Hopelessness grows as Azerbaijan’s blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh enters third month

Feb 20 2023

Goris, as the last major settlement in Armenia before the border and the road to Karabakh, has become a base for Nagorno-Karabakh residents who cannot return to their homes. / Neil Hauer/bne IntelliNews
By Neil Hauer in Goris February 20, 2023

The sleepy southern Armenian city of Goris rarely finds itself at the centre of events. Nestled amid high mountains in Armenia’s southernmost province of Syunik, its elegant stone houses and broad central square have the relaxed air of a place where there is rarely much of importance taking place.

But these days, the town attracts a menagerie of foreign visitors: EU and UN cars drive by in small convoys, flags waving in the wind; Russian peacekeepers in their camouflage uniforms and enormous Kamaz trucks are omnipresent; alongside them are several hundred other civilians whose lilting, accented Armenian sets them slightly apart from the locals – Karabakh Armenians, trapped here for more than two months as Azerbaijan’s blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh grinds on.

Following its victory in the 2020 Second Karabakh War, in which it recaptured three-quarters of the territory held by the unrecognised Republic of Artsakh (also known as Nagorno-Karabakh), Azerbaijan has continued to seek control over the rump remainder of Karabakh.

These efforts have only intensified since Russia, whose peacekeepers in Karabakh guarantee the 2020 ceasefire agreement, invaded Ukraine a year ago, a move which has sapped Moscow’s strength and influence. 

While most of Azerbaijan’s moves have come in the form of military offensives, Baku hit upon a new tactic in December, one less brazen and less likely to draw international ire. On December 11, a group of Azerbaijani ‘eco-activists’ set up a protest camp outside Nagorno-Karabakh’s capital Stepanakert, blocking the one road connecting the enclave with Armenia and the outside world.

The protesters, who have been linked to the Azerbaijani government, have stopped all traffic into and out of Karabakh, save for a handful of Russian peacekeeping and Red Cross vehicles. The result has been food shortages, power cuts and mass unemployment in Karabakh, as life comes to a halt for the 100,000 residents of the territory. Despite growing international pressure to reopen the road, Azerbaijan and its leader, Ilham Aliyev, have shown little sign they will end the blockade soon.

Goris, as the last major settlement in Armenia before the border and the road to Karabakh, has become the primary witness to this drama. Numerous hotels in the city are filled with Karabakh Armenians who were in Armenia at the time of the road closure and have been unable to get home ever since. The local government, supported by Yerevan, is putting them up as best they can.

“We have more than 300 people from Karabakh in Goris right now,” says Karen Zhabagiryan, an advisor to the city’s mayor. “Of these people, 60 are children. They are attending school [in Goris] now, because no one knows how long they will have to be here for,” he says.

The government has paid for the stranded Karabakhtsis to stay in local hotels for as long as they need, Zhabagiryan says. But while they are surviving, the psychological pressure of their situation is getting worse all the time.

“There are new problems arising constantly,” Zhabagiryan says. “People get sick, they miss their loved ones. They can’t even contact them [in Karabakh] very often, because of the power and communications cuts there. They can’t live like this forever,” he says.

Scenes at the blockade itself border on farce. While bne IntelliNews’ correspondent, like all others in Armenia, was unable to visit the protest camp itself, the photos and videos of the so-called protesters make it look more like a party than any sort of grassroots action.

The ‘demonstrators’ revel in comfortable conditions, with plentiful hot food and supplies brought from nearby Shusha, under Azerbaijan’s control; during the recent football World Cup, enormous viewing screens were erected for the Azerbaijani activists to enjoy the matches. All the while, tens of thousands of Karabakh Armenian civilians are shivering in the darkened streets of Stepanakert, just a few kilometres away.

Centre of displacement

The present situation as a displaced persons centre is a sadly familiar one for Goris. During the 2020 war, the city was overrun with Karabakh civilians fleeing the fighting there – “at least 10,000 people [from Karabakh],” according to Zhabagiryan, a startling figure given that Goris’s population is only 20,000. “We have already become professionals [at hosting them] as a result,” he says with a sad smile.

Venera and Oksana are two of them. Both in their mid-40s, they are now indefinite tenants at the Mina hotel, which has become a mini-Stepanakert at the northern end of Goris. Both were caught in Armenia when the blockade began. 

“I came to Yerevan for a thyroid operation on December 12,” says Oksana, pointing to a recent scar on her neck. “By the time it was finished, the road was already closed. We drove down to see if it would clear, but it became obvious once we got near [the border] that we wouldn’t get to Stepanakert,” she says.

Venera had a similar experience, having gone to the Armenian capital to visit relatives. She now spends her days idling away at the hotel, waiting for the rare moments of steady internet and electricity in Karabakh to speak with her family there.

“We speak almost every day,” Venera says. “My nine-year old son is in our village, Berdashen [east of Stepanakert], and my daughter is in Stepanakert – she studies at university there. The stress is already unimaginable – the shops are empty, they have no fruit or vegetables for almost two months now. My son says to me, ‘mom, I’m tired of eating just grechka [buckwheat].’ What can I say to him?” she says.

There is another factor on everyone’s mind as well: Russia. While it is Azerbaijani protesters that have set up camp on the road itself, Russia’s 2,000 peacekeepers have made no attempt to remove them. Despite being obligated by the 2020 ceasefire agreement to ensure free passage of people and cargo along the road, Moscow’s servicemen have instead served as tacit enforcers of the blockade, establishing barriers separating the Azerbaijanis from any possible contact with the besieged inhabitants of Karabakh on the other side.

“We all understand that Russia is not fulfilling its mandate [as a guarantor of the road staying open],” says Zhabagiryan, the advisor to Goris’s mayor. “The road is supposed to be open, but it stays closed,” he says.

The two women are similarly torn over Russia’s role.

“Without Russia, I would not be here right now,” Oksana says. “[The Azerbaijanis] would have come into Stepanakert [in 2020] and killed us all. So we have to be grateful for that, but at the same time, there is a feeling now that the situation is different than what it was before,” she says.

“I have a question: why can’t the Russians just reopen the road?” Venera asks. “Why can’t they push these miserable people [protesters] out of the way? There are only 40 or 50 of them – it would be very easy for [the Russians] to do it, but this is some dirty political business,” she says.

The psychological terror of the situation is the hardest. No one knows when the road will reopen – and how long it would be until Azerbaijan simply closes it again. Venera admits that this has affected her thoughts on her family’s future in her homeland.

“My husband works in construction,” Venera says. “Because of the blockade, he has been out of work for weeks now. Even if I somehow get there [to Karabakh], how can I find a job and feed my family? Azerbaijan is subjecting us to pure terrorism: blocking our food and gas, shooting at our villages. It’s one thing for me to experience hardship – I am used to it by now. But how can I raise my children in these conditions?” she asks.

Oksana, by contrast, is unwavering.

“[Azerbaijan] does this so that we, the people of Artsakh, will leave Artsakh,” she says. “But we will not! I am an Armenian from Artsakh. My grandparents, great-grandparents lived there. This is our land! Our roots are deep. I lived there, I live there now, and I’ll keep living there. Azerbaijan doesn’t have a history, so they don’t understand this,” Oksana says.

“They just have oil,” Venera says. “That’s enough for the whole world to be silent while they choke us. Because the strong are always right, and money closes the mouths of others.”

https://www.intellinews.com/hopelessness-grows-as-azerbaijan-s-blockade-of-nagorno-karabakh-enters-third-month-270518/

Belarus-Armenia commission on trade and economic relations to sit in April

Belarus – Feb 20 2023

MINSK, 20 February (BelTA) – Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Belarus to the Republic of Armenia Aleksandr Konyuk met with Deputy Prime Minister Mger Grigoryan of Armenia, BelTA learned from the Belarusian diplomatic mission in Yerevan.

The parties exchanged views on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Armenian relations, hailing the growth of mutual trade in 2022. The parties spoke in favor of maintaining high dynamics of cooperation in trade and economy, including industrial cooperation.

The parties also discussed the issues related to the upcoming meeting of the intergovernmental Belarusian-Armenian commission on trade and economic cooperation scheduled for April this year. It is expected to consider the whole range of topics of mutual interest.

Food: Mini Kabob Glendale California – Home-style Armenian Kabobs

Feb 21 2023

Mini Kabob is a small mom-and-pop Armenian restaurant located in the heart of Glendale, California.


In 2021, Mini Kabob made it on the New York Time’s list of Best Restaurants in America. They’ve been featured many times in the press because of their delicious home-style Armenian fare.

The restaurant was first founded by a Persian American who owned the mechanic shop behind the building. His goal was to fulfill his craving for traditional mini ground beef kabobs served in Amernian lavash (thin flatbread).

In 1995, current owners Ovakim Martirosyan and his wife, Alvard Martirosyan, bought this business and never looked back. This couple works with their son, Armen, to create delicious, fresh kabobs daily. This family is welcoming and friendly offering home-style Armenian fare for customers.

While the interior of this no-frills joint is small, that’s only because all of the emphasis is on the food, making this a popular spot for takeout.

Guests particularly enjoy the tantalizing aromas as soon as they walk in.

They serve up quality meat such as ground beef/chicken; beef/chicken cutlet; beef shish pieces; chicken breast and thigh skewers; French cut lamb chops; falafel plates, and of course mini kabobs. They also offer homemade Egyptian style hummus, eggplant caviar, and cucumber yogurt. 

When I got to Mini Kabob, Armen was at the counter and I told him it was our first time visiting. He asked for how many people (including kids) and I told him 4. He put together a variety of items for us to try and it came out to be around $70 (paid in cash).

We got an assortment of ground beef lule kabob; ground beef shish kabob; chicken thigh kabob; pork shish kabob; chicken breast shish kabob as well as fire-roasted jalapeños and tomatoes, hummus, onions with parsley, and rice.

The meats were so juicy, tasty and flavorful with spices.

There was also homemade Egyptian style hummus with a drizzle of lemon, oil and a sprinkle of red pepper.

We also tried the homemade fresh yogurt and cucumber mixed with a dash of dry mint.

The Greek salad featured fresh feta cheese with black olives on a bed of romaine lettuce, cucumber, and tomatoes, with red wine vinaigrette.

The charred vegetables were a nice touch.

They’re a busy spot so try to order ahead if you can. Can’t recommend them enough!

Castellani Art Museum exhibit highlights local Armenian community

Feb 21 2023

Niagara University’s Castellani Art Museum is taking the time to recognize an underrepresented group in the Western New York region and what they have suffered through.

“Survive Remember Thrive: Armenian Traditions in Western New York,” is open for viewing through May 7, educating people on what the Armenian experience is all about.

Project Director Edward Millar, the museum’s curator of folk art, said this exhibit is mainly a video installation that helps introduce people to the country of Armenia, where it is, when Armenians started coming to Niagara Falls, and how it has changed over time.

“It goes along with other work we’ve done over the years, raising awareness of the cultural heritage of the area,” Millar said.

The exhibit got started with the help of museum volunteer and assistant project director Dawn Sakalian, who is part of the local Armenian community. She and Millar had talked about how Armenians were underrepresented, with the Castellani Art Galley having not done any previous exhibits regarding them. He had also noticed more people with Armenian last names in the area — those ending in -ian and -yan.

“We want to bring awareness to the underrepresented Armenian community in Niagara Falls and Western New York,” Sakalian said.

Sakalian is a third-generation survivor of the Armenian genocide, where during World War I, the Ottoman Empire caused the deaths of more than 1 million Armenians living in its borders. Sakalian’s grandfather suffered through those events, being orphaned after his parents were killed.

Her father came to Niagara Falls in the 1960s, as his aunt and cousins were already in the area due to work opportunities, mainly in factories. Sakalian grew up in the center of Armenian activity in the Falls, along 9th and 10th streets which is home to two Armenian churches, St. Sarkis and St. Hagop Armenian Apostolic churches, and a community center. That community is still present even if it is more spread out, Sakalian herself now living in Wheatfield.

Newer generations of Armenians have settled in the U.S. following the collapse of the Soviet Union, and Armenia becoming an independent country, searching for opportunities and settling in areas that already have an Armenian presence, like Niagara Falls.

“To be part of people with the same heritage as you feels good,” Sakalian said.

The museum originally debuted “Survive Remember Thrive” as an eight-part video series last April, which also focused on the Armenian-American community in in Western New York. One additional short film was produced by the Buffalo Documentary Project. All of them are interviews with Armenian community members about their history, traditions, businesses, present day community events, and Armenian genocide narratives.

Five additional videos were created with those to bring the total to 14. Of all those, five will be available for viewing on Youtube after the exhibit closes.

Alongside the videos, exhibits include interpretive panels that teach about Armenian history, museum cases with historical artifacts, an incense burner used in St. Sarkis masses, and family heirlooms from local Armenian-Americans. One item from Sakalian’s collection on display is a Niagara Gazette article from 1973 titled “Sister, brother united in Falls,” where her grandfather and his sister were reunited after 59 years due to being separated during the genocide.

“Survive Remember Thrive” is the name of the first film in this series, since their ancestors survived the Armenian genocide and kept their heritage alive.

“Our heritage, traditions, and history was meant to be erased,” Sakalian said. “People who are Armenian, and who know Armenians, should know it so we can thrive in the community.”

On March 4, from 1 to 2 p.m., the museum will host a pay-what-you-wish exhibition tour of the exhibit. On March 8, from 11 a.m. to 1 p.m., Sakalian will host a lecture titled “Community Perspectives: Preserving Armenian Heritage,” about local Armenian cultural practices and her involvement with exhibition. Reservations for both of these can be made on the museum’s website.

Make Sense of the Old and New Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict

Fair Observer
Feb 21 2023
Old empires once jostled for control of this part of the world. Today, Turkey, Iran, Russia and the US are doing the same and even Pakistan and India have jumped in. Politics, geopolitics, ethnicity and religion combine to make a toxic brew.
Atul Singh

History never ends, at least in the Old World. On February 18, Reuters tells us that “leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan bickered over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh.” Azerbaijan has blocked the Lachin Corridor, a mountain road that links Armenia and the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, which lies in Azerbaijan.

Nagorno-Karabakh is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, but its 120,000 inhabitants are predominantly ethnic Armenians. They broke away from Baku in the early 1990s and Yerevan supported their fellow Armenians. This led to a war in which Armenia emerged on top. By 1993, Armenia not only gained control of Nagorno-Karabakh but also occupied 20% of Azerbaijan.

In 2020, war broke out again. Thanks to Turkish drones and large-scale military operations, Azerbaijan regained much of the territory it lost in the early 1990s. Now, its blockade of the Lachin Corridor is inflaming passions yet again.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken got Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azeri President Ilham Aliyev to meet in Munich. The post-Davos Munich Security Conference was a convenient excuse for the leaders to get together. Both sides claimed that they had made progress towards a peace deal. Yet a war of words broke out. Aliyev “accused Armenia of occupying Azerbaijan’s lands for almost 30 years.” Pashinyan claimed that “Azerbaijan has adopted a revenge policy” and was using the meeting for “enflaming intolerance, hate, aggressive rhetoric.”

Map dated 2016 © osw.waw.pl/

Both Encyclopedia Britannica and Wikipedia tell us that Armenia became the first country to establish Christianity as its state religion. Apparently, in 300 CE as per the former and 301 AD as per the latter, Saint Gregory the Illuminator convinced King Tiridates III to convert to Christianity. The Armenian Apostolic Church is an independent Oriental Orthodox Christian church and has many similarities to the Russian Orthodox Church.

If Armenia is Christian, Azerbaijan is Muslim. In the early 16th century, Ismail I, the founder of the Safavid Dynasty conquered Azerbaijan. Ismail I proclaimed the Twelver denomination of Shia Islam as the official religion of the Persian Empire. While Iran is almost entirely Shia and Sunnis are persecuted, Azerbaijan follows a more syncretic version of Islam. The US State Department’s 2021 Report on International Religious Freedom tells us that Azerbaijan’s “constitution stipulates the separation of religion and state and the equality of all religions before the law.” It also tells us that of the 96% Muslim, 65% is Shia and 35% Sunni. There is little internecine Muslim conflict though non-Muslims still have a hard time in the country.

Human hands open palm up worship. Eucharist Therapy Bless God Helping Repent Catholic Easter Lent Mind Pray. Christian Religion concept background. fighting and victory for god © Love You Stock / shutterstock.com

In the 19th century, Russia started gobbling up Azerbaijan as the Persian Empire weakened under the Qajar dynasty. Sunnis fled from Russian-controlled territory to Azerbaijan. As Russia took over, a modern Azeri nationalism arose. It emphasized a common Turkic heritage. Ties with Ottoman Turkey deepened while those with Qajar Persia weakened. To this day, Azerbaijan remains closer to Turkey than to Iran.

Azerbaijan also retains close ties with Moscow. It has spent much of the last two centuries under Moscow’s thumb. After the 1917 Russian Revolution, Azerbaijan declared independence in 1918. This did not last long. Under Moscow’s rather heavy hand, the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic was formed.

Armenia too is closely intertwined with Moscow. Until World War I, Armenia was part of the Ottoman Empire. Yet war inflamed suspicions about the loyalty of Amenians to Istanbul. Some Armenian volunteers were serving in the Imperial Russian Army. The  infamous 1915 Tehcir Law ordered the forced relocation of the Ottoman Empire’s Armenian population to the Ottoman provinces of Syria and Iraq. Death marches into the desert and massacres led to the deaths of 800,000 to 1.5 million people. Forced Islamization of women and children sought to erase Armenian cultural identity and make them loyal subjects of the Ottoman sultan who was then the caliph of the entire Islamic world. This mass murder and cultural destruction has come to be known as the Armenian genocide.

World War I went badly for both Ottoman Turkey and Tsarist Russia. The 1920 Treaty of Sèvres “provided for an independent Armenia, for an autonomous Kurdistan, and for a Greek presence in eastern Thrace and on the Anatolian west coast, as well as Greek control over the Aegean islands commanding the Dardanelles.” The Turks rejected this unfair treaty and fought back. Peace only came with the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne that established the boundaries of modern Turkey. A year earlier, the Soviet Red Army had annexed Armenia along with Azerbaijan and Georgia. Universalist communism snuffed out nationalism in this part of the world.

In 1923, the Soviet Union established the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast within Azerbaijan. About 95% of its population was Armenian. For the next 60 years, the region was peaceful thanks to the heavy-handed Soviet rule. During the disastrous 1979-1989 Soviet-Afghanistan War, Moscow’s authority weakened significantly. In 1988, Nagorno-Karabakh’s regional legislature passed a resolution to join Armenia. Tensions rose but the Soviets kept things under control.

When the Soviet Union collapsed, all hell broke loose. Armenia and Azerbaijan achieved independent statehood, and went to war over Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenians in this region declared a breakaway state of Artsakh. This was unacceptable to Azerbaijan. Like the collapse of Yugoslavia, the results were tragic. The war caused over 30,000 casualties and created hundreds of thousands of refugees. As stated earlier, Armenia held the upper hand. 

By 1993, Armenia had gained control of Nagorno-Karabakh and occupied 20% of Azerbaijan’s geographic area. Peace only came in 1994 when Russia brokered a ceasefire that has come to be known as the Bishkek Protocol. This left Nagorno-Karabakh with de facto independence with a self-proclaimed government in Stepanakert. However, this enclave was still heavily reliant on close economic, political and military ties with Armenia.

Both Armenia and Azerbaijan were economic backwaters under Soviet rule. In 2011, Azerbaijan struck gold in the form of gas. Baku launched what has come to be known as the Southern Gas Corridor. Azerbaijan wrangled a deal with the European Commission to supply gas as far away as Italy. The country used gas proceeds to buy arms from both Turkey and Russia as well as modernize its military.

In early 2016, a four-day war broke out in Nagorno-Karabakh. Most analysts say that Azerbaijan triggered this conflict with the tacit, if not overt, acquiescence of Moscow. For many years, Baku had “been promising to liberate the territories occupied by the Armenians.” Neither were the Azerbaijani troops able to break through Armenian defenses in Nagorno-Karabakh, nor were the Armenians able to launch a counteroffensive. The truce reestablished the status quo.

In 2018, #MerzhirSerzhin—anti-government protests that have come to be known as the Velvet Revolution—broke out in Armenia and swept the old elites out of power. Serzh Sargsyan reluctantly stepped down as prime minister and Pashinyan took over. The new government sought to loosen ties with Russia without antagonizing Moscow, strengthen relations with Europe, and improve relations with neighboring countries, including Iran and Georgia.

Democracy in Armenia did not lead to peace in the region. As stated earlier, conflict broke out again in 2020. Azerbaijani forces crossed not only into the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh of Nagorno-Karabakh, but also into Armenia. Azerbaijani artillery strikes hit cities and villages deep within Armenian territory. More than 7,000 people died and hundreds, if not thousands, were wounded. Azerbaijan recaptured most of the territory it had lost in the 1990s. Three ceasefires brokered by Russia, France and the US failed. 

Eventually, Russia pushed through a ceasefire and sent 2,000 of its troops as peacekeepers. Armenia had to guarantee “the security of transport links” between the western regions of Azerbaijan and its exclave of Nakhichevan that lies within Armenia.

Since 1991, Russia had been Armenia’s main security and energy provider. The shared Orthodox Christian tradition has long made Yerevan Moscow’s most reliable partner in the region. Armenia is “the sole Russian ally in the region, the only host of a Russian military base, and “the only South Caucasus country to belong to the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organisation.”

Yet it seems that street protests for democracy sent alarm bells ringing in the Kremlin. Russian giant Gazprom hiked gas prices in 2019, forcing Armenia to make overtures to its southern neighbor Iran. Worse, Russia turned into a primary weapons supplier to Azerbaijan. This led to “a rather surprising crisis in Armenian-Russian relations.” Intelligence sources speak about a deal between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to back Azerbaijan because the former wanted to teach Armenia a lesson.

Turkey declared the 2020 ceasefire deal to be a “sacred success” for its ally Azerbaijan. In his characteristically colorful language, Erdoğan described Ankara’s support for Azerbaijan as part of Turkey’s quest for its “deserved place in the world order.” In a nutshell, Armenia-Azerbaijan has become a theater where big powers are yet again playing another version of the great game. Once, the Ottoman Empire, the Persian Empire and the Russian Empire met here in the Caucasus, and jostled for dominance. Another jostling has now begun with Turkey, Iran and Russia—successors to the three empires—playing key roles.

Others have got involved. Unsurprisingly, one of them is the US. On September 11, 2022, Mikael Zolyan of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace explained how the West had sidelined Russia in mediating the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In reality, the EU is playing a distant second fiddle. As negotiations in Munich have just demonstrated, the US is calling the shots, at least as of now. Naturally, Russia is not too pleased.

Other actors are involved too. Azerbaijan is allowing Ukraine’s military to obtain fuel from its gas stations at no cost. Furthermore, Ukraine has always supported “the integrity of Azerbaijan’s internationally recognized territory throughout the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict” despite having the fifth largest Armenian diaspora in the world. Georgia is in Ukraine’s camp and is pursuing both EU and NATO membership. Armenia is home to a major Russian military base that has ground forces, tanks, air defense, missiles, helicopters and Mig-29 multi-role fighters. These are Armenia’s insurance against total Turkish-Azerbaijani domination. Despite heartburn over Russia’s betrayal in 2020, Armenian public opinion still favors Russia over Ukraine in the current ongoing conflict. The waters in the Caucasus are becoming very muddy.

Involvement of distant powers is making the waters muddier. Over the last few years, Pakistan has been self-consciously looking up to Turkey to craft its Islamic identity. The northern part of the Indian subcontinent was conquered by mamluk (i.e. manumitted slave) Turks in 1192. In recent years, Pakistan has been turning to these distant Turkish roots and Erdoğan is even more popular than the Turkish soap operas that are enthralling Pakistan. The Turkish leader is seen as a true representative of the Muslim world just as historical television drama Dirilis Ertugrul is viewed as glorifying “the Muslim value system and the Ottoman Empire.” 

It is important to remember that Muslims in British India, modern day India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, launched the 1919 Khilafat movement to restore the caliph to his throne in Turkey. They considered the Ottoman sultan to be their spiritual leader. Erdoğan has emerged as a new caliph for Pakistanis, many of whom are willing to fight and die for him.

The Fair Observer Intelligence (FOI) Threat Monitor concluded that Turkey and Pakistan were institutionalizing strategic relations and developing the characteristics of a military alliance. With the continuing deterioration of Pakistan’s economic and political situation, the supply and willingness of young men to volunteer for jihadi causes is increasing too.

Sadly for Armenia, Pakistan has the capability to support Turkey and Azerbaijan with large numbers of well-trained regular or irregular troops in any future conflict. Pakistani regular military personnel already supplement local forces in Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries. The Pakistani state has rich experience of training jihadi volunteers in unconventional warfare and then sending them to fight in support of Islamic causes around the world. These irregular forces have appeared in Afghanistan, India, and Yemen, sometimes working with Pakistani special forces. With appropriate incentives, these fighters could be deployed against Armenia to support Azerbaijani and Turkish objectives, possibly in combination with elements of the Pakistani Army.

Luckily for Armenia, India has decided to support this beleaguered Christian nation. In September 2022, the two countries signed a $245 million worth of Indian artillery systems, anti-tank rockets and ammunition to the Armenian military. Two months later, Armenia signed a $155 million order for 155-millimeter artillery gun systems. Aliyev, who succeeded his father to become the strongman president of Azerbaijan in 2003, declared India’s supply of weapons to Armenia as an “unfriendly move.” India made this move only after years of provocation by Erdoğan who has sided with Pakistan on Kashmir. According to Glenn Carle, FOI senior partner and retired CIA officer, India’s sale to Armenia makes strategic sense and is a play for great power status.

In a nutshell, the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh has ramifications far beyond the region. The US wants Armenia to emulate Georgia and Ukraine, and join the ranks of free democracies. The EU wants peace in the Caucasus and cheap Azerbaijani gas to replace disrupted Russian supplies. Russia wants the Pashinyan government, which is increasingly unpopular after defeat in 2020, to fall. Yet it cannot and will not allow Armenia, an Orthodox Christian nation, to be completely subjugated by its Muslim neighbors.

Thanks to religion and ethnicity, Turkey and Azerbaijan see Armenia as a historic enemy. Both want to teach Yerevan a lesson. So does Ukraine and perhaps even Georgia. Curiously, mullah-run Iran wants to counter the growing influence of fellow Muslims—largely Sunni Turkey and majority Shia Azerbaijan—in the region. It fears that a powerful Azerbaijan could strive for the integration of Nakhchivan, the Azeri enclave in Armenia, and Azeri-majority areas in Iran. Therefore, Tehran is selling gas to energy-hungry Armenia. Thanks to Pavlovian cultural deference to Turkey, Pakistan sees the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict as jihad and its madrassa-trained young men might provide cannon fodder for this conflict. Meanwhile, India is responding to the pan-Islamism threat of Turkey and Pakistan by supporting a potentially valuable ally. 

The die is cast for a riveting saga, which promises to have more twists and turns than Dirilis Ertugrul.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.

https://www.fairobserver.com/politics/make-sense-of-the-old-and-new-armenia-azerbaijan-conflict/

David Shahnazaryan: Pashinyan grabbed power in 2018 as a result of geopolitical consensus

Panorama
Armenia – Feb 21 2023

David Shahnazaryan, a former national security chief and lawmaker, criticized Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan for failure to properly respond to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s accusations at a panel discussion in Munich on February 18.

"Nikol Pashinyan, his partner Aliyev, Turkey, why not, Russia will not succeed in turning the page of Artsakh," he told Aysor TV in an nterview on Monday.

Shahnazaryan, who served as the Armenian president’s special envoy in 1992-1995, claimed Pashinyan did not represent Armenia’s interests at the discussion which also included Georgia’s Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili and OSCE Secretary General Helga Schmid.

"Moreover, all of Azerbaijan's accusations were accepted and there were no objections whatsoever.  Virtually the entire political elite agrees with the policy pursued by the incumbent authorities. This is a destructive policy. If peace is established in such a way (I hope it will not be the case), Azerbaijan will move to demand reparations," he stated.

Shahnazaryan stresses Armenia is facing a difficult situation and a risk of losing its statehood amid the policies pursued by Azerbaijan and Turkey.

He also criticized the country’s domestic political life as “miserable and disgraceful”.

"The entire political elite is currently engaged in settlement with Turkey and Azerbaijan. There is not a single idea or a plan that they have come up with. This is a total disgrace, there is no agenda. Since 2020, the current leaders have strengthened their positions amid the activities of the opposition and have been given a greenlight to realize all plans for which they came to power in 2018. I must add that this force seized power in 2018 as a result of a geopolitical consensus involving Russia which continues to strongly support the current authorities,” he charged.

https://www.panorama.am/en/news/2023/02/21/Russia-Armenian-government/2797394

RE: Center for Truth and Justice Establishes An Educational Partnership Between the University of Iowa and the Artsakh State University

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

 

Center for Truth and
Justice establishes an educational partnership between the University of Iowa and
the Artsakh State University

 

Los Angeles, CA (February 21, 2023) – In the
midst of a blockade, the Center for Truth and Justice ("CFTJ")
establishes an educational partnership between the University of Iowa and the
Artsakh State University.

 

CFTJ is proud to announce the realization of
this collaboration – a direct outcome of the international human rights
conference organized by CFTJ held in Yerevan, Armenia. It was back in June of
2022, while being in Armenia, that the honorable guest speaker, Professor Elke
Heckner, expressed the intent to establish a partnership between the University
of Iowa and Artsakh State University. Through the efforts of Associate Provost
and Dean of International Programs Russ Ganim, Professor Heckner, and CFTJ Conference
committee member Arsiné Grigoryan, Esq., a Memorandum of Understanding was
signed by the above two universities.

 

“The University of Iowa is proud to
collaborate with Artsakh State University under the auspices of this new
Memorandum of Understanding,” remarked Dean Ganim.  “Our purpose is to connect faculty and
students on issues regarding human rights and social justice in conflict zones
around the world.  We look forward to
learning about and from Artsakh as the partnership grows.”



 

The timing of this historic event is even more
impactful since Artsakh is in the midst of a blockade by Azerbaijan. On
December 12, 2022, Azerbaijan blocked the only highway, referred to as the
Lachin Corridor, connecting Stepanakert to Yerevan, and essentially to the rest
of the world. For over 70 days now, 120,000 residents, including 30,000
children are deprived of food, medicine and other basic supplies they are in
dire need of. Hospitals have indefinitely put surgeries on hold. Schools have
been closed due to the shortages. Additionally, vital services like
electricity, gas, and internet shut offs during the freezing winter
temperatures have created more hardships for these residents.

 

“For the Artsakh State University, this
extraordinary collaboration is immeasurably important, with such prestigious
universities like the University of Iowa, especially in these trying times that
Artsakh is in a total blockade and such collaborations open a window of
opportunity to the civil world,” said Vitya Yaramishyan, Vice-rector of Artsakh
State University as he signed the MOU. “This partnership between two
institutions will undoubtedly bring about significant progress in the promotion
and protection of human rights in Artsakh and beyond,” stated Ms. Grigoryan.

 

CFTJ is a US-based non-profit organization
formed in November 2020 immediately following the 44-Day War in Artsakh. CFTJ
is not affiliated with any political or governmental organization and is
entirely independent. CFTJ’s team of attorneys built a fact-finding
infrastructure in Armenia and Artsakh, to gather testimonial evidence from
victims of war-related human rights and humanitarian abuses. CFTJ has collected
more than 400 testimonies from witnesses including returned POWs, displaced
individuals, and victims of prohibited methods of warfare. CFTJ's mission is to
create a living memorial to crimes against humanity, for purposes of education
and legal action.

 

Center for Truth &
Justice is a registered 501(c)(3)

 Federal Tax ID: 87-1681664

2100 Montrose Ave., #715, Montrose, CA 91020
(213)557-1109

Media Contact: Meline Mailyan, Esq.

                          [email protected]   


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Montrose, CA 91020
Website: www.cftjustice.org
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Azerbaijan steps back on demands for “Zangezur Corridor”

Feb 22 2023
Joshua Kucera Feb 22, 2023

Azerbaijan has offered a new proposal to Armenia in the ongoing peace negotiations between the two countries: to allow Armenian checks of Azerbaijani traffic along what Baku calls the “Zangezur Corridor,” in exchange for the establishment of Azerbaijani checkpoints on the road connecting Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh.

The move would effectively give up on the larger geopolitical vision of the Zangezur Corridor: a seamless transportation route connecting Azerbaijan to Turkey and beyond. At its most fanciful, it was envisaged as a road to "unite the entire Turkic world.” Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev has even repeatedly threatened to use force if Armenia doesn’t allow the corridor to be built.

Now, though, Aliyev says that Baku would accept Armenian checkpoints on the road when it enters and leaves Armenian territory. “It would be good if Armenia and Azerbaijan established checkpoints on the Armenia-Azerbaijan border bilaterally,” he told reporters on February 18. “Checkpoints should be established at both ends of the Zangezur corridor and the border between the Lachin district [of Azerbaijan] and Armenia.”

Aliyev said that he made that proposal formally to the Armenian side on the same day, when he met with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and United States Secretary of State Anthony Blinken. “We will wait for a response from Armenia,” he said. 

In a sense, the proposal is not strictly new. Azerbaijan has long argued that the statuses of the two roads should be equal: either checkpoints on both or on neither. 

"Today, there are no customs [posts] in the Lachin corridor,” the road connecting Armenia to Karabakh, Aliyev said in December 2021. “Therefore, there should be no customs [posts] in the Zangezur corridor. If Armenia would insist on using customs facilities to control cargo and people, then we will insist on the same in the Lachin corridor. This is logical." 

But the accent has always been on the no-checkpoint version. Just a month ago, an Azerbaijani official told Eurasianet that Azerbaijan’s demand was not only no Armenian checkpoints, but no Armenian security officers at all in a 2.5-kilometer buffer zone on the road as it passed through Armenian territory.

The would-be Zangezur Corridor would connect the mainland of Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhchivan through Armenian territory. It was borne out of the ceasefire agreement that ended the 2020 war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the ninth point of which stipulated that Armenia would “guarantee the security of transport connections” to Nakhchivan “in order to arrange unobstructed movement of persons, vehicles and cargo in both directions.” Russian border guards would be responsible for “overseeing” the route.

The most disputed word in that provision was “unobstructed.” Armenians argued that passport and customs controls as the route entered and left Armenian territory did not amount to obstruction; Azerbaijanis argued that it did.

“How will this unobstructed movement be ensured? Will Armenians just sit and watch us? Let them watch. But the movement should be unobstructed. If there is a checkpoint there, it won’t be unobstructed,” said Farid Shafiyev, the head of a state-run think tank, in a November 2021 interview with RFE/RL.

“What Azerbaijan wants is no checkpoints, not to have to stop at the border,” Anar Valiyev, the dean of ADA University, told analyst Tom de Waal the same month. “We are in a situation where we have leverage, we have time and we can dictate terms.”

Armenians, for their part, consistently offered to open a road connecting mainland Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan, but that it couldn’t be an “extraterritorial corridor” over which it had no control.

As negotiations over a comprehensive peace agreement between the two sides have dragged on, with the nature of the Zangezur Corridor apparently the biggest sticking point, Azerbaijan launched a blockade of the Lachin Corridor. That blockade has continued now for more than two months; Azerbaijan claims that Armenians had been using the road to smuggle weapons in and valuable resources out of Nagorno-Karabakh, and that they need some sort of checkpoint to make sure that doesn’t happen.

Meanwhile, Baku was proposing a variant of the Zangezur Corridor in which checks could be carried out by Russian, but not Armenian, security officers. (While Aliyev wasn’t entirely explicit on who would operate the checkpoints on the Armenian side of the border under his proposal, a senior Azerbaijan Foreign Ministry official confirmed to Eurasianet, on condition of anonymity, that it would be Armenians.)

It is not clear whether Aliyev’s “new” proposal was inspired by changing circumstances or was the strategy all along – that is, the maximalist vision of the Zangezur Corridor was always a bargaining chip to gain control over Karabakh. In any event, the new Azerbaijani proposal amounts to a retreat from that public grand geopolitical strategy for the sake of a more local strategic aim: cementing its control over Karabakh.

And it could pave the way for Armenia to sign a comprehensive agreement more quickly. While allowing Azerbaijan customs and passport control is unacceptable to the Armenian population of Karabakh, that will not be a dealbreaker. Armenia and the American and European mediators who have been working on a peace agreement have been increasingly focusing on arranging some kind of direct relationship between the Karabakh Armenians and the Azerbaijani government, without involvement from Yerevan. Disputes over the Zangezur Corridor appear to have been the biggest impediment for Armenia, and now they may have been resolved.

The new proposal appears to have caught the Armenian side flat-footed. There has been little official response, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not respond to requests for comment.

The head of the ruling party faction in the Armenian parliament was asked about the proposal in an interview with RFE/RL, and repeated the talking points that Armenia would never accept an extraterritorial corridor. When the interviewer persisted, pointing out that the question was no longer about an extraterritorial corridor, the MP, Hayk Konjoryan, replied: “At the moment I don’t think the question deserves discussion.”

On February 22, Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan addressed the proposal, saying that Yerevan rejected the proposal of setting up the checkpoint on the Lachin Corridor. On the Zangezur Corridor proposal, he said only that it was "not new."

Azerbaijani commentary, meanwhile, has tended to crow over Aliyev’s outmaneuvering of Armenia and its repeated objections to the notion of a “corridor,” while sidestepping the fact that that was precisely what Baku had been publicly demanding for so long.

An analysis on Caliber.az, a site associated with Azerbaijan’s Defense Ministry, suggested that perhaps it was Russia who might want an extraterritorial corridor. (Russia has pushed the idea of the transportation routes being opened, all the more now that its options are constrained as a result of Ukraine war sanctions, but Moscow also has consistently opposed the idea of extraterritoriality.)

“Is the idea of an extraterritorial Zangezur Corridor no longer on Azerbaijan’s agenda? It’s possible that extraterritoriality is just as important to us as before, but Azerbaijan has decided to avoid involvement in this toxic-for-us issue,” Caliber wrote. “If Russia needs an extraterritorial corridor, then it should resolve that issue with the Armenians directly, but not at Azerbaijan’s expense.”

This post has been edited to add comments from Armenia's foreign minister.

Joshua Kucera, a senior correspondent, is Eurasianet's former Turkey/Caucasus editor and has written for the site since 2007.

Armenia: Another century, another Genocide?

Feb 22 2023
POLITICS
BY VICKEN CHETERIAN

35 years ago this week began the first Karabakh war: a devastating conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan on the periphery of the old Soviet world. Though ending with an uneasy ceasefire in 1994, the conflict suddenly resumed in 2020, when Azerbaijan launched an offensive across the 1994 armistice line. Here, two scholars explain why it is vital for all to pay attention.


What happens when, a century after a genocide, the perpetrator returns to attack the victim? This is exactly what happened during the Second Karabakh War, when Azerbaijan attacked Armenia and Armenians in mountainous Karabakh in 2020. This is a unique event, with no parallels in history. It would be like if, in the year 2039, a neo-Nazi regime in Germany, allied with a neo-nationalist and Islamist regime in the Middle East, sent their most advanced aviation to attack and silence Israel for demanding justice for the Holocaust. Or if, in the year 2073, a neo-Khmer Rouge regime ordered the deportation of the population of Phnom Penh to the countryside for hard labor.

Of course, this is not the case of Israel or Cambodia. Germany has recognized its crime of genocide against European Jewry and pays yearly compensation to the State of Israel and Holocaust survivors. (And in fact, it is Israel that is arming Azerbaijan to attack Armenia—another nation that survived genocide—not to mention violating basic rights of Palestinians living under occupation.) In Cambodia, one can visit the infamous prison camp S-21 or Tuol Sleng turned into a memorial museum, and an international war crimes tribunal spent 16 years tracking down and prosecuting former Khmer Rouge officials.

In Turkey, on the contrary, the state and the population continue to celebrate the genocidaires Talaat, Enver, and Jemal, and others. The grandchildren of the Committee of Union and Progress are still in power. Indeed, it is not possible to believe that such an assault against the Armenians would have occurred without the direct participation of Turkey, or to imagine the emergence of today’s conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan without the ongoing conflict between Armenia and Turkey. Most importantly, today’s war would have been impossible without the thick shadow of the first modern genocide a century ago, which remains unrecognized by the perpetrator state.


From the first day of Armenia’s independence in 1991, Turkey took a hostile position toward its erstwhile victim of genocide. As early as 1992, Turkey started a military collaboration with Azerbaijan, transforming its armed forces from an outdated post-Soviet military into a NATO-grade fighting machine. Over three decades, Turkey encouraged and supported the militaristic policy of Azerbaijan. Ultimately, it even participated directly in the Second Karabakh War on Azerbaijan’s behalf: in 2020, Turkey sent its generals and air force, US-made F-16s and Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 attack drones, to actually assault Armenian positions.

Such a direct military intervention by a genocide perpetrator against a formerly victimized people is wholly unprecedented in modern international relations. The assault calls into question the legitimacy of our post-World War II international order, which did not even react when a perpetrator of genocide casually attacked its victims yet again. It also questions the legitimacy of our international news industry, which did not even notice—with dire consequences to all of us, not just Armenians.

Failing to see the legacy of the Armenia genocide—especially its continuous denial—today was not only the fault of the undefined “international community,” the influential media industry, or self-declared human rights organizations. The Turkish liberal intelligentsia was also to blame.

During the 2020 war and in its aftermath, Turkish intellectuals, dissidents, and oppositionists kept silent. This unbearable silence comes with a price: it casts doubt on the important progress made in Armenia-Turkey reconciliation since the mid-1990s. Turkish intellectuals had made slow, but regular progress in recognizing the importance of dealing with the past not only to bring justice to a wronged minority, the Armenians, but also as the cornerstone for the rule of law and democracy in Turkey itself. The struggle of Hrant Dink, the Turkish-Armenian journalist and editor of Agos, and his assassination in 2007 had awakened the conscience of the Turkish public, it seemed. Yet the silence of Turkish civil society during the Karabakh war in 2020 with the participation of the Turkish military has raised many questions about this normalization process, which will also radicalize Armenian positions. The struggle for recognition of the Armenian genocide, led by Armenian diaspora organizations, political parties, and grassroots movements, will continue. Yet the 2020 Karabakh War, direct Turkish military involvement, and the deafening silence about it within Turkey will eventually make the old struggle obsolete.

In 1965, for the first time after the 1915 genocide, Armenians around the world organized mass demonstrations directed toward Turkey and the “international community,” demanding genocide recognition and compensation. After 2020, it became evident that the Armenian struggle since 1965 was a pyrrhic victory. Clearly, that struggle, those partial recognitions, did not have any real effect when Turkey decided to turn its support for Azerbaijan into an open war. The struggle for the recognition of the 1915 genocide aimed to make “Never Again!” not merely a slogan—chanted during demonstrations on April 24, Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day—but a political reality that would shield the victim population from new threats, attacks, and “ethnic cleansing.” That, unfortunately, did not happen.

 

One might argue that today’s Karabakh conflict was caused by the Soviet system. This argument maintains that the administrative arrangements made by Joseph Stalin ensured that regions like Nagorno Karabakh would be impossible to manage after the hegemonic power of the Soviet center disintegrated. This is because the Soviets, despite their Marxist ideological references, attempted to solve the “national problem” by creating autonomous national territories. Unfortunately, the problem of Nagorno Karabakh simultaneously concerned both the Armenian and Azeri people. Since the region had an Armenian majority of 94 percent in the early 1920s, it was placed not within the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic but within the Azerbaijani SSR. To underline its ethnic Armenian character, it was given a low level of autonomy. The Soviets imagined that with modernization, industrialization, urbanization, and mass education (in their terminology, advancing toward “socialism” and “communism”), Nagorno Karabakh’s ethnonational differences would lose importance.

But instead, the opposite happened. For decades, under the shroud of socialist friendship (the famous druzhba!), ethnic discrimination was the daily practice. Those systematic and routine acts of violence caused the mass mobilization of Karabakh Armenians in February 1988.

Until here, the developments of the Karabakh story remained within the context of the Soviet system and its contradictions. Yet, a week after the Karabakh Soviet passed a resolution demanding the unification of Nagorno Karabakh with neighboring Soviet Armenia, events took a turn. Karabakh began to echo another history, one outside the context of the Soviet Union.

On February 27, 1988—and for three days thereafter—anti-Armenian pogroms exploded in the Azerbaijani industrial town of Sumgait. The mass violence unleashed in Sumgait and the chain of anti-Armenian pogroms that continued in Kirovabad (now Ganja) and Baku strongly connected back to the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict of 1918–1920, and the thick shadow of the unresolved history of the Armenian genocide.


For many decades, most journalists and scholars who researched and wrote about the Karabakh conflict made little or no reference at all to the impact of the 1915 genocide, and its denial, on the genesis of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. Only a few understood how deep the connection was between the 1988 pogroms in Sumgait, Kirovabad, Baku, and elsewhere and the 1915 deportations and massacres executed by Turkey’s Committee of Union and Progress during World War I. This connection—going back to the formation of the Republic of Azerbaijan in 1918—was profound and ideological, but it was also mutating.

For long years I opposed those who argued that the contemporary Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict was rooted in the history of the Armenian genocide. The similarities were only on the level of symbols, I thought, while there were huge differences in context and institutional frameworks: the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict emerged from contradictory Soviet policies, and within the context of the unexpected collapse of the Soviet state and the struggle to define political community (self-determination) and boundaries of the state (territorial integrity).

BROWSE
BY JULIA ELYACHAR

But even then, unlike my international colleagues writing about the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, I had already documented how Azerbaijani nationalists had borrowed the most extreme form of denialism and the Unionist ideological baggage that came with it.1 I realized that the memory of past mass atrocities is kept not only by the victimized group but also, in a deformed way, by the perpetrators and hegemonic forces associated with them. Mass violence is an exchange between two groups: dominant and dominated. When dominated groups mobilize to fight for their liberation, hegemonic forces through symbolic acts of violence remind them of past massacres. The message is clear: If you dare to change the status quo, we will unleash mass violence against you once again! This was the symbolic message in Sumgait back in 1988, when pogroms were orchestrated in Azerbaijan merely a week after Karabakh Armenians voted on a motion demanding to be freed from Soviet Azerbaijan and united with neighboring Soviet Armenia.

Later, developments became more alarming. I started to see a closer overlap between the 1915 genocide and the Karabakh conflict. Surprisingly, it was not the Armenian political leadership that was insisting on continuities between those two events, but that of Azerbaijan. For Turkey, the link was always there, from day one of independent Armenia. The trend started in the late 1990s under Azerbaijani president Heydar Aliyev but took a very extreme form under his son and successor, Ilham Aliyev. A new ideology was taking shape where Armenians were the perfect others of the Azerbaijani nation, a national self-definition based on the negative other.2 Turkish sociologist Ceylan Tokluoglu writes: “Azerbaijanis (re)construct Armenian identity by defining the Armenians, not themselves, as a ‘unique community.’ In this context, they stereotype the Armenians. They also attribute a ‘special mission’ to them, which is to occupy the lands of other nations.”

In this new state-sponsored narrative of Azerbaijan, not only did the Armenian genocide not happen, but also the Armenians became guilty: the perpetrators of a series of anti-Azerbaijani genocides.

A second development was taking place, parallel to the Karabakh conflict. Since the early 1990s, Turkey had joined in, supporting Azerbaijan and antagonizing Armenia. Even before Armenian forces overran and occupied the Kelbajar district of Azerbaijan (a province situated between Karabakh and Armenia), Turkey refused to normalize its relations with Armenia, establish diplomatic relations, or open its border. Yet after the failure of “football diplomacy” and the “Zurich protocols” in 2009, Turkey became much more menacing.

By the centennial of the 1915 genocide, it was evident that Turkey wanted Armenia to abandon its international struggle for genocide recognition and give up any claims to compensation for the extermination of the Ottoman Armenians and plundering their properties. Turkey also wanted the Karabakh conflict to be resolved against Armenia and in favor of Azerbaijan. Such a geopolitical objective had been in Turkish policy starting in 1993. What was new (after the failure of Zurich protocols) was the emergence of an intense military collaboration between Turkey and Azerbaijan. This made the risk of a new war much higher.

Here, a second and quite surprising link between the 1915 genocide and the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict came to light. The memory of genocide in a deformed manner was strongly present in Azerbaijani discourse. On the one hand, Azerbaijani officials became the most vehement deniers of the Armenian genocide. On the other hand, they made the memory of this genocide ever present in their propaganda. The victimhood of the Armenians was denied, and instead they became perpetrators of a series of genocidal events. Azerbaijan passed a presidential decree in 1998 that declared March 31 a “Day of Genocide of Azerbaijanis.” The text referred not to any event but to a long history of two centuries, from the Treaty of Gulistan (1813) between Tsarist Russia and Qajar Persia until the contemporary Karabakh conflict, in which Azeris were represented as victims of ahistoric and continuous Armenian mass violence. This was followed by official commemorations of the Khojaly massacre in 1992 as a “genocide” and the construction of several museums in Azerbaijan to create a tradition of Azerbaijani victimhood.3

Those evolutions in Azerbaijan and in Turkey led me to change my analysis.4 With Turkey supporting Azerbaijan, the militaristic positions in Baku moved to the extreme.

 

The Second Karabakh War was not possible without long-term Turkish participation: encouraging Azerbaijani militarism as well as threatening Armenia and pushing it into the corner. Turkey took direct part in the war by sending its generals, air force, and elite troops. At the end, when Ilham Aliyev organized his “Victory Parade” in Baku, he invited the Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, to celebrate their shared victory against Armenia and Armenians. There, Erdogan openly referred to the legacy of the 1915 genocide by mentioning Enver and his brother Nuri, the leader of the “Army of Islam.”

Post-Soviet ethno-territorial conflicts are very complicated. Indeed, since these conflicts began erupting after the collapse of the Soviet Union, none has found a solution: not in Georgia (South Ossetia or Abkhazia) or in Moldova (the Transdniestria conflict).5 The same may be true of the Karabakh conflict, which is shadowed by the Soviet Union but also by another unresolved conflict, inherited from the period of the Ottoman Empire: the 1915 extermination of Armenians and the continuous denial of the crime. With such a history, the Karabakh conflict seems impossible to settle.

BROWSE
BY CHRISTINE PHILLIOU

But worse may still come. Today, there can be no more doubt that not only the Karabakh Armenians but indeed, all Armenians across the Caucasus are existentially threatened by the Azerbaijani-Turkish alliance. Moreover, today’s threat is rooted in the continuous legacy of a genocide that is not only denied but also celebrated.

 

This article was commissioned by Joanne Randa Nucho. 

  1. See Vicken Cheterian, War and Peace in the Caucasus, Russia’s Troubled Frontier (Hurst, 2009), chaps. 3 and 6. 
  2. Ceylan Tokluoglu, “The Political Discourse of the Azerbaijani Elite on Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict (1991-2009),” Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 63, no. 7 (2011), p. 1225. 
  3. Vicken Cheterian, “The Uses and Abuses of History: Genocide and the Making of the Karabakh Conflict,”  Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 70, no. 6 (2018), especially pp. 895–98. 
  4. See Vicken Cheterian, Open Wounds, Armenians, Turks, and a Century of Genocide (Hurst, 2015), chap. 12. 
  5. The conflict in Chechnya, which led to two bloody wars between Russian troops and Chechen fighters, is the only exception, achieved at the price of imposing a pro-Russian dictatorship led by the Kadyrov family in Chechnya. 
https://www.publicbooks.org/armenia-another-century-another-genocide/

Saint Sarkis Armenian Church Named ‘Top American Architectural Work’ by International Group of Architects, Engineers

Christianity Daily
Feb 22 2023

An international committee of architects and engineers has selected an Armenian Orthodox church in Texas as the best building in the United States. The church was reportedly selected with its architectural design.

A report from the Christian Post stated that in 2022, World-Architects selected Saint Sarkis Armenian Church, located north of Dallas, as the best architectural work in the United States. World-Architects is an online publisher with national and regional platforms representing architects, architectural photographers, engineers, interior designers, landscape architects, lighting designers, and manufacturers from over 50 countries. 

The church grounds encompass more than 4.5 acres and are home to three distinct buildings: the main church building and sanctuary, a gymnasium and youth center, and a hall that houses offices, classes, and a kitchen.

The architecture of what is widely regarded as the world's first Christian nation, Armenia, which converted to Christianity in the early third century, is reflected in the sanctuary building, designed by architect David Hotson and harkens back to that nation's architecture.

According to World Architects, the Church of Saint Sarkis in Carrollton, Texas, is patterned after the ancient church of Saint Hripsime, which still stands 8,000 miles to the east near the old seat of the Armenian Apostolic Church in Etchmiadzin, within the modern Republic of Armenia.

The Armenian homeland, located in the South Caucasus, once encompassed Mount Ararat, the tallest mountain in the Middle East, where Noah's ark is thought to have rested after the biblical flood. In 301 A.D., the Kingdom of Armenia became the world's first nation to convert to Christianity, sixty years before Emperor Constantine made Christianity the Roman Empire's official religion.

In this seismically active location, the Church of Saint Hripsime has sheltered Armenian congregations for fourteen centuries through the rise and fall of the Byzantine, Greek, Ottoman, Persian, Roman, Russian, and Soviet Empires. It symbolizes the resilience and continuation of the Armenian people's language, religion, and traditions. Remembering the faraway Armenian homeland from which the ancestors of many congregation members were ruthlessly driven during the Armenian genocide in 1915, the Saint Sarkis church faces west and overlooks the expansive Texas horizon.

Also Read: Benedictines of Mary in Kansas City Build a Church Through Bitcoin Donations

As per St. Sarkis Armenian Orthodox Church, St. Sarkis is the church's namesake and was a fourth-century Roman soldier persecuted for his Christian faith who sought safety in Armenia. He was from a settlement in the Cappadocian lowlands and was a courageous and devoted soldier in the army of the Christian Emperor Constantine.  When Julian the Apostate became emperor in the year 361 A.D. and began persecuting Christians, however, Sarkis and his son Mardiros sought shelter under the protection of King Tiran of Armenia. From there, he joined the Persian army, where he and his son converted many soldiers to Christianity.

However, Persia's religious officials quickly learned about Sarkis and attempted to force him and his kid to worship their gods. Due to his refusal to worship pagan idols, the spiritual authority of Persia executed him and his wife. Fourteen of his loyal soldiers were resolved to bury the general's remains, even at considerable risk. They were committed because of their religion. In addition, St. Sarkis, his son, and the faithful warriors are honored annually by the Armenian church on the third Saturday before the beginning of Lent.