Author: Emil Lazarian

“I should like to see any power of the world destroy this race, this small tribe of unimportant people, whose wars have all been fought and lost, whose structures have crumbled, literature is unread, music is unheard, and prayers are no more answered. Go ahead, destroy Armenia . See if you can do it. Send them into the desert without bread or water. Burn their homes and churches. Then see if they will not laugh, sing and pray again. For when two of them meet anywhere in the world, see if they will not create a New Armenia.” - WS

Armenian Foreign Ministry extends Russia Day greetings

June 13, 2026June 13, 2026 Emil Lazarian

Politics16:51, 12 June 2026

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The Armenian Foreign Ministry has extended Russia Day greetings to Moscow.

“Congratulations to our colleagues at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia and to the citizens of Russia on the occasion of the national holiday, Russia Day. We wish you peace, prosperity, and all the best,” the ministry said in a post on X.

Earlier on Friday, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan extended greetings to Russian President Vladimir Putin.

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Classic ugliness. Iveta Tonoyan on the decision of the Central Election Commission

June 12, 2026June 12, 2026 Emil Lazarian

12.06.2026

What happened in the Central Electoral Commission is nothing but classic ugliness. In the middle of the night, under the cover of darkness, this scandal was a direct blow to the PAP, the purpose of which is to prevent the PAP from entering the National Assembly by all possible means.

It is obvious that the results of the precincts where the Prosperous Armenia Party received a large number of votes were declared invalid. This is the most obvious manifestation of the theft of voters’ votes, which once again proves that the ongoing process has nothing to do with the idea of fair and transparent elections and casts doubt on the legitimacy of the entire election process. The adopted decision violates the citizens’ constitutional right to freely express their will in the most rude way.

We will fight against this illegal process with all possible legal and legal means. Already tomorrow, we will appeal this illegal decision and we will use all the legal tools to prevent and stop such arbitrariness.

Iveta Tonoyan, a candidate for deputy on the PAP list

VERELQ reported earlier that the CEC made a decision yesterday evening to invalidate the voting results of precincts 35/65 and 10/51.

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Narek Karapetyan’s exit from the country was restricted

June 12, 2026June 12, 2026 Emil Lazarian

12.06.2026

We were supposed to be in Upper Lars today and present the shameful situation with Armenian trucks and the export of agricultural products, we were supposed to present live the approximately 15 km long line when Armenian agricultural products cannot cross the border. However, the border guards informed me that my visit there is prohibited and put a restriction on me. Narek Karapetyan, head of the “Strong Armenia” party list, announced this during a live broadcast on Facebook.

“Now “Armat Media” will do it, and I will continue to follow the processes from here,” Karapetyan noted.

VERELQ reminds that “Rosselkhoznadzor” has limited the import of quarantine goods from Armenia since June 12, 2026.

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CC: In Armenia too, all elections are local

June 12, 2026June 12, 2026 Emil Lazarian

· JUNE 12, 2026

Daraj.media

While international media coverage portrays the elections in Armenia as a geopolitical struggle between Russia and a “West”, the key to understand the victory of Nikol Pashinyan is local.

With a high voter turnout of 59%, Armenia’s citizens reaffirmed their trust in the incumbent Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, whose Civil Contract party secured victory with 49.8% of the votes. This marks an impressive achievement, granting a third mandate to Pashinyan – who came to power in the 2018 Velvet Revolution, guiding the nation through defeat in the Second Karabakh War in 2020, and the consequent ethnic cleansing of Nagorno-Karabakh by Azerbaijan in 2023. Although international observers noted the use of state administrative resources to influence the outcome, the elections stand as a remarkably democratic exercise in a region heavily plagued by autocratic regimes.

Why did Armenian voters place their trust in Pashinyan? Ultimately, he understood – more than any other domestic politician – how to break from the past, move beyond the defeat and articulated a vision for the future. Rather than exhausting national energy on a lost cause for which Armenia lacks both resources and external allies, Pashinyan promised peace, to normalize relations with neighbouring Azerbaijan and Turkey, and effectively bring Armenia out of its 35 years of regional isolation.

The only other Armenian leader who tried to get a third mandate was Serge Sargsyan, who was immediately overthrown by a popular revolution in 2018. The irony is that Sargsyan had made constitutional “reforms” with limitless mandate so that he stays in power, and now it is the leader of the Velvet Revolution who is profiting from it.

Samvel Karapetyan a political novice, an oligarch with financial ties with Russia, received 23.2% of the votes. Former President Rober Kocharyan, whose “Armenia Alliance” includes ARF-Tashnagtsutyun, got 9.9% of the votes. Both opposition parties who entered the parliament have pro-Russian positions. It is surprising how the two opposition parties who promised better relations with Russia, while Russian politicians were blackmailing Armenia, blocking the import of fruits and vegetables, threatened to double the gas prices, got so many votes. Russian leaders are evidently angry and want to “punish” Armenia. They seem unable to grasp that the geopolitical situation has changed in the South Caucasus largely due to their policies, when Russia abandoned Armenian and Nagorno-Karabakh to be defeated by Azerbaijan-Turkey alliance ina. Series of wars between 2020 and 2023.

Nikol Pashinyan’s biggest challenger was not the pro-Russian opposition, but Nikol Pashinyan himself. While he understood the necessity of political change and was able to produce a new vision to stabilize Armenia after the series of wars and incoming refugees, often he went way too far. Instead of explaining the reasons of policy changes, he spent time and energy to develop a new “ideology” that he calls “Real Armenia”. In his efforts, Pashinyan is attempting to rewrite Armenian history, including that of the 1915 genocide, for which he has neither qualifications, nor a mandate. By his over-zealous attacks on symbols of Armenian nationalism and identity, Pashinyan is unnecessarily creating a legitimate space to oppose him on the ground of nationalism and identity. This topic is especially popular among the youth, urban, educated classes, who are sceptical about the capacity of Pashinyan to deliver what he is promising: security and prosperity.

The other problem of Pashinyan is his incapacity to control his tongue. He often aggressed Nagorno-Karabakh refugees, like a refugee woman he encountered in the metro, or war veterans, calling them “fugitives” who did not defend their land. Such populist discourses attacking refugees might earn him some votes among those who dislike refugees, but it can also cause deep distrust among educated classes.

The outcome of the 2026 parliamentary elections is a victory for Pashinyan, but not a total one. The opposition, by collecting a third of the votes, has the capacity to block major decisions, such as the constitutional reforms promised by Pashinyan. This is a good thing for Armenia’s parliamentary democracy: now ruling party and opposition need to talk to each other, negotiate, and find compromises. Will the opposition use this opportunity to help the country move beyond “with-us-or-against-us” type of polarization?

The constitutional reforms promised by Pashinyan are driven by foreign policy and security considerations, as Azerbaijan and Turkey are pushing for even more concessions: an Armenian constitution that is cleansed from any reference to Nagorno-Karabakh. Parallelly, Azerbaijan is continuing the destruction of remaining references to Armenian identity in Nagorno-Karabakh that it occupied during recent wars: churches, cemeteries, villages, and entire neighbourhoods of Stepanakert.

Now that the elections are finished, the next chapter of Armenia’s history will largely depend on what Turkey will do. Ankara has two choices: either decide to take positive steps and open the closed borders and open Armenia’s routes to Europe, or continue its negative policies towards Armenia, maintain the blockade, and push Armenia once again back to the lap of Russia. Turkey already did that once in the first years of independence.

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Putin’s waiting tactics. when will the kremlin bell ring?

June 12, 2026June 12, 2026 Emil Lazarian

June: 12, 2026

A few days have passed since the parliamentary elections held in Armenia on June 7, but the traditional congratulatory message to the “Civil Agreement” party and Nikol Pashinyan himself has not yet been heard from the Kremlin. This is despite the fact that, according to preliminary data, Pashinyan’s political force received almost half of the votes (49.81%), although the Armenian opposition, politicians, and public figures do not accept the results of the elections, they talk about administrative resources, unequal election campaign and other violations.

The Armenian domestic political discourse on this topic is a separate topic of analysis, referring to Russia’s positioning, let’s note that this marked silence of Moscow, combined with tough economic impulses, becomes the most eloquent indicator of the current crisis of Armenian-Russian relations.

Commenting on the results of the Armenian elections, the press secretary of the Russian President, Dmitry Peskov, tried to make it clear that Moscow will not be in a hurry. He mentioned that the Kremlin will wait for the final and official results of the elections to be summarized by the Central Electoral Commission, after which only appropriate announcements will be made. Maria Zakharova, the official representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry, adopted a similar expectant and restrained tone, referring to the “unclear moments” in the electoral process and the legal stage of the appeal of the results by the opposition blocs (“Strong Armenia” and “Armenia”). However, in addition to this, on June 8, the Russian Foreign Ministry issued a rather harsh statement about the elections, talking about repressions, pressures on opponents, etc.

However, Russia’s waiting for official CEC data is not just a legal tact. This is a political position. Moscow shows that it does not accept the victory of the current administration in Yerevan as an absolute and unconditional reality, and that the new level of relations still needs to be “earned” at the negotiation table.

Along with the diplomatic pause, Moscow switched to practical “whip” tactics. On June 11-12, Russia applied new, rather painful trade restrictions to Armenia. From June 12, “Rosselkhoznadzor” restricts the import of all quarantine products originating and delivered from Armenia, as well as the transit through the territory of Russia to EAEU member states. This is a classic Russian tool used in politically tense situations. Thus, Moscow reminds Yerevan of the true extent of economic dependence at the very moment when Pashinyan is trying to strengthen his domestic political legitimacy.

Yerevan seems to perfectly understand the seriousness of the situation and is trying to soften the atmosphere. Today, June 12, Nikol Pashinyan sent a congratulatory message to Vladimir Putin on the occasion of Russia Day. In the text of the message, “readiness for an open and constructive dialogue based on mutual respect for sovereignty and state interests” was emphasized. And on June 11, Pashinyan openly stated that if there is an invitation from Russia, he is ready to go to Russia to meet Vladimir Putin. He also reminded that during his phone conversation with Putin on June 1 (his birthday), there was already a preliminary arrangement for such a meeting.

In similar crisis stages, the president of the Russian Federation has a clear behavioral model. he uses time as a means of political pressure. The Russian side is forced to remain in uncertainty, to experience economic and political discomfort, so that at the time of the meeting, the negotiation positions of the other side are as weak as possible.

Geopolitical logic suggests that events will develop in the following scenario. after June 14, when the RA CEC will publish the final data of the elections and the first wave of appeals will end, perhaps the Russian president will call Pashinyan. As the procedure in such cases implies, during that call, the official congratulation (which will be on record) will be formulated and there will be an invitation to Moscow. That meeting in Moscow will not be easy for the Armenian side. It will be a meeting to clarify “red lines” and report. Putin, again, as in similar cases, can put several key issues on the negotiation table, the main of which is the limitation of the foreign political vector, clarification of the choice of “EU or EAEU”. It is difficult to say how the Armenian side will behave, by what mechanism it will try to reach an agreement with the Russian side, but judging by the post-election rhetoric of the RA authorities, there is a desire to reach an agreement.

However, it is important to note that Nikol Pashinyan will go to Moscow with the vote he received in the elections, according to experts, with weakened legitimacy and economically besieged. In the Kremlin, he is expected to have a pragmatic but forceful dialogue, within the framework of which the agreement will imply a certain price. And what that price will be for Armenia or maybe for Russia, perhaps it will become clear already after that possible meeting.

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Armenia delivers statement on elections at OSCE Permanent Council meeting

June 12, 2026June 12, 2026 Emil Lazarian

Politics14:38, 12 June 2026

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The Armenian delegation delivered a statement at the 1,568th meeting of the OSCE Permanent Council on the parliamentary elections held in Armenia on June 7, 2026.

Below is the full statement, as published by the Permanent Mission of Armenia to the OSCE.

“On 7 June 2026, elections to the National Assembly were held in the Republic of Armenia. The elections constituted an important exercise of democratic participation and reflected Armenia’s continued commitment to conducting free, fair and transparent electoral processes in line with its international obligations and OSCE commitments.

A total of 2,005 polling stations were established throughout the country, including nine polling stations operating in penitentiary institutions. Particular attention was devoted to ensuring the accessibility of electoral infrastructure and procedures, facilitating the participation of all eligible voters.

The elections were conducted under broad domestic and international observation. The Central Electoral Commission accredited 13 local observer missions and more than 600 observers from eight international observation missions, including the OSCE/ODIHR, the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the European Parliament, the CIS, the CIS Inter-Parliamentary Assembly and the International Organisation of La Francophonie. In addition, members of 35 diplomatic and consular missions accredited in Armenia, as well as representatives of 14 foreign electoral management bodies, followed the elections in observer and visitor capacities.

The electoral process also benefited from extensive media coverage. Seventy-one local media outlets and approximately 180 foreign journalists and media representatives were accredited to cover the elections.

A total of 2,505,228 citizens were eligible to vote. Voter turnout reached 1,477,736, representing 58.94 per cent of the electorate.

According to the preliminary results announced by the Central Electoral Commission, three political forces passed the electoral threshold and will be represented in the National Assembly: the Civil Contract Party, the Strong Armenia Alliance and the Armenia Alliance. The Civil Contract Party secured a parliamentary majority and will form the next Government of the Republic of Armenia.

The official results of the elections will be finalized and formally certified by the Central Electoral Commission on 14 June 2026, in accordance with the Electoral Code.

Mr. Chairman,

The preliminary findings of the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission noted that Armenian voters were given, and took, the opportunity to make a genuine choice in a professionally managed election process and a vibrant and pluralistic political environment. Armenia highly values its cooperation with the ODIHR and other international observation missions and remains committed to carefully considering all recommendations aimed at further strengthening electoral processes, democratic institutions and public trust.

Dear colleagues,

The conduct of these elections once again demonstrated both the resilience of Armenia’s democratic institutions and the growing challenges faced by democracies across the OSCE area. As highlighted by the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission, Armenian voters made their choice against the backdrop of unprecedented foreign interference and pressure. Foreign information manipulation and interference, disinformation campaigns, cyber-related threats and other hybrid activities aimed at influencing public opinion, undermining confidence in democratic institutions and polarizing society were actively employed throughout the electoral period. Armenia commends the multidimensional support of like-minded partners for excellent cooperation and support extended.

Importantly, such activities did not cease with the conclusion of voting. They continue in the post-electoral period, seeking to cast doubt on the outcome of the elections, weaken public trust in democratic institutions and deepen societal divisions. Strengthening resilience against these threats remains an important task for all participating States.

In conclusion, I would like to reconfirm the commitment of Armenia to continue strengthening its democratic institutions, upholding the rule of law and safeguarding electoral integrity. These elections represent another important step in the country’s democratic development and reaffirm Armenia’s commitment to democratic governance and the sovereign right of its citizens to determine their future through free and democratic elections. The results of the elections and support to the PM of Armenia clearly demonstrate the will of the people of Armenia to pursue the path of peace and prosperity.”

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Uzbekistan president congratulates Pashinyan on election victory

June 12, 2026June 12, 2026 Emil Lazarian

Politics15:45, 12 June 2026

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President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev has congratulated Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on the Civil Contract Party’s victory in the June 7 elections.

“I sincerely congratulate you on the victory of the Civil Contract Party, led by you, in the latest parliamentary elections held in the Republic of Armenia,” President Mirziyoyev said in the letter, according to the Prime Minister’s Office.

“The election results are a practical confirmation of the high level of trust of the Armenian people in your domestic and foreign policies, including your efforts aimed at ensuring peace and prosperity in the South Caucasus.

I am confident that through our joint efforts we will be able to further expand our mutually beneficial cooperation in the future.

Taking this opportunity, I wish you good health, happiness, and great success in your responsible state activities, and I wish the friendly people of Armenia peace and prosperity.”

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What Hungary’s guest worker restriction against Philippines, Georgia, and Arme

June 12, 2026June 12, 2026 Emil Lazarian

What Hungary’s guest worker restriction against the Philippines, Georgia, and Armenia really means

By Minh Nga, June 11, 2026 | 2:58 pm PT

Hungary’s recent restrictions on foreign labor recruitment have been widely portrayed as a complete ban on guest workers, but the reality is more nuanced.

While one key permit category has effectively closed to new applicants, foreign workers can still legally enter the country under alternative visa routes. However, these remaining avenues involve significantly stricter requirements and longer processing times.

The core policy change

The Hungarian government has ended an expedited recruitment process previously used by staffing agencies to hire workers from the Philippines, Georgia, and Armenia. According to government spokesperson Vanda Szondi, these new rules took effect last Friday, as reported by Reuters.

While officials have framed the move as a broad crackdown, the regulation strictly targets the residence permit for guest workers.

Crucially, it does not affect the residence permit for the purpose of employment. This alternative route remains fully available. Furthermore, the new rules do not impact foreign workers already living and working in Hungary under existing guest worker permits, who remain eligible to apply for extensions.

Comparing two immigration pathways

Hungarian law distinguishes between the residence permit for guest workers, and the residence permit for the purpose of employment, according to the National Directorate-General for Aliens Policing (Országos Idegenrendészeti Főigazgatóság – OIF), the government immigration authority responsible for managing the entry, stay, and residency of foreign nationals in Hungary.

The guest worker residence permit is strictly intended to address temporary labor shortages in lower- and mid-skilled roles, primarily within the manufacturing, logistics, and construction sectors. Workers are brought in through licensed temporary work agencies or specific preferential employers.

The visa is restricted to citizens of specifically designated countries and is granted for a strictly limited period with maximum stay requirements. It does not provide any pathway to permanent residency. Historically, this was an expedited and simplified process, making it the primary mechanism for agencies to recruit large volumes of foreign labor quickly.

In contrast, the employment-purpose residence permit is designed for more stable or highly skilled positions. A much broader range of Hungarian employers can sponsor workers under this category, rather than just specialized staffing agencies.

While it is initially issued for a fixed term of up to two years, it can be continually renewed as long as the employment conditions are maintained. Most importantly, years spent living in Hungary under this permit contribute toward eligibility for a permanent national residence card. However, securing this permit is a significantly more complex process that requires extensive documentation and longer processing periods.

A square in Hungary’s capital city of Budapest in 2022. Photo by VnExpress/Duc Hung

Filipino workers to feel the heaviest impact

In practice, these restrictions will disproportionately affect workers from the Philippines.

In July 2024, Hungary designated 10 countries whose citizens were eligible for guest worker permits. By December that year, the government had reduced that list to just three: the Philippines, Georgia, and Armenia.

Because relatively few workers historically arrive from Georgia and Armenia, industry observers say the latest measures almost exclusively block recruitment from the Philippines, according to Daily News Hungary.

Large labor leasing companies heavily relied on this specific pipeline to supply workers to Hungary’s manufacturing sector.

While official statistics cited by Reuters indicate that foreign workers account for just 2% of Hungary’s total workforce, specific sectors like services and manufacturing remain heavily dependent on them.

The government has characterized these recent reforms as merely the first step in a planned long-term labor strategy.

Heavier burden for employers

Recruitment experts interviewed by the Hungarian news outlet Telex emphasized that relying solely on the remaining employment-purpose permit will be incredibly cumbersome for businesses.

Péter Bogdanovits, managing director of the recruitment firm Aarenson Consulting, warned that the standard process can be so lengthy and complicated that employers may find it entirely impractical for addressing immediate labor shortages.

He argued that because Hungary will undoubtedly continue to need foreign workers, the economy would benefit far more from a predictable regulatory framework than from frequent, sweeping policy shifts.

Proponents of the change argue that the stricter screening process, while resulting in more rejected applications, will strengthen national oversight by ensuring applicants genuinely intend to integrate and work in Hungary.

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Armenian humanitarian aid trucks for Lebanon depart via Margara border crossin

June 12, 2026June 12, 2026 Emil Lazarian

Türkiye20:29, 12 June 2026

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Following negotiations with the Turkish side, the Office of the Prime Minister of Armenia and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs reached an agreement to deliver humanitarian assistance to Lebanon through the Margara border crossing on the Armenian-Turkish border.

Four Armenian trucks carrying humanitarian aid designated for Lebanon crossed the Margara checkpoint on June 12 and continued their journey through Turkish territory toward Lebanon.

The humanitarian cargo totals 80 tonnes, including 38 tonnes of medicines and hygiene supplies, as well as 42 tonnes of food products, including canned goods and other non-perishable items.

The collection and coordination of medical supplies were overseen by Armenia’s Ministry of Health, while the procurement and coordination of food assistance were managed by the Ministry of Economy.

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Iranian foreign minister says memorandum of understanding with US is close to

June 12, 2026June 12, 2026 Emil Lazarian

Iran21:11, 12 June 2026

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Iranian Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi has said that a memorandum of understanding between Iran and the United States, expected to be concluded in Islamabad, has never been closer to completion than it is now.

Araghchi made the remarks on his Telegram channel, assuring that all details of the Islamabad memorandum would be disclosed at the appropriate time.

“Until it is completed and formally approved, the media should refrain from speculating about its contents. In line with our responsible and transparent approach, all details will be made public at the appropriate time,” the Iranian foreign minister wrote.

Meanwhile, US President Donald Trump dismissed reports published by Iranian media regarding a draft agreement with Iran, describing them as false and saying they did not reflect reality or the terms agreed upon in writing.

According to Trump, claims circulated by Iranian media, including reports that an agreement had already been reached, were inaccurate. In the same statement, he accused Iran of carrying out drone attacks against Indian vessels departing the Strait of Hormuz, calling such actions completely unacceptable.

Earlier, Iran’s Mehr News Agency reported that the memorandum of understanding aimed at resolving tensions between the United States and Iran consists of 14 points, including the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and the lifting of sanctions related to oil sales.

According to the agency, the proposed provisions include an immediate cessation of hostilities on all fronts, including in Lebanon; the lifting of the maritime blockade within 30 days and the withdrawal of US forces from areas bordering the Islamic Republic; the presentation by the United States and its allies of reconstruction projects worth at least $300 billion for Iran; and the removal of sanctions on the sale of Iranian oil and petroleum products.

The report also stated that Iran and the United States would hold negotiations on the nuclear issue within 60 days, after which a formal agreement would be signed.

According to Mehr, Iran has set the unfreezing of $12 billion in assets, the lifting of the blockade, and the removal of oil-related sanctions as conditions for launching nuclear talks.

The agency added that issues related to Iran’s missile programme and its support for forces associated with the so-called “Axis of Resistance” were not included in the text of the reported US-Iran memorandum.

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