Why fears of another war between Armenia and Azerbaijan are growing

 THE WEEK 
Oct 25 2023

After seizure of Nagorno-Karabakh region, further conflict between bitter enemies could draw in Turkey, Russia, France and Iran

Fears are growing that Azerbaijan could follow its seizure of the Nagorno-Karabakh region with fresh assaults on Armenian territory, drawing Turkey, Iran and Russia into the conflict.

Azerbaijan has "kicked off major military exercises" in the region, reported Politico, with Azerbaijani troops training alongside Turkish troops on the border with Iran. 

France, the country with Europe's largest Armenian community, has announced that it will sell military equipment to Armenia. Paris "started stepping up defence cooperation with Yerevan", Armenia's capital, last September, but Azerbaijan's recent "lightning military offensive" has "accelerated France's willingness to deepen military ties", said the website.

The US is reportedly "tracking the possibility of a full-blown invasion of Armenia", said Politico – although Azerbaijan has denied such plans. But another move by Azerbaijani forces "could inflame a broader conflict in the Southern Caucasus", where Turkey, Russia and Iran "all have core strategic interests".

And with the world's eyes on the Israel-Hamas conflict, "experts believe that sovereign Armenia is the next Turkish-Azerbaijani target", said Time, with the "conspicuous arrival" of Turkish F-16 fighter jets in Azerbaijan. Last time such a military exercise took place in 2020, it "preceded the 44-day war against Armenia-backed Nagorno-Karabakh, preparing ground for last month's 'final solution'".

The Armenian and Azerbaijani governments have been "locked in a conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh for decades", said RadioFreeEurope. Armenian-backed separatists "seized the mainly ethnic-Armenian-populated region" from Azerbaijan during a war in the early 1990s.

For decades, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev "united the country around the trauma" of losing the secession war to ethnic Armenians, said the Financial Times. Aliyev "built his personal legitimacy around the battle to retake Karabakh", reported the FT's Polina Ivanova from the capital, Baku. 

The two sides fought another war in 2020 (the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War) for six weeks, before a Russian-brokered ceasefire, and then a peace agreement in 2022, when Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan accepted some of the Karabakh region as Azerbaijani territory.

But Azerbaijan began to blockade the area in December last year, "effectively cutting ethnic Armenians off from the outside world", said Al Jazeera. In recent years, Aliyev began to refer to Armenia as "western Azerbaijan", and has been calling for the creation of the "Zangezur Corridor", a highway linking Azerbaijan with Nakhichevan, running along Armenia's border with Iran.

Last month Azerbaijan "dealt a crushing blow to its long-time enemy", said the FT's Ivanova, taking control over the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave in a "blitz offensive". But rather than "heralding a new era of peace", Azerbaijan's rhetoric "has neighbouring Armenia fearful that its ambitions may be bigger, and the conflict not over yet". 

Russian, Turkish and Iranian foreign ministers met with their Armenian and Azerbaijani counterparts in Tehran this month, discussing how to avoid further conflict between the two countries. 

But Armenia is "the lowest-hanging fruit for Turkey's leader, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who is desperate for a show of power", said Simon Maghakyan for Time. A successful invasion of Armenia "would realise the Armenian Genocide-era goal of connecting Azerbaijan and Turkey continuously".

Russia's Vladimir Putin also "stands to gain from an invasion". Putin has made it clear that "the democratically elected Armenian government must be punished for its pro-Western flings", including the recent move to finalise its International Criminal Court membership. This month, "a top Russian official referred to Armenia as the next Ukraine." 

"The fact Armenia is investing so much of the budget into defence and defence procurement shows how seriously it's taking the threats," a defence analyst with Armenia's Applied Policy Research Institute told Politico. "Over a year, it has virtually doubled."

Aliyev accused France of intending to "inflate a new conflict" by providing weapons to Armenia, said the news site. He also skipped EU-mediated peace talks at the last minute. But French Armed Forces Minister Sébastien Lecornu pointed out that the weapons systems being sold to Armenia "can only be deployed in the event of aggression on Armenian territory". 

A government adviser insists Azerbaijan has no "military goals on the territory of Armenia", said the FT. With Karabakh returned, he said, "Azerbaijan is complete." However, said the paper, "such promises to respect Armenia's territorial integrity have been made in the past, only to be undermined".

"If there are no further military aims," a Western diplomat asked, "why are we having such difficulties getting the leaders together?… If you're saying you're committed to peace, please sign on the dotted line."

https://theweek.com/defence/why-fears-of-another-war-between-armenia-and-azerbaijan-are-growing

France announces sale of defensive weapons to Armenia as Turkey plays wargames with Azerbaijan

yahoo
Oct 25 2023

Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs commemorates Armenian Genocide victims in Tsitsernakaberd Memorial

 13:38,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 25, ARMENPRESS. Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs Mélanie Joly has visited the Tsitsernakaberd Memorial in Yerevan to commemorate the victims of the Armenian Genocide.

Minister Joly placed a wreath at the memorial and laid flowers at the Eternal Flame honoring the memory of the victims.

The Canadian FM was accompanied by Armenian Minister of Foreign Affairs Ararat Mirzoyan.

Minister Joly then visited the Memory Alley and watered the tree planted by Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

Photos by Hayk Badalyan




Possible sanctions against Azerbaijan ‘on the table’ – Canadian FM says in Armenia

 15:48,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 25, ARMENPRESS. Possible sanctions against Azerbaijan are now on the table and Canada is closely following the developments in South Caucasus, expecting Armenia’s territorial integrity to be respected, Canadian Foreign Minister Mélanie Joly said at a joint press conference with Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan in Yerevan.

“When it comes to sanctions, I’ve answered that question already, I said that everything is on the table, that being said, we expect that Armenia’s territorial integrity be respected, and for us this is definitely something that we are watching,” Joly said when asked whether Canada considers sanctions against Azerbaijan.

“Canada commends Armenia’s ongoing efforts to promote peace and stability within the region. But we all agree that more needs to be done. As part of our continued work, Canada calls for the full respect of the territorial integrity of Armenia and reaffirms the importance of the strict adherence to the principle of the non-use of force and threat of use of force. Canada also calls on the Azerbaijani government for the respect of the right of return of the recently displaced Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh and to show good faith in facilitating the restoration of unimpeded humanitarian access to Nagorno-Karabakh for the safe return of ethnic Armenians,” the Canadian FM said.

Joly said Canada is working with partners to mitigate the impact of the “unjustifiable military action" on civilians.

Later on Wednesday, Joly will attend the opening of the Canadian embassy in Yerevan.

On October 26, she will visit Jermuk to become acquainted with the situation and meet forcibly displaced families.

Joly said that Canada is increasing its humanitarian assistance for the displaced persons of Nagorno-Karabakh to a total of 3,9 million dollars. This includes an additional 1 million dollars to the UNHCR and 2,5 million dollars to the ICRC to help meet the needs of the forcibly displaced persons of NK.

Armenpress: French Minister of Culture to visit Armenia

 21:09,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 25, ARMENPRESS. French Minister of Culture Rima Abdul Malak will visit Armenia from October 26 to 27 to reaffirm the strength of friendly ties and further strengthen the historical and cultural relations between France and Armenia.

Accompanied by a delegation consisting of French cultural figures, artists and deputies, the minister will visit a number of major cultural places and institutions in Armenia.

Meetings with the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan, as well as the Minister of Education, Science, Culture and Sports Zhanna Andreasyan are scheduled. The French Minister will also hold meetings with the heads of cultural institutions, a number of cultural figures and organizations promoting the development and spread of Armenian culture.

On October 26, French Minister of Culture will pay tribute to the memory of the victims of the Armenian Genocide in Tsitsernakaberd.

AW: Facebook’s Controversial Policies: Silencing Armenian Narratives

On August 26, 2023, Facebook suspended Artsakh President Arayik Harutyunyan’s official Facebook account. Generally, Facebook suspends user accounts for a variety of reasons, such as violations of the site’s rules and regulations, suspicious login activity that signals unauthorized access, the use of false personal information, or other inappropriate or illegal actions that go against Facebook’s Community Standards or Terms of Service. President Harutyunyan, however, had not engaged in any activity that would violate the company’s policy. The reason behind the suspension of Harutyunyan’s page was rather strange, highly questionable and problematic, to say the least. The suspension was the result of a continuous campaign of complaints filed by Azerbaijani users. According to Armenpress, “The president’s office said Harutyunyan’s account was actively targeted with complaints for many months, which had gradually led to many restrictions, including the artificial drop in visibility of posts and ban on certain functions. And as a result of the recent complaints the page became fully inaccessible on August 26.” 

President Harutyunyan only made one “mistake” for which his account could have been suspended: he was the president of the Republic of Artsakh. To best understand the absurdity of the situation, one should simply imagine a similar title: “Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s Official Facebook Account Suspended Due to Complaints Filed by the Russian Side.” Such a nonsensical title would be unimaginable for most, yet why does it become not only imaginable, but also real when it comes to the case of Artsakh’s president? Why has the game of double standards and hypocrisy become so mainstream that we no longer talk about it nor make an effort to fight it? 

This parallel reminded me of how I felt while studying in international academic settings. Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, a significant majority of the international student body voiced their grievance and discontent toward Russia and stood up for Ukraine in all possible ways, from fundraisers to spreading awareness across social media platforms. I admired the sense of solidarity and shared the immense pain of my fellow Ukrainian peers, hoping for an immediate, peaceful resolution of the conflict. Yet deep down in my heart, I also ached. I ached to hear all the voices that spoke so boldly and blatantly against Russian aggression, the voices that were silent as the grave when the same was happening to the Armenian people. I ached, not because they stood up for Ukraine (in fact, I was more than happy to see the unanimous support), but because they never did for Artsakh. I ached, because the double standards and the “made-normal” hypocrisy have killed my people in the past and continue doing so in the present. I ached, because some crimes against humanity scream so loudly, and some others are silenced to death. 

The suspension of President Harutyunyan’s official account was a deliberate attempt at silencing to death. The page, with over 459,000 followers, was one of the few sources for the communication and exchange of timely information between Artsakh’s government and its population which, by the way, at the time had been deprived of basic human necessities such as food, electricity, hygiene products and medical supplies for months due to Azerbaijan’s illegal blockade of the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor, the only humanitarian corridor connecting Artsakh to Armenia and the outside world. The suspension of the president’s Facebook account was not a silly game by Azeri users but a deliberate attempt to completely isolate Artsakh’s population, not only in the real but also in the virtual world—something completely unjust and unjustifiable, something which Facebook, whether inadvertently or intentionally, played a role in. 

Nevertheless, the suspension of Harutyunyan’s account is just one instance of Facebook’s problematic attitudes and decisions within the context of Armenian narratives. On October 12, 2020, Facebook announced an update in its “hate speech policy to prohibit any content that denies or distorts the Holocaust.” This is a praiseworthy decision, targeted at the prevention of denial or distortion of the factual historical event of the Holocaust. However, the decision becomes less admirable as one realizes that the update in hate speech policy applies to the case of Holocaust only and excludes other genocides such as the Rwandan or Armenian genocides. In fact, pages still exist that publicly and blatantly deny the Armenian Genocide. 

The Facebook page “Armenian Genocide Lie,” for example, not only has permission from Facebook to exist but is given the right to make posts and comments about the “mythness” of the Armenian Genocide on a regular basis, sharing books, articles and highly biased opinions that distort history and present the Armenian Genocide as a fictional narrative invented by the Armenian people. The page has over 9,300 followers and therefore plays a crucial role in spreading disinformation and repeating the generational cycle of history falsification among Turkish and Azerbaijani audiences. Ironically enough, the background image of the “Armenian Genocide Lie” Facebook page features the following statement: “Document + Mind + Conscience (Morality) = Justice.” It’s ridiculous to see the grandchildren of genocide perpetrators speak about “document,” “morality” and “justice.” 

The background image of the Facebook page “Armenian Genocide Lie”

Which document exactly are they referring to – the testimonies of Armenian Genocide survivors and their descendants (second and third generation), or the accounts of numerous international scholars, Arab and Greek eyewitnesses, rescuers and aid providers, foreign witnesses and Yezidi survivors, who all confirm the factuality of the Armenian Genocide? What do they really mean when speaking about morality? The “morality” of killing over 1.5 million ethnic Armenians by exposing them to all sorts of inexplicable violence that the average human mind would be incapable of imagining or seeing, let alone implementing? The “morality” of torturing and murdering children, pregnant women, the elderly and people with disabilities? Or the (im)”morality” of still denying the Armenian Genocide at the state level and openly supporting another genocide toward the Armenians of Artsakh over 100 years later? Perhaps to best understand how comical and ironic the words “document,” “morality” and “justice” sound in this context, both the admins of the “Armenian Genocide Lie” Facebook page as well as the policymakers at Facebook should watch the films The Lark FarmAurora’s Sunrise or The Promise. Perhaps after watching those films, the admins of the Facebook page who were raised and educated with biased and one-sided Turkish ideologies and narratives would be exposed to the historical truth and decide to take down the page by themselves.  

When the suffering of one group is validated and condemned, while the other’s is subjected to ignorance and indifference, important questions of impartiality, fairness and equity arise. Banning any content that denies or distorts the Holocaust while allowing the public denial of the Armenian Genocide on Facebook is another portrayal of double standards and hypocrisy to which the modern world, both physical and virtual, has become so accustomed. Acknowledging historical atrocities, such as the Holocaust or the Armenian Genocide, and banning any attempts at denial is a moral imperative, because it acknowledges the suffering of the victims and helps prevent such events from happening in the future. Denial and indifference, on the other hand, cause a perpetuation of injustice and suffering, facilitating the repetition of genocide. 

As the crimes of the past are not punished, they are likely to happen in the future, and it is mind-blowing to witness that, in the 21st century, in this “civilized world” of transparent communication and timely updates, some social media platforms not only do not strive to prevent the repetition of a new genocide but even facilitate its success, whether by inaction and indifference or the one-sided suppression of voices and narratives.

This phenomenon and the direct cause-effect relationship between denial and repetition can clearly be observed in the context of recent developments in the region: the devastating attacks by Azerbaijan on Artsakh in 2020 and in September 2023, the over nine-month-long blockade of the Berdzor Corridor and the resulting humanitarian catastrophe, the forced exodus of Artsakh’s Armenian population, and many other events that caused significant territorial and humanitarian damages and losses for the Armenian people, while leaving them under a new imminent threat. In fact, according to an article published on POLITICO on October 13, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken warned that his department is tracking the possibility that Azerbaijan could soon invade Armenia. This is not at all surprising, as Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev had previously spoken about his intentions to use force in order to solve the “problem” of opening a corridor along Armenia’s southern border in an attempt to link mainland Azerbaijan to an exclave bordering Turkey and Iran. As the crimes of the past are not punished, they are likely to happen in the future, and it is mind-blowing to witness that, in the 21st century, in this “civilized world” of transparent communication and timely updates, some social media platforms not only do not strive to prevent the repetition of a new genocide but even facilitate its success, whether by inaction and indifference or the one-sided suppression of voices and narratives.

As I recently moved to the College of Europe in Natolin to pursue my advanced master’s degree in European interdisciplinary studies, I had the chance to meet over 100 young people from various nationalities and backgrounds. As we were exchanging our contact information with one another, one of the students asked, jokingly: “Guys, is there anyone who still uses Facebook?” Everyone started laughing as if talking about something old-fashioned and outdated. This was a huge surprise for me, as in Armenia, Facebook is still one of the most commonly used social media platforms, where people discuss important socio-political matters and where the government exchanges important information with the population (such as during the COVID-19 pandemic, when communication between the prime minister and the population would mainly take place in the form of Facebook lives). There were as many as 2,163,300 Facebook users in Armenia in January 2022, which accounted for 74.3-percent of its entire population, whereas the registered voter turnout to the 2021 Armenian parliamentary election was only 49.37-percent. With such a large user base in Armenia and the “loyalty” of the Armenian population to the platform, Facebook should put some effort into making the platform more fair and just for its Armenian users and understand how big a role any of its actions and policies can have in the protection of historical truth and in the prevention of new crimes against humanity.

Milena Baghdasaryan is a graduate from UWC Changshu China. Since the age of 11, she has been writing articles for a local newspaper named Kanch ('Call'). At the age of 18, she published her first novel on Granish.org and created her own blog, Taghandi Hetqerov ('In the Pursuit of Talent')—a portal devoted to interviewing young and talented Armenians all around the world. Baghdasaryan considers storytelling, traveling and learning new languages to be critical in helping one explore the world, connect with others, and discover oneself. Milena currently studies Film and New Media at New York University in Abu Dhabi.


Failed peace negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan

YEREVAN—A planned meeting between Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and European Council President Charles Michel has been canceled, the latest sign of the failure of the peace process between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

The breakdown of negotiations became evident when Aliyev refused to participate in European-brokered talks in Granada, Spain at the beginning of this month. Yet he sent Azerbaijan’s foreign minister to Iran for the “3+3” format talks, which took place on Monday, October 23. While another meeting was scheduled between Aliyev, Michel and Pashinyan at the end of October, European Union Special Representative for the South Caucasus Toivo Klaar confirmed today that the meeting will not take place. The Speaker of the Armenian Parliament Alen Simonyan stated that the meeting between Pashinyan and Aliyev was canceled due to Azerbaijan’s opposition to holding the meeting in Brussels.

The idea of a “new platform for regional cooperation to ensure lasting peace and stability,” or the “3+3” format, entails a regional mechanism for peace, where the stakeholders include Southern Caucasus countries Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, and their more internationally influential neighbors Iran, Russia and Turkey. While Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan first suggested a regional format following the ceasefire agreement ending the 2020 Artsakh War, this format was formally introduced in October 2021 by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. 

The first round of talks in this format was held in Moscow in December 2021. While most countries were open to this format, Georgia declined from the start, citing the unsettled disputes with Russia over the breakaway territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and wary of upsetting the political alliance with the West. Georgia also refused to participate in the latest “3+3” talks on Monday. 

Foreign Ministers of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iran, Russia and Turkey meet in Tehran on October 23 (Russian Foreign Ministry)

After the “3+3” format meeting held in Tehran, the participating parties issued a nine-point joint statement:

Taking into account the importance of the development of relations between countries based on mutual interests and neighborliness, they emphasized the peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity, the inviolability of internationally recognized borders, non-interference in internal affairs, the prohibition of the threat or use of force and human rights based on all the principles of the United Nations Charter.

They discussed the most pressing issues in the region and emphasized the importance of platforms such as “3+3” to provide opportunities for constructive dialogue and establish mutually beneficial cooperation between the countries of the region. They stressed the positive impact of economic cooperation on strengthening mutual trust, the well-being of nations and the stability of the region. They also noted the importance of cultural cooperation, people-to-people contacts and joint projects in the fields of education, science, tourism, culture and sports.

The countries’ foreign ministers also discussed strengthening bilateral and multilateral consultations and cooperation to promote lasting peace and economic development and welcomed the ongoing processes aimed at the regulation and development of relations between all the countries of the region. Positively evaluating the results of this meeting, they reaffirmed that this platform is open for the equal participation of Georgia.

The Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkey and Russia thanked the Iranian Foreign Minister for the positive reception and successful meeting. Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov announced that the next meeting will be held in Turkey in 2024, noting that periodic meetings of the “3+3” regional platform can expand and strengthen the environment of trust and cooperation in the region.

High ranking officials who participated in Monday’s meeting have made several announcements post factum. Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir Abdollahyan stated that the meeting can create a basis for peace with the participation of regional actors and neighbors in the South Caucasus. Turkey’s Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said Ankara hoped the talks would “give impetus to normalization and peace processes.”

While some believe that these talks represent progress in the normalization of relationships between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the most important factor for regional stability is lacking. Political analyst Ruben Mehrabyan says that Armenia considers the “3+3” a consultative platform and is not foreseen to discuss conflict. “Armenia does not consider this platform functional to any extent until peace is established in the region, and peace will not be established on this platform at all,” he said. 

According to Mehrabyan, the “3+3” platform implies more risks than benefits for Armenia. This platform is focused on solving the problems of the region through the leadership of Iran, Russia and Turkey, without the West. Mehrabyan believes that without the participation of Georgia, any agreement within the format is between Ankara, Moscow, Tehran and Baku. “Azerbaijan has done everything to turn this meeting in Tehran into a factor that would allow Baku to avoid traveling to Brussels,” Mehrabyan added, which was confirmed today. 

In an interview with ABC Media, political analyst Tevan Poghosyan said that Aliyev will not sign a peace agreement after the signing of the ceasefire on November 9, 2020. Poghosyan added that Aliyev will not participate in any format that is not in favor of his interests. “He received all of the demands he had from Europe and now seeks a greater strategic advance through other formats,” Poghosyan said. 

Hoory Minoyan was an active member of the Armenian community in Los Angeles until she moved to Armenia prior to the 44-day war. She graduated with a master's in International Affairs from Boston University, where she was also the recipient of the William R. Keylor Travel Grant. The research and interviews she conducted while in Armenia later became the foundation of her Master’s thesis, “Shaping Identity Through Conflict: The Armenian Experience.” Hoory continues to follow her passion for research and writing by contributing to the Armenian Weekly.


Film: 100 Years of Making Films: The Centenary of Armenian Cinema

Filmmaker Magazine
Oct 23 2023
by Sona Karapoghosyan
in Filmmaking

When thinking of Armenian cinema, the names of Sergei Parajanov and Artavazd Peleshyan come to mind. These two titans are influential not only for Armenian or Soviet cinema but world film heritage. Both introduced unique storytelling methods—one infusing the screen with poetry and collaged images, the second conceiving of the “Distance Montage” technique. But Armenian cinema, which marks its 100th anniversary this year, has other notable filmmakers whose work deserves no less recognition. 

ArmenFilm (HayFilm), the first and main film production body of Armenia, was established in 1923 as a separate department within the People’s Commissariat of the Soviet Armenia. As in the Soviet Union as a whole, cinema was considered a tool for propaganda, so Daniel Dznuni, former head of propaganda in the People’s Commissariat for Education, was appointed its director. Young, ambitious and imbued with forbidden nationalist ideas, he planned to build his own little Hollywood in Yerevan. As the government had allocated very little funding for the department (60 rubles [30 USD, equivalent to 460 USD today]), the first step for the newly-appointed director was to raise money to start production. In a country eaten up by continuous wars against Turkey and the Red Army, with streets full of homeless orphans and survivors of the genocide, Dznuni managed to collect 5 million rubles for ArmenFilm and started producing. 

Dznuni had outlined four main roles for the company: production, “cinefication,” distribution and construction. With two cinemas were functioning in Armenia—in Yerevan and Gyumri, the country’s second major city—they first needed to build new cinemas (construction). While the production department was busy fighting censorship by rewriting, changing and adapting scripts to please Moscow, the “cinefication” section was responsible for bringing cinema closer to people. Hundreds of film clubs were established in cities and villages, and mobile screens and “cinemas on wheels” traveled around the country to make films accessible for everyone. 

By 1933, there were 110 screens available; the mission of the distribution section was to provide them with films. Besides distributing what was produced at ArmenFilm, the department was also purchasing theatrical rights for Russian and American films, screening them not only in Armenia but Iran. In cooperation with the Armenian church in Tehran, ArmenFilm was organizing screenings for the big Iranian-Armenian community and also for Iranians. Unsurprisingly, the government in Moscow was not fond of having such an independent body within its structure—soon, Dznuni was accused of promotion of nationalist ideas and waste of funds. He was put in jail, and although after several-year-lasting trials he was released was never allowed him to come back to ArmenFilm.

The first film produced by ArmenFilm was Soviet Armenia, a six-episode documentary series about quickly-developing Soviet Armenia. Propaganda praising communist norms, the film traveled around the world, including France, Lebanon, Egypt and other countries with dense Armenian populations. Currently, the film is considered to be lost. 

Namus

Dznuni was not only involved in executive arrangements but reading and commissioning scripts from famous Armenian playwrights and writers for new stories to be adapted for the screen. In 1925 he invited Hamo Bek-Nazaryan, who would become the founder of Armenian cinema, to work in ArmenFilm. An emerging filmmaker and celebrated silent-era actor of pre-revolutionary Russian cinema, in 1925 Bek-Nazaryan directed the first Armenian fiction film, Namus (Honor), followed by Zare (Zare) in 1926. Both challenged the patriarchal norms of Armenian society by telling stories of female characters who become victims of these norms, and both were shown widely internationally, even reaching New York. In Namus, Susan, the main character, is murdered by her husband who suspects her of unfaithfulness. In Zare, a Kurdish girl is forced to marry the influential governor of the region. Angry with her for refusing him, the governor announces that Zare is not “clean” and the villagers decide to kill her. Fortunately, the girl’s lover saves her life.

The thematic interests of Bek-Nazaryan were diverse and strategically well-planned. Mostly getting inspiration from the Armenian literature, along with Dznuni he was looking for narratives that would not bother the censorship authorities while, at the same time, addressing Armenian society and reshaping traditional perceptions. In addition to Armenian narratives, Bek-Nazaryan also collaborated with other Soviet countries, co-producing films with Azerbaijan (House on the Volcano, 1928) and Uzbekistan (Nasreddin in Khojent)making films about the ethnic minorities of Siberia (Igdendu, 1930), an Iranian villagers’ uprising (Khaspush, 1928). (The latter is included in the “Iranian Cinema before the Revolution, 1925- 1979” program currently at MoMA.) Some of his films were killed by Soviet censorship before or even during production. One of the most important ones, The Second Caravan, depicted the American-Armenian repatriates who decided to move to the Soviet Union to escape the “terror of capitalism” but, for unknown reasons, the production was halted on the last week of the filming. Until recently considered lost, the almost complete materials of the film were recently found in the film archive of Moscow. 

In general, confirmation and financing of film projects within the Soviet Union was a complicated and long process, requiring lots of dedication and energy. Filmmakers were supposed to submit their scripts to the Artistic Committee of ArmenFilm. With their green light, the project would be sent to Moscow for consideration. If confirmed, funds would be transferred and directors could start production. The filming stages were strictly outlined as well: pre-production in spring, production in summer, post-production in autumn, dubbing in winter. Usually, approvals and confirmations were received through good connections in the committees and the famous Armenian cognac. 

Along with Hamo Bek-Nazaryan, other directors producing silent cinema included Patvakan Barkhudaryan (Evil Soul, 1927; Kikos, 1931) and Amasi Martirosyan, whose Giqor (1934) is the last work of silent Armenian cinema. Most of the films were inspired or adapted from Armenian literature and were either comedies or dealing with social injustice, describing clashes between rich and poor, good and evil. The first sound film, Pepo (1936) was directed by Hamo Bek-Nazaryan and very much in line with the thematic interests of Armenian cinema, telling the story of a fisherman who fights against a greedy merchant. 

During the Second World War and years following it, film production went down. Lack of funding, loss of human resources on the front and the overall depressive mood left almost no space for creativity. One of the few directors to create on those years was still Bek-Nazaryan who chose to tell the epic stories from the past to raise the spirit of the nation (David Bek, 1943). But in the following ten years, only four films were produced by ArmenFilm.

The situation changed in the second half of the 1950s, when new and young voices started to appear on the cinema landscape making mostly comedies, documentaries or musical dramas. These were not masterpieces but prepared the ground for the cinematic breakthroughs of the 1960s, a period that is arguably the New Wave of Armenian Cinema during a decade that was fruitful for the country’s overall cultural life. Mostly connected to the death of Stalin and subsequently eased censorship, previously banned topics, such as the Genocide, started to be actively discussed and presented in various art forms. 

Nahapet

Hello, It’s Me (1965) by Frunze Dovlatyan officially launched the New Wave. The first Armenian feature to premiere at the Cannes Film Festival, Hello, It’s Me explored fast technological developments and post-war trauma that force an individual to reassess their lives. With both Russian and Armenian actors in the cast, the film masterfully played with languages, indicating the social and linguistic differences influencing everyday life within Soviet Armenia and the Soviet Union. Henrik Malyan, another beloved director, also started his filmmaking career in the 1960s and made some of the most important Armenian classic films in the following years (Triangle, 1967; We and Our Mountains, 1970). Malyan’s Nahapet (Life Triumphs, 1977) had its premiere in the Certain Regard section of Cannes and told the story of a man who lost his home and family during the Genocide in 1915 and is trying to start his life anew in an Eastern (Soviet) Armenian village. 

Lyudmila Sahakyants’s The Congregation of Mice

While there were other successful male directors (Yuri Yerznkyan, Armen Manaryan, Grigor Melik-Avagyan, Laert Vagharshyan), the Armenian film industry was not the most favorable place for female artists. The patriarchal mood of ArmenFilm was much looser in the Department of Animation. Inhabited by free-spirited rock music fans, it had a creative and empowering environment for female directors. The department was led by Rob Sahakyants, whose rebellious films reshaped the history of Armenian animation history and brought him fame not only inside the Soviet Union but also in the West. Female animators of the department— Gayane Martirosyan, Lyudmila Sahakyants, Elvira Avagyan, Narara Muradyan—were also widely known and beloved within Soviet Armenia, creating unique, sometimes dark worlds of animation inspired by the folk and lyric literature of Armenia. Almost forgotten, their animations were recently restored and a special program of the films will be playing at the Film Restored-The Film Heritage Festival in Berlin, Germany at the end of this month.

During the period leading to the collapse of the Soviet Union and after the establishment of the Republic of Armenia in 1992, the general themes and style of Armenian cinema drastically metamorphosed. Dark and pessimistic, infused with eroticism, violence and anger, these films were inspired by the European classics of Antonioni and Bergman, following highly politicized and lonely urban characters stuck in never-ending depression. Suren Babayan, Dmitri Kesayants, Don Askarian and Vigen Chaldranyan were the new names of cinema, with their films were travelling to international festivals in Rotterdam, Trieste and Berlin. Displacement, migration and identity crisis were the central theme for the cinema of Harutyun Khachatryan, whose Kond (1987), The Wind of Emptiness (1989) and Documentarist (2003) were shown and awarded in Karlovy Vary, Visions du Reél and  Cairo IFF, among others. 

The catastrophic economic situation that followed the first war in Nagorno-Karabagh (1991-1992)—collapse of infrastructures, blockage, hunger, cold winters without electricity—made many directors quit their filmmaking careers and look for jobs to survive. The film industry almost stopped functioning for several years. The revival started to take place in 2000s, but a corrupted funding system brought only frustration and amateur films. 

The establishment of the Golden Apricot International Film Festival in 2004 played a crucial role in the development of the Armenian film industry. Through its 20 years of existence, the festival became the only alternative source for distribution introducing Armenian audience to independent cinema. Various workshops, trainings and the co-production market within the festival have brought up a generation of aspiring filmmakers and opened a path for alternative film funding opportunities. The Velvet Revolution of 2018 became another turning point for the film industry development. Shushanik Mirzakhanyan, the newly-appointed head of the National Cinema Center of Armenia, NCCA (the successor of ArmenFilm and main film funding body of Armenia) and her team considerably improved the transparency and funding regulations of the organization, thus providing many young filmmakers with a chance to make films. As a result, more Armenian films are produced and presented at the international film festivals: Cannes (Should the Wind Drop, Nora Martirosyan, 2020), Busan (Chnchik, Aram Shahbazyan, 2020), DOK Leipzig (Village of Woman, Tamara Stepanyan, 2019 and Nothing to Be Afraid Of, Silva Khnkanosyan, 2019), Visions du Reél (5 Dreams and a Horse, Vahagn Khachatryan, Aren Malakyan, 2022), Annecy (Aurora’s Sunrise, Inna Sahakyan, 2022). Besides auteur cinema, NCCA also finances entertaining films that get wider distribution in the country.

Currently, Armenia has a small but relatively stable rate of film production with around 15 films a year. Mostly funded by NCCA, many of these films are co-produced with Europe. The number of female directors has considerably increased in the recent years, bringing more female stories to the screen, thus making it one of the current topics of Armenian cinema. Other prevailing themes of the contemporary cinema are the wars in Nagorno- Karabagh and the Velvet Revolution.

The industry still has many problems to solve but hopefully, the first hundred years of the experience will make the second hundred easier to pass.

A cohort of the Critics Academy of the Film at Lincoln Center, Sona Karapoghosyan is an Armenian film critic and curator. Since 2018, she has curated the Regional Competition program of the Golden Apricot International Film Festival focusing on films from Western Asia. A member of The International Federation of Film Critics (FIPRESCI), Karapoghosyan contributes to several local and international publications.



Iranian knowledge-based firms developing market in Armenia

TEHRAN TIMES
Iran – Oct 24 2023
  1. Society
– 15:34

TEHRAN – Some 15 Iranian knowledge-based companies are expanding their sales markets in Armenia.

The Iranian trade and technology delegation participated in the Business to Business (B2B) meetings in Armenia from October 19 to 21, IRNA reported.

The delegation was supported by the Center of International Science and Technology Cooperation (CISTC).

The B2B meetings were held with the member companies of the Armenian Chamber of Commerce.

In this regard, Andranik Aleksanyan, the head of the Armenian Chamber of Commerce, emphasized that Iranian companies should not consider the Armenian market as a small market, but rather the gateway to Eurasia.

They also visited the Armenian organization for supporting foreign investment (Enterprise Armenia) and industrial areas to identify new markets and examine markets’ needs by companies.

The Iranian delegation discussed the opportunities to expand the markets of their products in the international arena.

Meeting Armenian officials, Razieh Kohansal, an official with the Vice Presidency for Science and Technology, elaborated on Iran's capacities in the knowledge-based field and the possibility of meeting the technological needs of Armenian companies.

She said, "One of our goals is to develop cooperation between Iranian and Armenian companies to increase the share of our exports to this country,” IRNA reported.

Iran exports a variety of different goods to Armenia every year. Sharing borders with this country, and fast and cheap transportation makes Armenia a good export destination.

Armenia imports various goods from other countries, particularly neighboring countries.

Being one of Armenia's major trading partners, Iran is trying to improve its position in the market of this country.

Iran-Armenia sci-tech co-op

In June 2022, Armenian Ambassador to Iran Arsen Avagyan met with Iranian deputy science minister Vahid Haddadi-Asl, discussing ways to broaden ties in the fields of science and technology.

The two sides expressed readiness to exchange university students, transfer technology, and create research centers, IRNA reported.

Houses of innovation

Last year, it was announced that an Iranian House of Innovation and Technology (IHIT) was to be established in Armenia with the aim of developing the export of Iranian knowledge-based products.

Over the few past years, with the support of the Vice Presidency for Science and Technology, the Iranian house of innovation has been set up in several countries to develop the global market for knowledge-based products.

These centers have already been set up in countries such as Russia, Turkey, China, Syria, and Kenya, and Iraq will soon join them.

By supporting innovative ideas, and holding technological and innovative events, the centers will be a platform for the development and promotion of Iranian knowledge-based companies, startups, and creative industries.

Iran, Armenia To Ink Contract For Constructing Part Of International North-South Transport Corridor

Oct 24 2023

By Tasnim News Agency

The contract for constructing a part of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) in southern Armenia will be signed today during a visit by Iran’s Minister of Roads and Urban Development Mehrdad Bazrpash to Yerevan. 

Iran’s roads minister left Tehran for the Armenian capital on Monday at the official invitation of Minister of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure of the Republic of Armenia Gnel Sanosyan.  

In this daylong visit, Bazrpash will participate in the signing ceremony of the contract for constructing Agarak-Karajan Road as a part of the INSTC and the Persian Gulf- Black Sea Transport Corridor.

Accompanied by Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister for the Economic Diplomacy Affairs Mehdi Safari, Iran’s roads minister will hold high-profile talks with Armenian transport officials aimed at developing bilateral relations in the fields of trade, economy, and transportation.

In addition, the two sides will exchange views on a host of issues including issuance of licenses for Iranian airline companies, removal of road tariffs, promotion of cooperation within the framework of INSTC and Persian Gulf – Black Sea Corridor, development of rail transportation and use of logistics and port capacities of Iran.  

Bazrpash will also hold talks with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

https://www.eurasiareview.com/24102023-iran-armenia-to-ink-contract-for-constructing-part-of-international-north-south-transport-corridor/