
that the president met the visiting United States Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State Lynn Pascoe, who had raised human rights concerns. A
parallel decree issued at the same time eased exit requirements, a second
key foreign concern.

The presidential religion decree abolished the requirement to have 500
adult citizen members before a community could apply for registration with
the Adalat (Fairness or Justice) Ministry, explicitly allowing “religious
groups of citizens” to register “independently of their number, faith and
religion”. However, Adalat Ministry officials immediately stressed to Forum
18 that unregistered activity remains a criminal offence.

The decree was followed up by amendments to the religion law, published on
24 March. The new law requires that “religious groups” must have between
five and fifty adult citizen members to register, while “religious
organisations” must have at least fifty. In theory at least, this removes
the obstacle to registering non-Sunni Muslim and non-Orthodox

Religious groups – especially those that have suffered years of persecution
– were divided over the apparent liberalisation. Many were sceptical that a
government that had persecuted them for so long could have had a genuine
change of heart. But others were determined to at least try to register.
Among groups which immediately sought information about the registration
process from the Adalat Ministry or the government’s Gengeshi (Council) for
Religious Affairs were a number of Christian communities – including the
Catholics, New Apostolic Church, Greater Grace, Church of Christ and
Adventists – and the Baha’i community. The Russian Orthodox Church also
signalled to Forum 18 that it might wish to register more parishes.
However, many religious leaders stressed that until their communities have
registered successfully they will not be convinced that anything has
changed. One Jehovah’s Witness representative in Russia – who maintains
close contacts with fellow believers in Turkmenistan – told Forum 18 that
they believe there is “no realistic chance” that their communities will get

Serious questions were raised about the sincerity of the government’s moves
when, on 29 March, President Niyazov told officials of the Gengeshi – which
runs the Muslim community for the government – that he was handing over
three new mosques to it and that no further mosques would be allowed. This
appears to bar both Sunni and Shia Muslim communities that have been denied
registration from taking advantage of the relaxation of the harsh
registration requirements.

Even on the day the president issued his decree a Jehovah’s Witness in the
capital Ashgabad [Ashgabat] was summoned to the Gengeshi, where seven
officials – including a mullah – pressured him to renounce his faith. He
refused and was eventually allowed to leave, but he was sacked from his
job, leaving his family with no breadwinner. Two days later more than
twenty Jehovah’s Witnesses attending a meeting in a private home in
Ashgabad were taken to the police station and interrogated and threatened
by police and secret police officers. In other March incidents, police
confiscated a Bible and other religious literature from a Jehovah’s Witness
(who was also threatened with rape), and extracted money for a fine from
another Witness which he claimed to have already paid last year. On 24
March secret police officers raided the home in the town of Balkanabad
[Nebitdag] of a Baha’i, accusing him of “provoking schism” in society by
his faith and threatening to confiscate his home. Believers are disturbed
that these incidents have taken place when, officially, religious policy is
claimed to be being relaxed after a long period of persecution.

In the past few years, religious meetings have been raided (with a spate of
raids against Protestant and Hare Krishna communities during summer 2003
and intermittently since then), places used for worship have been
confiscated or demolished and believers have been beaten, fined, detained,
deported and sacked from their jobs in punishment for religious activity
the government does not like. Some believers have been given long prison
sentences in recent years for their religious activity (most of them
Jehovah’s Witnesses) or have been sent into internal exile to remote parts
of the country.

Jehovah’s Witness sources have told Forum 18 that at least five of their
young men are serving imprisonment for refusing compulsory military service
on grounds of religious conscience (Turkmenistan has no provision for
alternative service). The most recent known prisoner is Jehovah’s Witness
Rinat Babadjanov, sentenced in February in Dashoguz to several years’
imprisonment. Another Witness, Kurban Zakirov, is serving an eight-year
sentence on charges the Jehovah’s Witnesses say are trumped up.

Turkmenistan’s restrictions on religious activity come despite
constitutional guarantees of freedom of religion (repeated in the March
presidential decree) and its obligations to maintain such freedom of
religion as a member of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in
Europe (OSCE) and a signatory to international human rights conventions.
Turkmenistan has pointedly failed to respond to repeated requests from the
UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion and Belief, Professor
Abdelfattah Amor, to be allowed to visit the country or to respond to
enquiries about specific incidents.

With an authoritarian ruler, President-for-life Niyazov (who likes to call
himself “Turkmenbashi” or Father of the Turkmens), Turkmenistan already
suffers from an absence of political and social freedom. State control was
tightened even more in the wake of a failed assassination attempt on the
president in November 2002, which some observers believe may have been
staged to provide a pretext for repression. Niyazov’s rule is characterised
by a grotesque cult of personality, with ever-present statues and
portraits. Works he allegedly wrote – especially the Ruhnama (Book of the
Soul), which officials have likened to the Koran or the Bible – are
compulsorily imposed on schools and the wider public. Russian Orthodox
priests and Sunni Muslim imams are forced to quote approvingly from the
Ruhnama in sermons, and to display it prominently in places of worship.

Turkmenistan’s deliberate isolation from the outside world and the punitive
measures taken against those engaged in unauthorised religious activity
make religious freedom reporting very difficult. Believers often fear
retribution for reporting their difficulties, and so Forum 18 is unable to
give the names or identifying features of sources within the country.

Religious activity is overseen by the secret police’s department for work
with social organisations and religious groups. This department, formerly
the sixth department of the National Security Committee (KNB), is one of
the six or seven main departments of the State Security Ministry (MSS) and
was created when the KNB was restructured in late 2002. The social and
religious affairs department of the secret police is believed to have 45
officers at the headquarters in Ashgabad, with a handful of officers in
each local branch.

Local MSS secret police officers regularly summon Muslim and Orthodox
clerics to report on activity within their communities. Some believers have
told Forum 18 that the MSS also runs “spies” in each Muslim and Orthodox
community, sometimes as many as half a dozen. In addition to their spies –
who attend the religious community solely at MSS behest to gain information
– there might be another ten or fifteen believers who are regularly
interviewed by MSS officers and forced to reveal details of the community’s
religious life.

The MSS secret police and the ordinary police also try to recruit spies in
unregistered religious groups, such as with the attempted recruitment of a
member of a Baptist church they had detained in June 2003 in Turkmenabad.

The Gengeshi for Religious Affairs – which is headed by an imam,
Yagshimurat Atamuradov – has nominal responsibility for religious affairs,
and has a headquarters in Ashgabad and branch offices in each of
Turkmenistan’s five velayats (regions). The Gengeshi’s main job appears to
be approving clerical appointments in the Sunni Muslim and Orthodox
communities. “Imams are chosen by the Gengeshi and are then approved by the
president,” one source told Forum 18. Niyazov confirmed this in March 2004,
when he instructed Gengeshi officials to make sure they appointed all
imams, warning them not to allow local believers to do so.

The Adalat Ministry officially registers religious organisations, although
until now it has had little work to do on this as so few applications have
been approved anyway. Shirin Akhmedova, the official at the ministry in
charge of registering religious organisations, told Forum 18 in March that
152 religious communities currently have registration, 140 of them Muslim
and 12 Russian Orthodox. She admitted that far more religious communities
had registration before 1997, when the harsh restrictions on registration
came in (there were some 250 registered Muslim communities alone, as well
as communities of many other faiths).

Unregistered religious communities face regular raids by MSS secret police
officers, backed up by ordinary police officers, officials of the local
administration and local religious affairs officials, who work closely
together in suppressing and punishing as criminal all unregistered
religious activity.

Even the two officially-recognised faiths – the Sunni Muslim Board and the
Russian Orthodox Church – face government meddling and require government
approval for the nomination of all officials. In January 2003 President
Niyazov ousted the Chief Mufti, Nasrullah ibn Ibadullah, an ethnic Uzbek
who had led Turkmenistan’s Muslims for the previous ten years, and replaced
him with the 35-year-old Kakageldy Vepaev, someone widely believed to be
more pliant.

In the wake of his dismissal, Nasrullah ibn Ibadullah apparently lived
quietly in his home town of Dashoguz until mid-January of this year, when
he was arrested, apparently accused of being an accomplice in the apparent
November 2002 assassination attempt. An MSS-compiled “confession” allegedly
written in prison by the chief plotter, Boris Shikhmuradov, alleged that
the former chief mufti had been a key associate with the code name
“Rasputin”. Nasrullah ibn Ibadullah was sentenced to 22 years’ imprisonment
at a closed trial in Ashgabad on 2 March. It remains unclear whether he was
punished for his lack of enthusiasm for the president’s book the Ruhnama,
for taking part in the plot, or as a prominent member of the Uzbek

Vepaev has taken over Nasrullah’s role in enforcing the president’s
religious policy. His dual role – as a Muslim leader and a state official
(he is also one of the deputy chairmen of the Gengeshi for Religious
Affairs) – became all too apparent during the crackdown on Protestant and
Hare Krishna communities in spring 2003: he personally took part in raids
on Protestant churches in Ashgabad and in follow-up meetings at hyakimliks
(local administrations) when church members were questioned and threatened.
In a similar move, local mullahs have frequently been involved in raids on
local religious minorities elsewhere in the country, threatening them and
calling them to renounce their faith and, if they are ethnic Turkmens, to
“return” to their ancestral faith.

Sunni Muslim mosques are reported to have seen attendance slump as, in
response to government orders, imams placed copies of the Ruhnama in
mosques with equal prominence as copies of the Koran. At least one mosque
has been closed down after its imam refused to put the Ruhnama in a place
of honour. The grand mosques constructed on the president’s orders – and
with state funds – are likewise reported to be largely empty, as Muslims
decline to regard them as places of worship. Imams are, at least in theory,
required to recite the oath of loyalty to the president and country at the
end of the namaz (daily prayers). President Niyazov told Muslims in 2000
that they were to renounce the hadiths, sayings attributed to the Prophet
Muhammad which do not appear in the Koran but are valued by devout

Devout Muslims have expressed concern about the government-sponsored
ousting of imams who have theological education in favour of those who have
never been formally educated in Islam. In the past, imams were educated in
neighbouring Uzbekistan, but that appears to have come to a halt. Even in
areas dominated by Turkmenistan’s ethnic Uzbek minority, such as in the
Dashoguz [Dashhowuz] region of north-eastern Turkmenistan, the authorities
have ousted ethnic Uzbek imams and replaced them with ethnic Turkmens.

One source told Forum 18 that the decline in the level of education among
practising imams has led to a growth in respect for the artsakal, a
traditional religious leader. “They have preserved their authority and
people go to them for weddings and funerals,” the source reported. “The
authorities don’t attack them.”

Government tolerance of Sunni Islam has not extended to Shia Islam, which
is mainly professed by the ethnic Azeri and Iranian minorities in the west
of the country who are traditionally more devout than ethnic Turkmens. Shia
mosques failed to gain re-registration during the compulsory round of
re-registration in 1997 after the adoption of the much harsher law on
religion and, judging by the president’s remarks in March, appear unable to
apply for registration now. An unregistered Shia mosque in the Caspian port
city of Turkmenbashi [Türkmenbashy] was raided last December as local Shias
commemorated the death of the former Azerbaijani president Heidar Aliev.

The president’s dislike of Shia Islam has also extended into history. Among
the accusations levelled at the 78-year-old writer Rahim Esenov was that he
had correctly portrayed Bayram Khan, a sixteenth-century regent of the
Mughal Empire and the hero of one of his novels, as a Shia rather than a
Sunni Muslim. Niyazov had warned Esenov in 1997 to amend his text, but the
writer had refused to comply. Detained earlier this year, national security
officers repeatedly asked him about why Bayram Khan was depicted as a Shia.
Freed from prison in March under international pressure, Esenov awaits
trial accused of inciting social, religious and ethnic hatred under Article
177 of the criminal code

The Russian Orthodox Church, which is nominally under the control of the
Church’s Central Asian diocese led from the Uzbek capital Tashkent by
Metropolitan Vladimir (Ikim), is in fact under the direct control of the
Ashgabad-based priest Fr Andrei Sapunov, widely regarded with suspicion by
members of the Orthodox Church and other Christian faiths who have suffered
from his actions.

In an echo of the practice in Sunni Muslim mosques, Orthodox priests
reportedly received instructions from the end of 2000 to quote from the
Ruhnama in sermons and to “preach to us about the virtues of living in
Turkmenistan and of the policies of Turkmenbashi,” one parishioner

Close to President Niyazov, Fr Sapunov frequently deploys the extravagant
personal praise of the president required of all officials. Many Orthodox
regard such statements as close to blasphemy. Some Orthodox have told Forum
18 that they have evidence he passes information received in the
confessional to the secret police.

In addition to his duties in the Church, Fr Sapunov is also one of the
deputy chairmen of the Gengeshi for Religious Affairs, with particular
responsibility for Christian affairs. This gives him an official power of
veto over the affairs of other Christian denominations. He is also
well-known in the secret police, even to local officers outside Ashgabad.
During numerous raids on Protestant churches in different regions, secret
police officers have told the Protestants that they must gain permission
from Fr Sapunov before they can operate.

The 1996 religion law specified that an individual religious community
needed 500 signatures of adult citizen members before it could apply for
registration. Officials repeatedly declared (although it was not specified
in the law) that these 500 had to live in one city district or one rural
district. This made it all but impossible for any new religious community
to register, even if the government wished to allow it to. Most religious
communities – including many mosques – lost their registration and had to
close down in the wake of the new law. Most Islamic schools were also
closed. It is so far unclear if the Adalat Ministry will register all those
communities that now wish to register under the new religion law.

Article 205 of the Code of Administrative Offences, which dates back to the
Soviet period, specifies fines for those refusing to register their
religious communities of five to ten times the minimum monthly wage, with
typical fines of 250,000 manats (363 Norwegian kroner, 44 Euros or 48 US
dollars at the inflated official exchange rate). Fines can be doubled for
repeat offenders. Many believers of a variety of faiths have been fined
under this article, including a series of Baptists and Hare Krishna
devotees last year after the series of raids on unregistered religious

There is a Catholic mission in Turkmenistan, based at the Vatican
nunciature in Ashgabad. However, at present Catholics can only hold Masses
on this Vatican diplomatic territory. The priests have diplomatic status.

One of the biggest religious communities that has been denied registration
is the Armenian Apostolic Church. An estimated fifteen per cent of those
who attend Russian Orthodox churches are said by local people to be
Armenians, although the Armenian Church is of the Oriental family of
Christian Churches, not of the Orthodox family. “Sapunov told parish
priests to accept Armenian believers,” one local Orthodox told Forum 18.
However, the Orthodox Church would stand to lose a sizeable proportion of
its flock were the government to allow the Armenian Church to revive its

The one surviving pre-revolutionary Armenian church – in the Caspian port
city of Turkmenbashi – is said to be in a “sorry state of repair”. The
Armenian ambassador to Turkmenistan has repeatedly sought permission for it
to be restored and reopened as a place of worship but in vain. When the
Armenian priest last visited from neighbouring Uzbekistan he had to conduct
baptisms and hold services in the Armenian embassy in Ashgabad. Some
Armenians expect that the new law will allow the community finally to
register and regain its church.

Religious parents – Muslim, Christian and members of other faiths – face a
dilemma over whether to send their children to state-run schools. With the
Ruhnama playing a major role in the school curriculum from the very first
year, together with recitation of the oath of loyalty to the country and
president, many religious parents do not wish to subject their children to
blasphemous practices. The oath of loyalty, which is printed at the top of
daily newspapers, reads: “Turkmenistan, beloved homeland, my native land,
both in my thoughts and in my heart I am eternally with you. For the
slightest evil caused to you, let my hand be cut off. For the slightest
calumny against you, may my tongue lose its strength. In the moment of
treachery to the fatherland, to the president, to your holy banner, let my
breathing cease.”

After the adoption in July 2002 of the law on guarantees of the rights of
the child, the unregistered Baptist Church complained bitterly about
Article 24 part 2 which declared: “Parents or the legal representatives of
the child are obliged ? to bring him up in a spirit of humanism and the
unshakeable spiritual values embodied in the holy Ruhnama.” Pointing out
that officials are promoting the Ruhnama as “the last word of God to the
Turkmen people”, the Baptists declared: “In practice this law is a direct
infringement on the freedom of conscience of citizens professing faith in
Jesus Christ or another faith not recognised by the state.”

Orthodox Christians echo the Baptists’ concerns, telling Forum 18 that the
issue has put Russian Orthodox priests in a difficult position. “Worried
parents have come to their priests,” one Orthodox Christian reported. “The
priest can’t tell his parishioners not to send their children to school.
All he can do is tell them to do as their conscience dictates.” Some
parents have begun to teach their children privately at home.

The obstructions to travel abroad have made it difficult to take part in
international gatherings. In March border guards took two female Jehovah’s
Witnesses off the aeroplane at Ashgabad airport while on route to a
Jehovah’s Witness meeting in Kiev. They were barred from leaving the

Believers who want to receive information from fellow-believers abroad face
virtually insurmountable obstacles. Access to the Internet is possible only
via state providers that exert strict control over what information can be
accessed. The majority of international religious websites are simply not
accessible by an Internet user in Turkmenistan. Moreover, a special
computer program searches emails for coded words that could be used to send
“unreliable information”, while “a suspicious message” will simply not
reach the addressee.

Religious literature is no longer published in Turkmenistan. Mosques and
Russian Orthodox churches often have small kiosks where a limited quantity
of literature is available. A typical Orthodox church bookstall might have
a few prayer books, small icons and calendars, with the Bible available
only erratically – and often, at about 12 US dollars, too expensive for the
badly-paid local people. Supplies of religious literature and articles to
Orthodox churches are equally erratic, with no official distribution of
books, icons, candles and baptismal crosses.

Orthodox believers trying to receive alternative information are in a more
difficult situation than Sunni Muslims. Under a September 2002 presidential
decree, direct subscription to Russian newspapers and magazines, including
religious publications such as the Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate, is
banned in Turkmenistan. Even Orthodox priests do not receive the Journal
regularly, being forced to rely on old copies they pick up when they are
visiting Moscow or Tashkent.

Of the Russian television channels, only a few hours a day of the ORT
channel are broadcast, and then only with a day’s delay after programmes
have been approved by a censor. Currently there are a number of broadcasts
on Russian television covering Orthodox issues. The broadcast of Russian
cable programmes is forbidden in Turkmenistan, so that unlike in other
Central Asian states, local Orthodox believers cannot use this as an
alternative source of religious news.

Officials have not simply restricted themselves to banning the receipt of
political information from the former metropolis. Purely religious
communications between local Orthodox believers and Russia have inevitably
also been obstructed. As Turkmenistan has become even more isolated from
Russia, individual Orthodox believers have become more isolated from the
Moscow Patriarchate.

Religious literature is routinely confiscated from members of unregistered
religious minorities during police raids on their homes or as they return
to the country from foreign travels.

With sweeping measures against religious groups in the wake of the harsher
religion law in 1996, the denial of registration to most religious
communities in the 1997 re-registration drive, the expulsion of hundreds of
foreigners, mainly Russians, engaged in religious activity (including
Muslims, Baptists, Pentecostals, Jehovah’s Witnesses and Hare Krishna
devotees), the confiscation or demolition of unauthorised places of worship
(including Ashgabad’s Adventist church in November 1999), the sacking of
believers from their work (especially Jehovah’s Witnesses and Protestants)
and a climate of fear only slightly tempered by the promised registration
of minority faiths, the Turkmen authorities have succeeded in all but
wiping out public religious activity except in a small number of registered
Sunni Muslim and Russian Orthodox places of worship.

All other religious activity has of necessity to be shrouded in secrecy,
with believers having to hide their faith and worship from the knowledge of
intrusive state officials. In response to the pressure, all unregistered
communities have seen the numbers of their active members fall. Yet despite
the severe controls and the threat of punishment, the remaining believers
practice their various faiths as best they can while waiting for better

The changes to the law this year show that concerted pressure on the
Turkmenistan authorities from outside has led to a public change of the
proclaimed policy. However, for religious believers to see real and not
spurious change, Turkmenistan will have to:
– register all religious communities that apply for registration without
– decriminalise unregistered religious activity (including abolishing the
criminal and civil code articles which punish unregistered religious
activity); – free believers in prison for their faith;
– stop interfering with the beliefs and internal affairs of religious
– end secret police and ordinary police raids on private homes where
believers are meeting for worship;
– end interrogations of and fines on believers;
– compensate people fined for practising their faith;
– reinstate believers fired from their jobs for their membership of
religious communities;
– bring to legal accountability all those responsible for raiding religious
meetings and beating and otherwise punishing believers for exercising their
– allow believers to publish and distribute religious literature;
– and permit belivers to freely give voluntary religious education.

Only if the authorities follow, and not continue to break, the
international human rights obligations they have signed up to, will
believers in Turkmenistan believe that the situation has changed
irrevocably for the better.

A printer-friendly map of Turkmenistan is available at


© Forum 18 News Service. All rights reserved.

You may reproduce or quote this article provided that credit is given to

Past and current Forum 18 information can be found at

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Armenian leader rules out Georgian-style revolt

Armenian leader rules out Georgian-style revolt

By Ron Popeski

MOSCOW, April 15 (Reuters) – Armenian President Robert Kocharyan,
interviewed ahead of a new rally by opponents demanding he step down,
said on Thursday his country in no way resembled next-door Georgia
where protests unseated its leader.

Police in the ex-Soviet state broke up a rally on Monday in the
Armenian capital Yerevan and officials said demonstrations staged
without permission would no longer be tolerated.

Police took no action on Thursday as 400 human rights activists,
supporting neither Kocharyan nor the opposition, gathered in Yerevan
to denounce the use of force. Opposition parties pledged to stage a
new mass gathering on Friday.

Kocharyan admitted the catalyst for the protests, up to 20,000 strong
last week, was the bloodless revolution which ousted veteran leader
Eduard Shevardnadze in Georgia next door.

“The Armenian opposition, encouraged by the Georgian ‘velvet
revolution’, has clearly decided that the situation in the country
will enable them to achieve the same outcome,” Kocharyan told Russian
state television.

“But the situation cannot be compared, given the economy and growth,
in double figures for the past three years, and the solid position of

Police had done their job “quickly, clearly and professionally” to
halt an illegal meeting threatening the head of state. And protesters,
he said, should not be deluded into thinking the entire country was
caught up in their movement.

“This is, rather, on a quite small political stage. The country has
carried on in the past and will continue to do so. People are working
as usual,” he said.

“I think the fuss raised over this far outweighs the importance of
what actually occurred.”


The opposition accuses Kocharyan of securing re-election fraudulently
last year and wants changes to legislation to allow for a country-wide
referendum on confidence in him.

Opposition politicians vowed to disregard the ban and gather in
Yerevan’s Freedom Square on Friday.

“There is no such thing as an authorised demonstration in Armenia,”
said Stepan Demirchyan, leader of the Justice Party and second place
finisher to the president last year.

He was cautious about calls from Kocharyan’s allies to meet to settle
differences over legislation and the constitution.

Talks, Demirchyan said, could only take place when those behind
“violence and lawlessness” were brought to account and last year’s
election irregularities were resolved.

Former Yerevan Mayor Artashes Gegamyan, third in last year’s
presidential contest, said he would meet only Armenia’s top leaders
and then only if talks were broadcast live.

Police raided the offices of Armenia’s opposition after Monday’s
protests in which about 30 people were injured.

Landlocked Armenia is key to unravelling a dispute over the region of
Nagorno-Karabakh — populated by ethnic Armenians but run by
Azerbaijan since the 1920s. Some 35,000 died in six years of fighting
after the region broke from Azerbaijan in 1988.

Kocharyan had run Nagorno-Karabakh and became Armenian president in
1998. But he has made little progress in solving the conflict or in
improving the lives of destitute Armenians.

(Additional reporting by Hasmik Lazarian in Yerevan)

04/15/04 17:01 ET

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Lincy Waiting for Regulation of Political Situation

A1 Plus | 16:10:32 | 16-04-2004 | Politics |


Armenian Communication and Transport Minister Andranik Manukyan has today
informed that Armenia carries out railway reconstruction on Armenian-Turkish

“We have already prepared Gyumri-Kars line to receive goods. Our part is
totally ready”, Minister says.

Manukyan also talked about “Lincy” Foundation future. “If the political
situation in Armenia becomes stable, we hope the program to continue”, he

Jailed Armenian gunman commits suicide

Jailed Armenian gunman commits suicide

Mediamax news agency
16 Apr 04


Vram Galstyan, one of the executors of the terrorist attack in the
Armenian parliament on 27 October 1999, committed suicide in
Nubarashen jail today.

During the regular morning check Vram Galstyan was alive and was in a
normal state, Mediamax was told at the press service of the Armenian
Ministry of Justice. According to the provided information, he hanged
himself at about 1100 [0600 gmt] using a sheet for this purpose.

Several days ago, Vram Galstyan was moved to a solitary confinement
cell at his own request, the press service of the Ministry of Justice

Vram Galstyan was the uncle of the terrorists’ ringleader Nairi
Unanyan. On 2 December 2003, the court of Yerevan’s Kentron and Nork
Marash communities sentenced five executors of the terrorist attack in
the Armenian National Assembly on 27 October 1999 to life
imprisonment. Those were Nairi and Karen Unanyan, Derenik Bedzhanyan,
Vram Galstyan and Eduard Grigoryan.

[Passage omitted: background details]

On 26 November 2003, Armenian President Robert Kocharyan signed a law
on amendments to the Criminal Code adopted by the Armenian National

Under the law, people sentenced to life imprisonment for terrorist
attacks and assassination of political and public figures are not to
be granted amnesty.

The draft law was submitted by the Justice opposition faction and
adopted by the Armenian parliament on 4 November 2003.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Cruel Choices

April 14, 2004
Cruel Choices

I can’t get the kaleidoscope of genocide out of my head since my trip
last month to the Sudan-Chad border: the fresh graves, especially the
extra-small mounds for children; the piles of branches on graves to
keep wild animals from digging up corpses; the tales of women being
first raped and then branded on the hand to stigmatize them forever;
the isolated peasants, unfamiliar with electricity, who suddenly
encounter the 21st century as helicopters machine-gun their children.

Then there were the choices faced by the Sudanese refugees I
interviewed. For example, who should fetch water from the wells?

The Arab Janjaweed militia, armed by Sudan’s government, shoots tribal
African men and teenage boys who show up at the wells, and rapes women
who go. So parents described an anguished choice: Should they risk
their 7- or 8-year-old children by sending them to wells a mile away,
knowing that the children have the best prospect of returning?

And what should parents do when the Janjaweed seize their children, or
gang-rape their daughters? Should they resist, knowing they will then
be shot at once in front of their children?

Or what about the parents described by Human Rights Watch who were
allowed by the militia to choose how their children would die: burned
alive or shot to death?

Some 1,000 people in Sudan’s Darfur region are still dying each
week. But at least the world has finally begun to pay attention – and
it’s striking how a hint of concern in the West has persuaded Sudan to
reach a cease-fire there.

President Bush finally found his voice last week, protesting the
“atrocities” in Darfur. More forcefully, Kofi Annan warned on the day
commemorating the Rwandan genocide that reports about brutalities in
Darfur “leave me with a deep sense of foreboding. . . . The
international community cannot stand idle.”

So far in Darfur, thousands have been killed, and about one million
black Africans have been driven from their homes by the
lighter-skinned Arabs in the Janjaweed. Vast sections of Darfur, a
region the size of France, have been burned and emptied. The Janjaweed
have also destroyed wells, or fouled them by dumping corpses into
them, to keep villagers from ever returning.

“You can drive for 100 kilometers and see nobody, no civilian,” said
Dr. Mercedes Tatay, a physician with Doctors Without Borders who has
just spent a month in Darfur. “You pass through large villages,
completely burned or still burning, and you see nobody.”

In the refugee camps in Darfur, malnutrition and measles are claiming
the survivors, especially young children. Roger Winter, assistant
administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development,
estimates that even if the fighting stops today, at least 100,000 are
still likely to die in coming months – of disease, malnutrition and
other ailments. Yet Sudan is still curbing access to Darfur by the
U.N. and aid groups.

I’m not suggesting an invasion of Sudan. But it’s a fallacy to think
that just because we can’t do everything to stop genocide, we
shouldn’t do anything. One of the lessons of the last week is how
little it took – from Washington, the U.N. and the African Union – to
nudge Sudan into accepting a cease-fire and pledging access for
humanitarian workers.

Now we need more arm-twisting to get Sudan to comply with the
cease-fire (it marked the first day, Monday, by bombing the town of
Anka). The Sudanese government is testing us, but so far the State
Department has shown a commendable willingness to stand up to it.

We can save many tens of thousands of lives in the coming weeks – but
only if Mr. Bush and Mr. Annan speak out more boldly, if the
U.N. Security Council insists on humanitarian access to Darfur and if
the aid community mounts a huge effort before the rainy season makes
roads impassible beginning in late May.

In the last 100 years, the United States has reacted to one genocide
after another – Armenians, Jews, Cambodians, Bosnians – by making
excuses at the time, and then saying, too late, “Oh, if only we had
known!” Well, this time we know what is happening in Darfur: 110,000
refugees have escaped into Chad and testify to the atrocities.

How many more parents will be forced to choose whether their children
are shot or burned to death before we get serious?

Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company

Chief policeman says situation in Armenia stable

Chief policeman says situation in Armenia stable

Public Television of Armenia, Yerevan
14 Apr 04

The prime minister [Andranik Markaryan] has requested the head of the
Armenian police, Ayk Arutyunyan, to make a report on the recent events
in the republic at a government session.

Ayk Arutyunyan told the government about the events which took place
on the night of 12th to 13th April and their consequences, and about
the current situation in the capital and in the republic.

The head of the police said that the situation is now stable.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Armenian president calls for dialogue with opposition

Armenian president calls for dialogue with opposition

Public Television of Armenia, Yerevan
14 Apr 04

[Presenter] President Robert Kocharyan has announced that the
opposition forces are responsible for the events which took place on
Bagramyan Avenue. He said this at a meeting with the leadership of the
United Communist Party of Armenia. The president said that the
opposition should work on improving people’s living conditions. Today
the opposition has all the conditions for normal work. Robert
Kocharyan said the authorities have the right to intervene if the
opposition chooses to act differently so as to defend people and avoid
disorder and disturbances.

[Correspondent over video of meeting] At the meeting with the head of
state, the political bureau of the United Communist Party of Armenia
spoke not only about the party’s problems, activities and programme
but also about the internal political situation.

The leader of the party, Yuriy Manukyan, noted that young people are
now joining the ranks of the United Communist Party. The meeting also
discussed the country’s social and economic developments and the
structure of local authorities.

The participants in the meeting also called for stability and law and
order in the country. The communists also stressed that in no case the
opposition should disrupt stability in the country. Robert Kocharyan
spoke about the current situation in the country at the request of the
meeting. Speaking about the importance and need for dialogue, the
president noted that it would be wrong to avoid it.

[Robert Kocharyan, captioned] Generally speaking I think that it would
be wrong to avoid dialogue. I must say that during the last 12 and 18
months Armenia’s political forces, the ruling coalition, had many
meetings with representatives of the opposition. For as long as the
opposition position is black and white, there will be nothing to
discuss. This is where the problem lies. It does not mean that we do
not accept dialogue. When the dialogue is black and white it means an
ultimatum. Dialogue in the form of an ultimatum is unacceptable.

[Correspondent] Speaking about the recent events in the country, he
noted that the opposition is responsible for what happened. He
stressed that the police acted within its powers to prevent disorder
and establish law or order in the country. Stressing the importance of
the opposition to the country, President Kocharyan noted that the
opposition should channel its energies into improving the country’s
and peoples’ lives.

[Robert Kocharyan] No government can work productively without the
opposition. From this angle, the opposition must also support the
president’s intentions. What does the country’s president need? For
the government to work productively, the opposition must help it by
revealing shortages in its work. In the end, both the country and
people will win. But the opposition is now refusing to do this and is
acting differently.

[Correspondent] Speaking about the undesirable political events and
the opposition’s struggle, Robert Kocharyan noted that this was forced
on the people.

[Robert Kocharyan] First of all our people should understand that this
struggle is not their struggle. It is quite a different struggle. This
struggle and related events make no impact at all on the country’s
economy, financial market or investments.

There are positive tendencies. Whatever happened belongs to the
political sphere. I am sure that the conditions in our country which
is still developing are not yet right for that.

Nune Aleksanyan, “Aylur”.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress