Author: Dabaghian Diana

Interfax
July 30 2004
CHEMICAL INDUSTRY IN ARMENIA
The chemical industry, once a leading industry in Armenia, is having
a difficult time. Armenia has been unable to restore the chemical
industry after years of inactivity.
The government is attracting foreign investors to help solve the
problem but Nairit-1 was the only large plant to begin production in
the middle of last year.
As a result, production in the chemical industry increased in the
first few months of this year after dropping 17.5% in 2003.
BRIEF DESCRIPTION
Before the collapse of the Soviet Union the chemical industry played
a major role in Armenia’s economy, producing mineral fertilizers,
synthetic stones for instruments and watches, and fiberglass. The
Nairit production center, the only producer of rubber in the Soviet
Union at the time, formed the foundation of chemical production.
The industry was hurt by the Karabakh conflict and the environmental
movement that arose in 1988. The collapse of the Soviet Union
essentially shut down Armenia’s chemical industry for a long period,
with some enterprises idle for more than 10 years.
Some said the industry could not be restored after standing idle for
so long, but attempts were made to restart chemical production.
Armenia first tried on its own and then attracted foreign investors.
Unfortunately most of these attempts were unsuccessful. Once
production was resumed various factors forced plants to shut down and
change owners. Some enterprises have changed hands several times and
the industry continues to operate unsteadily.
Industry specialists say the chemical complex needs state support.
Companies need tax breaks and subsidies on gas and electricity rates.
The industry also lacks qualified specialists and the ones they do
have are approaching retirement. A source at Nairit, the leading
chemical enterprise in Armenia, said the average age of employees at
the plant is 56 and more than 250 specialists are 70 – 75. Teaching
at colleges and universities has also declined.
Once these problems are resolved and the chemical industry begins to
function normally again, it could become one of the most profitable
industries in the country. The production of household chemical
products, paints, and so on is considered the main area for
development of the industry. Armenia could also develop
pharmacological and biological production. But so-called big chemical
production by Nairit, the Vanadzor complex and Yerevan Tire Plant,
will continue to form the foundation of the industry.
Armenia has the capability to produce various chemical products,
including:
Plastics for manufacturing and household use;
Technical rubber and asbestos products;
Rubber and latex,
Acids, oxides, and salts,
Paint materials,
Perfumes and cosmetics,
Polymers, plastics, resin,
Agri-chemical products and fertilizers,
Household chemical products,
Chemical elements and compounds.
Production of paint materials grew 25.1% last year, chemical and
pharmaceutical production grew 8.9%, and plastics production was up
6.7%. Production of synthetic rubber and detergents dropped by 50%
and 28.1%, respectively, which resulted in an overall drop in
production in the chemical industry by 17.5%.
The industry is growing this year with the resumption of production
at Nairit, and was up 290% in the first four months. Production of
paint materials grew 40.1% year-on-year in the period, chemical
pharmaceutical production was up 33.4%, while production of plastics
and cleaning agents and detergents dropped 17.5% and 1.3%,
respectively.
CHEMICAL PRODUCTION
——————————————————————–
Chemical Rubber &
industry Plastics
——————————————————————–
2003 Jan-Apr 2003 Jan-Apr
2004 2004
——————————————————————–
Production in
current prices (Mln dram) 7345.4 4732.9 1478.7 605.9
———————————————————— ——–
Sale of finished products
in current prices (Mln dram) 6606.8 3687.6 1463.3 516.7
——————————————————————–
Physical index in comparable
prices to same period of
previous year (%) 82.5 3.9 times 181.5 164.7
——————————————————————–
Share in processing
industry (%) 2.6 4.9 0.5 0.6
——————————————————————–
Source: National Statistics Service of Armenia.
ZAO NAIRIT-1
Nairit-1 is one of six companies in the world that produce
chloroprene rubber and the only producer in the CIS. Chloroprene
rubber is also produced by U.S. company DuPont, Germany’s Bayer,
France, Japan, and China.
Though there are few companies that produce this type of rubber
competition is fierce because the market is limited and shrinking.
The Russian market is estimated at 5,000 tonnes of chloroprene
rubber, the European market at 50,000 tonnes, the United States at
100,000 tonnes, East Asia at 100,000 tonnes, and the entire world
market is about 300,000 tonnes.
Nairit can produce 30,000- 35,000 tonnes of rubber and must produce
20,000 – 25,000 for production to be profitable.
Nairit sells to Russia and the former Soviet republics, but periodic
shut downs have resulted in a loss of the market and the company was
able to restore its position only last year.
Nairit was the monopoly chloroprene rubber producer in the Soviet
Union until 1989. The company included two enterprises – Nairit-1,
the production center, and Nairit-2, the research end of the
business. Nairit also produced nitrogen (liquid and gaseous),
carbonic acid, acetylene, liquid chlorine, various acids, chloroprene
latex, various technical rubber products, and bleaching agents.
Nairit was shut down in 1989 for environmental reasons and production
was partially restored in 1992 – 1993, but the company closed again
several times due to gas and electricity debt.
Nairit had debt of $40 million in 2001 and the government decided to
reorganize the company. Production capacity for chloroprene rubber
production was spun off (Nairit-1) to create a debt-free enterprise,
but some of the old debt was transferred to the new enterprise.
Nairit-1 had debt of $35 million when it was transferred to Britain’s
Ransat Plc in early 2002.
Ransat agreed to pay the debt and invest $25 million in the plant by
2005. It also promised to increase chloroprene rubber production to
25,000 tonnes in three years from 4,000 tonnes in 2001 (to 6,100
tonnes in 2002, 10,000 tonnes in 2003, and 25,000 tonnes in 2004).
Ransat was also supposed to invest $1.5 million in Armsvyazbank, the
main creditor of Nairit-2 by February 6, 2003 and provide $5 million
for bank capital by July 1, 2005 and pay debt of $14 million on loans
made to Nairit.
The company resumed production in 2002, but the plant worked only
until November when electricity supplies were cut due to debt.
Ransat-Armenia filed a lawsuit against the power company and Ransat
suspended financing for Nairit.
Nairit stood idle during the lawsuit and financing was cut off. The
Armenian government in February 2003 said Ransat was not meeting
contract obligations and froze Nairit-1 shares. Ransat had failed to
invest $1.5 million in Armsvyazbank by February 6 and produced just
3,500 tonnes of rubber in 2002, not 6,100 tonnes as planned.
Ransat President Anil Kumar in April 2003 signed an agreement to
transfer the Economic Development Ministry 100% of Nairit-1 to
Armsvyazbank, which the company owed $14.2 million. The bank received
600,009 shares with a par value of 10,000 worth 6 billion dram.
The shares were transferred in management to Nairit Trust, owned by
Russia’s Runa-Bank. The bank invested $3.5 million in June 2003 and
Nairit resumed production and produced 1,700 tonnes of rubber last
year. It resumed exports to Russia, as well as to Ukraine, Iran,
Kazakhstan, and Bulgaria.
Armenia began preparing the chemical plant for sale to a Russian
investor, namely Volgaburmash, which includes Runa-Bank and Samarsky
Credit, 14 plants that produce drilling equipment, and 11
construction divisions.
The deal to sell 100% of Nairit to Volgaburmash was signed on April
16, 2004. Officials said at the time the deal would take three and a
half months to close as certain details were addressed. The deal is
supposed to close July 30.
The investor demanded a clarification of the accounts payable and
receivable at Nairit-1. An audit conducted by a French company showed
the company has payables of about $23 million and receivables of $15
million, but the Finance Ministry decided to conduct its own audit,
which was still in progress in mid-June.
The results of the audit will determine the financial situation at
the company and the cost of the contract.
The new investor plans to introduce butadiene technology for
production of rubber instead of acetylene technology. Volgaburmash
will invest $5 million in the plant soon. The first production line
using butadiene technology should be launched three or four months
after the deal is signed.
Switching to this technology will increase production and
profitability. Capacity will increase to 25,000 tonnes a year from
about 10,000 tonnes using acetylene technology.
Volgaburmash also plans to install a new packaging line, produce 50
kinds of chloroprene rubber and obtain certification to U.S. and
European standards.
Volgaburmash Holding President Andrei Ischuk said state support is
needed to rehabilitate the plant, which will involve substantial
expenses. He said the company should be given subsidies on gas and
electricity rates as Nairit consumes 10% of Armenia’s gas and 5% of
electricity.
PROMETEI-KHIMPROM (VANADZOR CHEMICAL COMPLEX)
Prometei-Khimprom was formed under a government decision in February
1999. It includes the Rubin Chemical Plant and Khimvolokno in the
city of Vanadzor, 150 kilometers from Yerevan, and the Vanadzor Heat
and Power Plant.
Following an analysis of the financial and technical situation at the
companies and restructuring their debt in May of that year, the
chemical complex was sold for $1.5 million to Russia’s
Zakneftegazstroi Prometei, which agreed to implement a two-stage
investment program worth $55 million – $60 million.
The first stage to 2001 included investment of $10 million to restore
the chemical complex to half of its design capacity. The complete
reconstruction of the enterprise should be completed in 2006, and
Prometei-Khimprom will be able to produce 10,000 tonnes of melamine,
40,000 tonnes of carbamide for use at the plant, 5,000 tonnes of
acetate thread, 4,000 tonnes of acetate braid, and 80 tonnes of
synthetic corundum. The product would be sold in Russia, China, and
the Middle East.
The Vanadzor Heat and Power Plant planned to produce 70 megawatts of
electricity and 220 gigacalories of heat to supply the chemical
complex and nearby residential consumers.
The Russian company invested about $20 million in the company to
increase capacity for ammonia production to 20,000 tonnes a year,
melamine to 10,000 tonnes, calcium carbide to 15,000 tonnes, acetate
tape to 3,500 tonnes, and corundum to 20 tonnes. After 13 years of
standing idle the Vanadzor complex in November 2001 resumed
production. But high prices for gas and changes in market trends
forced the company to suspend production in 2002.
The Russian company held talks to attract a partner in 2003 to resume
production and announced at the start of this year that 51% of the
company would be sold to Slovakia’s Divident Group.
First Deputy Trade and Economic Development Minister of Armenia Ashot
Shakhnazarian said Prometei-Khimprom was in good technical condition
and did not require substantial investment to resume production,
which should take a couple of months.
GENERAL TRANSWORLD MANUFACTURING COMPANY (YEREVAN TIRE PLANT)
The Yerevan tire plant is one of Armenia’s oldest enterprises. It was
formed in 1943 and produced continually until 1998. The plant was the
only tire producer in the southern Caucasus at the time and exported
to more than 35 countries. But like most petrochemical enterprises in
the country it too stood idle for a long time. The plant was
liquidated in early 2001 and Shinnik-1 was formed in its place.
American company TS Investment Corp bought 75% of Shinnik in April
2002 for $1.287 million and the company renamed in December of that
year to General Transworld Manufacturing Company (GTMC).
The American company repaired and updated the plant and production
resumed in February 2003 after a nine-year hiatus. By the end of 2003
the plant was producing eight kinds of car tire tubes and 12 kinds of
treads. Production totaled 80,000 tires a month and the new owners
planned to increase production to 100,000 tires with capacity of
200,000 tires. The product would be sold to Armenia and nearby
countries.
TS Investment Corp planned to invest $10 million in production by the
end of 2005.
However, the company ran into problems exporting diagonal tires,
transporting raw materials, selling products on the domestic and
foreign markets, and installing new lines to produce radial tires.
Production was suspended in January 2004 due to financial problems
and 75% of the employees were placed on leave without pay.
Reports in April indicated the plant would resume production in May,
but the owner said in the Armenian media it is concerned with the
situation at the plant and will either sell it or seek partners.
This article was written by the Interfax Center for Economic
Analysis. E-mail: [email protected]

armenianow.com
July 30, 2004
Vacation Armenian Style: A pilgrimage to the rock of ages
By Gayane Abrahamyan
ArmeniaNow reporter
A big cave stands out against the background of a mountain opposite
the road leading to Geghard Monastery . Two holes like eyes seem to
peer from the rock keeping watch over the middle ages church. Anyone
who visits Armenia learns of Geghard. Not as many, however, know that
there was a time when the cave was a pilgrimage place where those who
managed to survive the impassible road lit candles for realizing their
dreams.
God made the cave; man made the rooms
It was (is) also a great retreat from summer heat and today has become a
leisure spot. Nobody promises ”rooms with European design and
twenty-four-hour hot and cold water”. But if your idea of a vacation (or
even a getaway) is untouched nature, relaxing sounds and the gurgle of a
river in an exotic environment, the Geghard caves offer it all. And Mother
Nature gives it for free.
For six years jeweler Robert Hovsepyan has been spending several rest days
in this cave and although he can afford to enjoy more comfortable vacations,
only here he finds complete harmony escaping from urban noise.
This time in his favorite cave he received his friend from Georgia painter
Maria Mehrabyan, who despite spending all her life in Georgia, has now
decided to settle down in her homeland.
This place is of particular importance for residents of the neighboring
villages. The cave, as they call it Tchgnavor’s Zagha (”cave” translated
from Turkish) or Kioroghli’s Zagha (”cave of a blind man’s son” from
Turkish), is a pilgrimage place for them.
”Even if somebody is planning to leave outside for work or is going to face
exams or he has a dream then they necessarily go to Zagha for lighting
candles and comforting their souls and only after that they do whatever
they’ve planned,” says 73-year-old Vazgen Kirakosyan.
The cave was once used by Geghard clerics who devoted themselves to an
ascetic life.
According to spiritual father of Geghard priest Ter Petros Malyan, there are
about 150 caves in the neighboring mountains of the church. There was a time
when these caves served clerics for a hermitage. They says there is even a
cave where Saint Grigor the Illuminator would live as a hermit.
Mountain-side solitude
According to Father Petros, these caves used to serve not only spiritual but
also defensive purposes. Armenian historian of 17th century Arakel
Davrizhetsi also bears record to that fact writing that during military
campaigns of Shah Abbas villagers were taking refuge in Tchgnavor’s Zagha.
However, cunning Persians burnt wet grass below the cave and smoke choked
women and children hiding in the cave. ”There were strange smiles on the
faces of choked people as if they were favored with eternal rest,” writes
the historian.
Of course, today this sad story has been forgotten and people hide in
Tchgnavor’s Zagha not from enemies but simply to escape from sun and
pollution and the routine life of the city.
For getting to the cave you have to walk a long road leading through thorny
briar bushes and over a stony river. If you can successfully overcome the
path then you reach the real challenge of climbing over the rock to reach
the cave entrance. The mania of reaching the cave fills even the most coward
visitors with courage. Regular visitors to the cave made the path easier in
some measure. They dug foot prints in the ground and fixed rope for safety
next to a 20 centimeter wide path leading over the rock.
After a few mountaineering jumps the rock is conquered and the huge cave,
which looked like a small hole when looking at it from afar, is before your
eyes with all of its beauty.
The cave is divided into several parts and only the first part is natural
while others were dug by visitors. Walls and ceiling of the middle-sized
rooms are completely covered in engraved graffiti, such as: ”One has to
have more power to live than to die”.
There was a time when clerics tasted that power of faith and life, isolating
themselves from comfortable life and settling down in this cave.
Big cave, small journalist
Robert Hovsepyan believes that in this cave people really experience new
feelings of self-assessment and self-knowledge and begin to look at life
with new standards.
”Many people like to visit this place. Sometimes it even happens when there
is no place to stay here,” says Hovsepyan, who passes through 40 centimeter
wide openings in the rock with the abyss below, as if walking around in his
house.
A most peculiar part of the cave is a place like a chair located on the edge
of rock fragment. It is a narrow ”armchair” dug in the rock, in which only
thin people can sit. The whole ”armchair” is in the air and it is
connected with the rock only by a small part. Its upper part pushes out
arch-wise and gives its guest a feeling of aloneness. This stone seat is
also an echo chamber sending even whispers circling back around its guest’s
ears. Perhaps it was meant for praying?
Almost every day guests go to Tchgnavor’s Zagha.
Varduhi Zohrabyan, a waitress at a café on the road to the cave says
tourists visiting them are very interested in that cave and even old
tourists venture to climb it.
”Every time I feel proud when foreigners say words of praise about our
Geghard and I also feel happy when they pay attention to the cave too,”
says Zohrabyan. “What do we have except for these beautiful, wonderful
monuments? We should be represented to the world by them.”

ANSA Notiziario Generale in Italiano
July 28, 2004
CONSIGLIO EUROPA: ALLARME SITUAZIONE DETENUTI IN ARMENIA ;
COMITATO ANTITORTURA: CARCERI SOVRAFFOLLATE E POLIZIA VIOLENTA
BRUXELLES
(ANSA) – BRUXELLES, 28 LUG – Arriva dal Consiglio d’Europa
l’allarme sulla situazione dei detenuti in Armenia e il richiamo
alle forze dell’ordine del paese perche curino di piu’ la
formazione professionale degli agenti.
Secondo il Comitato per la prevenzione della tortura di
Strasburgo, che ha presentato oggi il suo primo rapporto
sull’Armenia, oltre al sovraffollamento delle carceri e
all’assenza di qualsiasi attivita’ ricreativa, i detenuti armeni
devono infatti affrontare un “rischio elevato di maltrattamenti
da parte della polizia”.
In particolare Strasburgo chiede misure urgenti per migliorare
le condizioni di detenzione dei condannati all’ergastolo nella
prigione di Noubarashen, in provincia di Erevan, e evidenzia le
carenze dell’ospedale psichiatrico della stessa citta’.
In risposta al rapporto, le autorita’ armene hanno annunciato
una diminuzione della popolazione carceraria, grazie
all’adozione del nuovo codice penale, e hanno presentato delle
misure destinate a migliorare le condizioni negli istituiti di
Noubarashen.(ANSA).

MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA
—————————————— —-
PRESS AND INFORMATION DEPARTMENT
375010 Telephone: +3741. 544041 ext 202
Fax: +3741. .562543
Email: [email protected]:
PRESS RELEASE
28 July 2004
Foreign Minister Oskanian Receives Representatives of Land and Culture
Twenty young people from all over the world who have volunteered to
serve with the Land and Culture organization visited the Ministry
yesterday.
After a brief tour of the Ministry, the Land and Culture volunteers
(of whom there are 75 this year, from Canada, France,Georgia, India,
Lebanon, Iran) were led into the office of the Foreign Minister.
Minister Oskanian commended the patriotic mission of the organization
and stressed the importance of sustainability of their endeavors. He
stressed that the best way to contribute to the development of a
national culture is to sustain close ties with historical
motherland. Minister Oskanian welcomed programs like Land and Culture
and other youth programs which offer young Diaspora Armenians a chance
to live and work in Armenia, as interns or volunteers.
During the meeting, Minister Oskanian responded to questions and
briefly commented on aspects of Armenia’s foreign relations, its
relations with neighbour countries and key players in the region, the
status of the Karabakh conflict resolution process, and
Armenia-Diaspora relations.
Land and Culture was founded in 1977 by a group of young French
Armenians. Subsequently, the organisation established branches in the
USA, UK, Armenia and other countries. Land and Culture started to work
in Armenia a year after the Gyumri earthquake of 1988.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Le Figaro
24 juillet 2004
Les Chypriotes, ces Californiens d’Orient;
PAROLES D’EUROPÉENS Suite de notre série : Chypre. Dans cette île
déchirée entre Turcs et Grecs, seuls ces derniers profiteront de
l’Union
Nicosie : Laure Mandeville
Ils chantent à pleine voix : Mario le barde, penché sur sa guitare,
torse moulé dans un tee-shirt bleu marine, avec son faux air de Jack
Lang, ses cheveux bouclés et son air rieur. Ses deux amis assis à la
même table, devant une bouteille de vin local à la robe vermeille et
au goût trop sucré ; et puis leurs voisins de tablée, une famille de
citadins chypriotes venus fêter la réussite de leur fille à ses
examens d’entrée à l’université. La mère, petit bout de femme
rondelette, nez en patate, cheveux roux teints remontés dans le cou,
vient carrément se planter à côté du chanteur, en criant à tue-tête.
Un fonctionnaire du ministère de la Défense, passablement éméché, se
lance dans une grande fresque géopolitique sur les raisons de la
division de l’île, partagée entre Turcs et Grecs. A Chypre, la
politique hante les conversations, presque autant que le football !
De plus en plus disert au fur et à mesure qu’il boit, Mario le
guitariste, avocat de profession, se met à fulminer contre
«l’incompétence» des politiciens locaux «qui étouffent les petits
métiers libéraux», avant d’entonner une joyeuse ballade grecque…
Nadia et Dalia, jolies filles d’Ukraine et de Lituanie qui font la
plonge en cuisine, sortent de leur antre pour jouir de la scène. Cela
leur fait du bien à l’me, cette exubérance méditerranéenne, qui
tranche avec la nostalgie noyée de vodka et de slavitude de leurs
terres natales.
L’air est doux. De drôles de parasols suspendus en hauteur forment
une voûte de tissu qui cache les étoiles et couvre la terrasse de
cette petite taverne, nichée au coeur de la vieille ville de Nicosie,
capitale de l’île. «Ce qui nous caractérise, c’est le sens de la fête
!» , lance la femme rousse, en se dandinant d’aise. A l’exception des
mythiques nes chypriotes, de plus en plus rares, qui se mettent à
braire au petit matin dans les montagnes du Troodos, en même temps
que les cloches des monastères vous invitent à matines, ce sont les
tavernes et les cafés de Chypre qui révèlent le mieux «l’me»
éternelle de cette île carrefour de Méditerranée orientale.
C’est ici, aux terrasses des «kafejnas», petits cafés peuplés
d’hommes basanés sirotant de l’ouzo en jouant au trictrac, qu’on vous
interpelle pour vous inviter gentiment à «faire une pause». Pour
chanter, boire, fumer (les non-fumeurs sont rares) ; se gorger de
viandes grillées et de drôles de bonbons jaune clair au nectar de
raisin et aux amandes. Pour parler aussi. Evoquer l’histoire de
l’île, joyau de Méditerranée marqué par les invasions successives, de
l’ordre grec à la colonisation britannique, en passant par les
Romains, Byzance, la botte musclée des Lusignan de France, et bien
sûr la tutelle de l’Ottoman…
C’est sous les tonnelles que l’on vient rêver, immobile, à
l’orientale. Posée aux portes du Moyen-Orient, à quelques encablures
des côtes turques au nord et des côtes libanaises au sud-est, Chypre,
l’île grecque remplie de vestiges de la splendeur hellénique, semble
avoir été touchée par «le sommeil» des Orientaux d’Anatolie et leur
potentiel de contemplation. N’est-elle pas «un paradis naturel, au
milieu duquel se dresse l’arbre de l’oisiveté» ?, s’émerveille
l’écrivain britannique Lawrence Durrell dans les années 50, dans son
beau livre Citrons acides, alors que montent déjà les troubles de
l’indépendance arrachée à l’Angleterre en 1960.
Le problème est que cet hédonisme presque philosophique que l’on hume
toujours à l’ombre des parasols ne reflète plus bien la réalité d’un
pays que l’invasion turque de 1974 a coupé en deux, bouleversant tous
les repères. D’un seul coup, un beau jour, il y a trente ans, c’est
tout le quotidien de deux peuples qui a basculé, à la faveur de ce
qu’il faut bien appeler une véritable épuration ethnique. En quel
ques heures à peine, sans prendre le temps de faire une valise,
parfois même en chaussettes, quelque 190 000 Grecs chypriotes ont dû
fuir vers le Sud, abandonnant leurs maisons et leurs vergers pleins
d’agrumes, tandis que des dizaines de milliers de Turcs chypriotes
migraient au Nord.
Brusquement, ces deux communautés habituées à cohabiter depuis des
siècles ne se sont plus parlé. Si Turcs et Grecs de Chypre portent
toujours au coeur la même déchirure, la même balafre que symbolise
physiquement l’affreux mur de barbelés qui traverse l’île, s’ils
continuent de rêver à haute voix de «réunification», leurs routes ont
divergé économiquement, politiquement et mentalement. Le mur a bien
été rouvert aux habitants, il y a an, lançant une grande vague de
week-ends de «pèlerinage» dans les maisons perdues. Yannis
Hadjiloukas, un Grec de Nicosie, a retrouvé la sienne amputée d’un
étage et occupée par des bergers de Turquie…
«C’était triste, a-t-il raconté, je n’ai pas retrouvé une seule
photographie, un seul livre qui m’appartienne…» Loin de rapprocher
les communautés, ces contacts ont dans l’ensemble créé une tentation
de repli, surtout dans la jeunesse du Sud, qui n’a pas connu
l’avant-1974. «On a peur d’eux, et eux de nous», résume Marina, la
quarantaine, Grecque chypriote du Sud, qui n’est pas contre une
fédération à condition qu’elle maintienne deux administrations
séparées. «Nos instituteurs nous enseignent une vision nationaliste
de l’histoire, qui nourrit la haine», renchérit Karene Voskeritchian,
jeune Arménienne de Limassol.
Les Chypriotes du Sud craignent aussi de devoir «payer pour les
Turcs», vu l’immense différence de niveau économique. C’est qu’en
trente ans, tandis que la République autoproclamée de Chypre Nord,
sous tutelle turque, non reconnue par la communauté internationale,
sombrait, telle une Belle au bois dormant, dans une léthargie
débilitante – dont le seul avantage a été de préserver le littoral de
l’assaut des promoteurs immobiliers -, Chypre Sud se lançait à corps
perdu dans le tourisme et la modernité galopante. Bétonnant ses côtes
avec une ardeur dont on ne voit toujours pas la fin. Le résultat est
là : un pays arriéré transformé en Californie orientale, avec son
boom économique impressionnant, son chômage quasi inexistant, son
taux d’équipement high-tech très avancé… et hélas, une dégradation
de l’environnement tout aussi spectaculaire. Dopée par l’arrivée des
élites libanaises fuyant la guerre, dans les années 80, Chypre Sud
s’est aussi muée en place financière, dont le statut offshore a
attiré les nouveaux Russes après l’effondrement du communisme.
Les pauvres paysans chypriotes grecs déracinés sont devenus riches.
«La plupart des familles ont quatre voitures, des maisons à étages,
des résidences secondaires, des ordinateurs, des téléphones mobiles
et des motos pour les enfants… C’est le syndrome des nouveaux
riches qui ne savent quoi faire de leur argent», explique Ka rene.
Limassol, sur la côte sud. La laideur des immeu bles cons truits à
grande vitesse, sans réflexion sur le devenir de ce port, est
choquante. C’est à peine si on aperçoit la mer violette, entre les
cubes de béton qui bordent les plages. Même les lauriers roses et les
bougainvilliers semblent faire la moue, comme s’ils avaient du mal à
trouver leur place, entre les gratte-ciel des banques et les
fast-foods bon marché. L’ambiance est américaine, le civisme en
moins. Les immenses avenues sont impossibles à traverser sans risquer
de se faire écraser par les 4 X 4 lancés à grande vitesse. Pourtant,
jadis, la ville était belle, avec son bord de mer crénelé de belles
maisons vénitiennes et ottomanes.
Le père du photographe arménien Robert Voskeritchian, arrivé sur
l’île après le génocide arménien de 1915, en avait fait de nombreux
clichés que le fils garde précieusement dans ses archives. «Les
Chypriotes veulent se venger de la perte de leurs terres, en
consommant et en construisant clinquant, sur du sable», note un
observateur français. Cette perte d’identité est selon lui «la clé
psychanalytique» qui permet d’expliquer la fuite en avant. «Le
problème des Chypriotes est qu’ils n’ont jamais été maîtres de leur
destin, vu l’importance géostratégique de l’île. Ils se sont vu
donner une fausse indépendance par les Britanniques, qui ont gardé
une toute petite portion du territoire et ouvert la porte de l’île à
la Turquie», renchérit le photographe Voskeritchian, tandis que ses
yeux vifs lancent des éclairs. L’Arménien de Limassol est loin d’être
seul à détester les Britanniques, mais la culture anglo-saxonne n’en
est pas moins omniprésente, surtout dans une jeunesse vivant au
rythme des tubes anglo-américains et des séries d’outre- Atlantique
montrées en boucle sur la télévision locale.
A Limassol, au fast-food de Goodies, toujours plein à craquer, les
jeunes Chypriotes ventripotentes, nombril à l’air, mangent des frites
et des burgers en tapotant sur leurs portables dernier cri. Malgré
les drapeaux grecs qui pavoisent les immeubles officiels, la Grèce
continentale, si aimée des aînés qui voulaient s’y rattacher, perd du
terrain. «Comme aux Etats-Unis, la mentalité est matérialiste. Les
enfants sont pourris gtés, leurs parents leur donnent tout», affirme
Karene, Arménienne de 19 ans, qui a reçu une éducation beaucoup plus
exigeante. Les tensions qui en découlent sont nombreuses. Les jeunes
exigent beaucoup, mais délaissent leurs vieux, devoir pourtant sacré
dans cette société méditerranéenne. On se marie toujours très tôt,
mais le taux de divorce connaît une croissance exponentielle.
Les parents s’inquiètent aussi beaucoup d’une libéralisation des
moeurs galopante. Ainsi Yannis Hadjiloucas est-il obligé de laisser
sa fille de 16 ans aller en boîte après minuit, car c’est l’heure à
laquelle ouvrent désormais les discothèques de cette île festive où
il fait toujours beau. Pourtant, la société «garde une vraie
cohésion, un vrai réseau familial», tempère le Français Jean-
Bertrand Dubart, installé dans l’île depuis seize ans. L’Eglise,
premier investisseur, reste un ciment national important. Le taux
élevé de diplômés de l’enseignement supérieur, qui atteint 60%, donne
de bonnes armes aux jeunes générations qui entrent dans l’Europe.
Avisés, les Chypriotes comprennent d’ailleurs tout l’intérêt de
s’ouvrir à l’Union, même s’il ne s’agit pas «de leur identité
naturelle», beaucoup plus orientale. Ils savent que pour sortir du
système politique clanique, pour casser le poids du Parti communiste
(30% des votes) et des syndicats, pour secouer la torpeur
bureaucratique et imposer une cure d’austérité, Chypre a besoin de ce
mariage de raison. L’ampleur des trafics de drogue, qui prolifèrent à
travers la Turquie et les réseaux des Grecs pontiques de l’ex-URSS,
les inquiète. Enfin, les Chypriotes grecs se demandent si l’Europe,
en imposant des visas, pourra les aider à faire face aux nouveaux
envahisseurs qui déferlent. Ni croisés ni janissaires du sultan, ces
«intrus» ont de longues jambes interminables, des yeux bleus en
amande, et portent… des minijupes. Ce sont les redoutables femmes
slaves de l’ex-URSS, à l’éclatante beauté, qui par milliers, prennent
mari dans l’île. Le nombre de mariages mixtes, affirme la presse
locale, a pris la forme d’un phénomène de société, pour le grand
déplaisir des jeunes femmes chypriotes. Mais Chypre la convoitée en a
vu d’autres… Lundi : les Maltais

Georgia’s unification plans, Russia’s role in Caucasus viewed – TV
Centre TV, Moscow
15 Jul 04
With the new Georgian leadership working hard on the country’s
unification, is it possible that South Ossetia and Abkhazia will
follow Ajaria’s example, asks a Russian analytical TV programme. Many
experts agree that everything depends on Russia here, but at the same
time Russia is lacking a consistent policy on its southern borders,
they say. Politicians and analysts from Russia, South Ossetia and
Abkhazia share their opinions on what should be done in the area to
avoid a war. The following is an excerpt from the programme, broadcast
by Russian Centre TV on 15 July; subheadings inserted editorially:
[Presenter] Hello. This is “Our Version”. I am Mikhail Markelov.
Georgia’s roses wither in Tbilisi. South Ossetia has said no to
elderly [former Georgian President] Eduard Shevardnadze. Now, it does
not want young [incumbent president] Mikheil Saakashvili. The new
Georgian president’s pleas “Come back, I will forgive you anything”
are being ignored. It means that the reunification is postponed, so
far. It is postponed for an indefinite time.
[The self-declared republic of] Abkhazia watches the love intrigues
with anxiety, perfectly understanding that the importunate admirer
Saakashvili will sooner or later lay his hands upon it. Abkhazia, like
South Ossetia, wishes to opt out. It wants to be with Russia, but
Georgia does not grant a divorce. The intrigue has amplified after an
old political procurer appeared on the scene – the United States of
America. It goes to show that an endless military and political soap
opera will go on at the scene of the international geopolitics. This
soap opera differs from a drama, as blood in drama is always real. Our
correspondent Anatoliy Suleymanov has just returned from Georgia,
South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
Stalin’s legacy
[Correspondent] [This is] an ancient town of Gori, central
Georgia. Iosif Stalin, the man with whom the main phase of the Soviet
epoch’s formation is associated, was born here at the end of the 19th
century. Since then, everything in Gori is a reminder of him. All
people’s great leader’s house, turned into museum, plays host to
visitors. There is a monument to Stalin in the central square, the
only one in the post-Soviet space.
However, a calming effect that the leader’s smile produces, is a false
one. There is a fresh hotbed of tension as close as 20 km from here –
South Ossetia. The fruit of Stalin’s political principle – divide and
rule – is a serious test of Saakashvili. The young leader is
suppressing rebellious provinces carrying new flags, which symbolize
half roses, half a new crusade.
Price of independence
The central market in Gori is the first in the whole of the republic
to react to a regular flare-up of recriminations between South
Ossetian and Georgian authorities. The exchange rate of the lari, the
Georgian currency, as well as prices of many goods, are set in this
market depending on how events unfold in Georgia. The market in Gori
was the first to suffer after Georgians established a customs check
point on the South Ossetian border and imposed an economic blockade
against the self-declared republic. The market has been reduced to
half its previous size.
[Local unidentified woman] All people are starving now. It should not
have happened. Everyone is unemployed. Our state must think and find a
way out.
[Correspondent] The price of everything exported from Russia, has
risen: cigarettes, vodka, clothes, petrol. Grain exported from the USA
was delivered to Gori instead of cheap and high-quality Russian
flour. Third-rate grain is not defective goods. It is ground at local
mills and sold at three times the actual cost. When locals learned
that we are from Russia, they asked: will a war really begin? A bit
later, we understood why they had asked us this question.
Georgian peacekeepers wearing NATO uniform
[Over footage shot by hidden camera] Georgian servicemen were packed
into our hotel, which we were not allowed to film. They wore NATO
uniforms with insignia of peacekeeping force. We found out that almost
all hotels in Gori resemble temporary barracks. Servicemen started
coming here in mid-June. All of them have been trained by US
instructors under the programme for fighting against terrorism. In
early June they were enlisted in the peacekeeping force and
re-deployed closer to the South Ossetian border. According to the
information we have, there are some 1,000 peacekeepers like these in
Gori, and they keep coming. It should be borne in mind that under the
tripartite agreement between Russia, Georgia and South Ossetia, their
number must not exceed 500 troops.
Georgian troops never left during three days that we stayed at the
hotel. When they went to the town, they put on civilian clothes for
some reason. What terrorists are Georgian peacekeepers in NATO
uniforms going to combat?
The governor of Gori Region [as received] declined to answer that
question. He pleaded poor ignorance of the Russian language. Asked if
we could speak through an interpreter, he said a decisive no again,
this time pleading lack of time.
Incidentally, poor command of Russian is a particularity of this
region. Despite the fact that South Ossetia, where everyone is fluent
in Russian, is only 20 km away, in Gori the Russian language has
already been forgotten, at least by the young. The older generation
has not forgotten anything. They remember the Soviet Union, a
prosperous Georgia, and they remember the first war with South Ossetia
just as well.
[Panteleimon Giorgadze, leader of the United Communist Party of
Georgia] What did they spill blood for? What did they kill children
and women in Ossetia for – I saw that with my own eyes. They killed a
young boy and dumped the body on a river bank. His mother came up to
me and she gripped me. She wanted to gnaw me with her teeth. Why?
Echo of the past in South Ossetia
[Correspondent over archive video] On 6 January 1991, Georgian police
and National Guard units entered the South Ossetian capital
Tskhinvali. Searches, arrests, killings of people, predominantly
Ossetians, ensued. The Ossetian side took measures in
self-defence. Self-defence militias were able to drive Georgian
fighters out of Tskhinvali. The Georgian fighters soon launched
reprisals against rural areas in South Ossetia, shelling Tskhinvali
with heavy artillery from time to time. After the Georgian militants
were driven out, Ossetian self-defence militias set out to slaughter
the population of Georgian villages. In two years of fighting in South
Ossetia, 6,000 people perished. Seven hundred people went missing.
[Passage omitted: archive reportage from South Ossetia, dated 1991]
The alarmed tones of Soviet television newsreaders can be heard on the
TV screen again today. It seem history is repeating itself. A period
of Georgia’s wooing of South Ossetia is at an end. The time has come
for ultimatums.
New broom sweeps clean
[Correspondent] Mikheil Saakashvili is acting like a true Georgian: If
you don’t want to do it by consent, I’m going to take you by force. In
the past 12 years, Georgia’s relationship with South Ossetia has not
sunk this low yet.
First, South Ossetia rejected Georgia’s proposal to build a railway,
which never was particularly popular even in Soviet times. Today it is
not needed either, South Ossetia believes. The journey to Tbilisi
takes less time and money by minibus.
Then South Ossetia turned down Saakashvili’s wife, Sandra Roelofs; she
is widely admired in Georgia. South Ossetia also refused to pay
Georgian pensions. It would not even accept fertilizer from Tbilisi
on the pretext that there is plenty of that stuff in South Ossetia.
Incidentally, that fertilizer was nicknamed Sasukishvili here. Sasuki
translates as manure from Georgian.
[Eduard Kokoiti, president of South Ossetia] Both the Ossetian people
and the Georgian people expect concrete action, concrete steps from
us, not tug-of-war, not for one to prevail over the other purely
politically. You don’t need to play here games here, you need to do
politics and the PR exercises Saakashvili is putting on are simply
unseemly. As far as his appearance here is concerned, he has only the
personnel of the Special Rapid-Reaction Detachment of the Republic of
South Ossetia to thank for that. They were the ones who handled the
act of provocation he carried out on 3 January with restraint and
sang-froid. If not for that, Georgia would have been left without a
president.
Information war in progress
[Correspondent] Every nation has a Khatyn [village in central Belarus
which was burnt down alive by Nazis and their collaborationists] of
its own. This is a children’s cemetery in the backyard of School No 5
in Tskhinvali. Those who died in the capital city of South Ossetia 12
years ago are buried here. Every Russian journalist is brought
here. Large billboards showing Russian President Vladimir Putin are
favourite shots. They are especially loved by Georgian cameramen. They
film one and the same thing, but its implication differs. There is a
war going on between Georgia and South Ossetia, an information war.
Irina Yuryevna is head of the press centre which reminds one of a
propaganda department rather. It is difficult to check information
about Georgian prisoners, this is why they recommend that their word
is trusted. Irina Yuryevna is dictating a news report for the news
wire on the Internet. Any links with Georgia are denied – this is why
the Georgian Tskhinvali becomes the Ossetian Tskhinval, Sukhumi turns
into Sukhum. It is hard for South Ossetia to carry out an information
war, this is why they sometimes have to make things up.
[Irina] The republic’ citizens have held a meeting on the by-pass road
demanding that a tri-partite checkpoint be installed here.
[Correspondent] The news of the day – Georgia is completing the
construction of a by-pass road on the territory of a republic they do
not recognize. The road goes through Georgian villages. Several buses
containing students and teachers accompanied by the military are
heading for the scene of the meeting. They demand that a checkpoint be
organized next to one of the Georgian villages. After the passionate
speeches made by teachers – the students are passive – the
demonstrators are heading for the village, for some reason. However,
it turns out that the village was abandoned a long time ago.
This failure is a disappointment for journalists from central TV
channels. This is a half-made report. On the way back our TV crew
passes Georgian villages. National flag are flying on quite a few
houses. The South Ossetian authorities are concerned about this –
Saakashvili has won a victory once, in Ajaria. Who will guarantee
that the Ajarian scenario will not be repeated here?
[Gennadiy Gudkov, captioned as chairman of State Duma security
committee] Part of the villages in South Ossetia are inhabited by
Georgians. With ethnic Georgians in mind, Saakashvili and his team may
try and rock the situation in South Ossetia. This is why they have
gone there.
“Our boys are best”
[Kokoiti] It is easy to wage a war, but it is difficult to end it,
especially in the Caucasus. There will be no winners in this war. I
have no doubt we shall put an end to all evil and its nest will be
done away with once and for all. I have not the slightest doubt about
it. However, the nations will suffer. We must understand that
somebody is trying to re-divide the Caucasus all over again.
[Correspondent] Nobody here doubts that the unrecognized republic will
be able to offer resistance to Georgia. To strengthen the spirit of
civilians, local TV is running military adverts.
[Unidentified female voice over archive video] A US coach claims that
it will take 100 days to train these Georgian soldiers, taking into
account their desire to overcome all obstacles. The expenses will be
completely justified, he adds.
This battalion is ready for combat, while this commander of Georgian
commandos identifies his tasks more precisely, saying, we are ready
for any situation, we want to contribute to the unification of
Georgia. A commentary follows, to the effect that US coaches intend to
start training another battalion in September. One need not be a
clairvoyant to say that these battalions are trained to resolve issues
acute for Georgia and not in order to preserve peace across the
world. Despite the fact that South Ossetian soldiers are not being
trained by US coaches, they do look just as good during military
exercises.
[Kosta Kochiyev, captioned as deputy chairman of the South Ossetian
state TV and radio company] When our experts compared the training of
Georgian special-purpose troops [spetsnaz], conducted by foreign
coaches, and South Ossetian troops, they said that the latter look
much better. This is why we show to our people that South Ossetians
are well-trained, and the people do not need anything else.
Want peace ? Get ready for war.
[Correspondent] Both Georgia and South Ossetia claim that they do not
want a war, but they are preparing for it. Maybe because they want
peace so much. However, one does not need to be a military expert to
understand that their forces are not equal.
[Over a table showing figures] Georgia has five strike aircraft, while
South Ossetia has none; Georgia has 10 military helicopters, while
South Ossetia has none, finally, Georgia has 130 tanks while South
Ossetia has only 130
[Correspondent] Both Georgia and South Ossetia possess antiaircraft
complexes, armoured reconnaissance vehicles, infantry fighting
vehicles and APCs. South Ossetian special-purpose troops [spetsnaz] as
well as volunteers are being trained by Russian military coaches,
while Georgian commandos with the Ministry of Defence have been
trained by Americans within the programme combating
terrorism. Undoubtedly, the Georgian Defence Ministry has worked out
an emergency plan of military activities. Georgians are likely to
enter Tskhinvali first, as the South Ossetian capital is located right
on the border with Georgia. The main blow will come from the
neighbouring Gori District and from villages in Georgia. It is
unlikely that somebody may deny a possibility of such a
blitzkrieg. Nevertheless, both Georgian and US analysts are concerned
about another thing. Should a military conflict or a war start, God
forbid, Ossetians will find a refuge the mountains and long guerrilla
war will start. Volunteers from Russia’ southern regions and Abkhazia
will come to the rescue of South Ossetians. At the same time,
[Chechen rebel leader Aslan] Maskhadov has already promised help to
Georgia. In this case, one can forget about the unification of Georgia
for a long time.
[Aleksandr Khramchikhin, head of the analytical department at the
Institute of Military and Strategic Analysis] A war could start if
provoked by the authorities of Abkhazia or South Ossetia. Georgia will
avoiding a war at all costs. It would prefer to repeat the Ajarian
scenario, although it would be much slower, due to a difference in
circumstances. Nevertheless, the Ajarian scenario could be repeated,
although it could take between 18 months and two years, but not three
months. The elite in either republic are losing ground, this is why
they may provoke a conflict.
“Everything depends on Russia”
[Correspondent] A lot depends on Russia in the current situation. It
is clear that the unification of Russia and South Ossetia is out of
the question, not least because South Ossetia or Abkhazia, for that
matter, mean to Georgia exactly what Chechnya means to
Russia. Moreover, Russia has officially recognized these unrecognized
republics as part of Georgia. This is why it makes no sense irritating
Tbilisi by flirting with South Ossetia.
Russia should determine its position. Should a military conflict
start, Russia will have to put up to dozens of thousands of refugees
from South Ossetia, as well as new violence we shall be facing on our
southern borders. If we do not need a conflict or war, we should do
our best to prevent the political elites of unrecognized republics
from waging a war.
So far Russia is lacking a clear-cut policy, but there are a lot of
opinions, there is a struggle over zones of influence among several
Russian groupings. There is no result.
[Khramchikhin] Georgia does not apply force because there is Russia
around. Practically everything depends on Russia. Russia, in its
turn, is lacking a clear-cut policy, this is why it will give up
everything. Saakashvili has a policy of his own, while we do not have
one. No doubt, everything depends on Russia, because South Ossetia and
Abkhazia are tied up with Russia for good.
Russian official’s surprise visit
[Correspondent] Who is responsible for Russia’s policy in Georgia
these days? There is not a clear-cut answer to the question, not
because Russia has no ideas, but due to the fact that Russia’s policy
in Georgia has too many authors.
A famous Russian official has visited Tskhinvali recently.
[Voice of security officer] Take your camera away.
[Voice of Russian prime ministerial aide Aleksandr Pochinok over black
background showing tarmac] We shall be helping in every possible
way. Officially, we are helping Russian citizens who are living in
South Ossetia. That is the end of it. This will involve pensions,
investment – Russian entrepreneurs will be arriving here with serious
investment. This will involve reconstruction of roads, invitations to
study in Russian higher educational institutions, this will also
involve recreation for children and so on.
[Unidentified male voice] There won’t be a war, will there?
[Pochinok] It does not depend on you and me. We shall do our best for
a war not to take place. By all means.
Russia should determine its policy in Caucasus
[Gudkov] We should determine our positions. A presidential envoy in
the Transcaucasus should be appointed. It could be one of foreign
minister deputies, [Russian First Deputy Foreign Minister] Valeriy
Loshchinin, for example. This centre alone should plan and determine
the continuity of Russia’s policy in the Transcaucasus. The situation
whereby the military have one policy, the Security Council has another
one, Pochinok has a third one, while the Foreign Ministry has a fourth
policy. As a result, Russia is lacking a policy whatsoever.
[Correspondent] The next day after the famous official left the town,
the passport departments of Tskhinvali were issuing Russian foreign
passports en masse – they had brought them directly from the Russian
Foreign Ministry. Approximately 80 per cent of South Ossetian
residents are Russian citizens, according to our information. This is
the unofficial policy of official Moscow.
[Khramchikhin] Issuing passports was an interesting operation. It
gives Russia a trump card. Now it is obliged to protect its
citizens. However, citizens and territory are two different
things. The territory remains Georgian and Georgia can always tell
Russia to take its citizens [from the Georgian territory] after
all. Besides, we all know how Russia treats its citizens.
Out with the old one and in with the new
[Correspondent] Georgia has recently become a regular supplier of
international news and almost caught up with Iraq in this respect. One
can trace a clear resemblance between them. In both cases it was the
USA that initiated the breach of the peace. It unashamedly proclaims
its course in the Transcaucasus where Russia alone can confront it.
It is in the light of this confrontation that various geopolitical
combinations are being played through. Two years ago the hopes that
the White House had pinned on Eduard Shevardnadze vanished
irrevocably. The USA got tired of his “swing” policy where
Shevardnadze would swing towards the interests of the country that
promised to ensure his personal safety.
Washington bet on young politicians, Mikheil Saakashvili in
particular. When Shevardnadze the cunning fox had realized that the
USA had become disappointed in him, he swung back to Russia. The
Russian capital faced a wide open door to the vital strategic sector
of Georgian economy, namely its energy system. This was expected to
be followed by strengthening Russian interests in Georgian
economy. However, Shevardnadze did not have the time to accomplish it.
Unexpectedly for Moscow Mikheil Saakashvili came to power. Russia had
no choice but to accept him and to curse the Yankees for their
intrigue. However, this should not be seen as a failure of Russian
diplomacy. After all, you never know who Saakashvili will choose to be
his ally.
[Khramchikhin] As to whether he [Saakashvili] is a US puppet, I doubt
it. He obviously has the idea to restore Georgia. If the USA has
helped him to come to power, he will surely thank them. I can name
[Vladimir] Lenin as an example. He arrived in Russia in a German
sealed railway carriage and was actually a German spy. However, he
never felt that he owed anything to the Germans, it was just that
their interests coincided and he took advantage of that. It is
entirely possible that Saakashvili will treat America in the same way.
Kremlin hand in Georgia?
[Correspondent] Just in time, Russia realized it was losing ground on
the Georgian political playing field. It is now trying to recoup its
losses on the economic playing field. In early June, a plane with a
Russian ex-oligarch Kakhi Bendukidze on board touched down at the
Tbilisi airport. The Georgian leadership could not conceal its
joy. Bendukidze had been persuaded to become economics minister. The
mogul’s unexpected acceptance of the post provoked a flurry of
speculation. One theory says Bendukidze quit Russia because he was
worried about the fate of his assets. Another theory says Bendukidze
was installed by Russia’s big business. The truth, as ever, is
somewhere in between.
[Bendukidze] It was a rather unexpected kind of proposal, from my
perspective. But it is not linked [changes tack] it is associated,
first, with the end of some stage in my personal development, just as
butterflies goes through the larval stage, pupal stage, butterfly
stage. It’s not exactly like this here, but I did business for more
than 16 years. I had to stop somewhere.
[Khramchikhin] He’s certainly not the Kremlin hand, although he could
be helpful in letting our oligarchs buy up Georgia, in a sense. But he
will not be doing this for the Kremlin, but rather against it.
[Correspondent] Another theory is that Bendukidze will help Russian
oligarchs buy Georgia up. That would make the Russian capital
interested in keeping this region quiet and it will bloodlessly bring
Abkhazia and South Ossetia back into Georgia in return for some
political and economic profit. The backers of this course of events
are big-time Russian businessmen and politicians who lobbied for
Bendukidze’s ascent to his ministerial role. It would appear they were
unhappy Georgian premier Zurab Zhvania was much too pliant to the
West.
Economic and strategic interests in Georgia
[Bendukidze] Take the reconstruction of that railway. It doesn’t only
link Russia and Georgia, it is an Armenian and Azeri issue as well. So
it is a very important political issue. That is to say, we have got a
few political investment projects, the result of which will of course
be economic growth, eventually, but it will not be immediately
generated by what we build there, but mainly by the fact that it helps
create a different political scene.
[Correspondent] In other words, Georgia has some trump cards up its
sleeve for its conversation with Russia. One is rebuilding the railway
on Georgian territory to provide Russia with a safe and reliable link
to its strategic partner in the South Caucasus, Armenia.
[Khramchikhin] There is nothing exceptional about Georgia except for
its strategic location. That is to say, it is a transit country from
north to south, that is, from Russia to Armenia and to Turkey, and
from west to east, which in the first instance means the oil pipelines
from Azerbaijan and across the Caspian Sea from Central Asia,
bypassing Russia and going to Turkey and straight to Georgian
ports. That is the second thing. That is, the first is for Russia, the
second for the Americans. And that is basically it. Nobody has any
other interest in Georgia.
Repeating Ajarian scenario
[Correspondent] Come to that, since we are on the subject of political
investment projects, Georgia has already implemented one in
Ajaria. Russia acted as an intermediary in the dispute between
Abashidze and Saakashvili and accepted Abashidze on its territory
after negotiations with the Georgian president. [Passage omitted]. In
return, Saakashvili agreed to leave the Russian naval base in Batumi
alone and to accept Russian businesses coming into Ajaria. [Passage
omitted: Gudkov says Russia could not do anything about Ajaria,
correspondent’s remarks on personal tension between Saakashvili and
Abashidze, profile of Georgian businessman Badri Patarkatsishvili]
It is said that Patarkatsishvili was one of those people who provided
money to buy off the president of South Ossetia and several
politicians in Abkhazia on the understanding that his interests will
be taken into consideration in Abkhazia and in South Ossetia in
future.
[Kokoiti] As for bribing the president of South Ossetia, the attempts
to do so have been made, by people who presented themselves as close
friends of Mr Zhvania, among others. Twenty million dollars were
offered, as well as other tranches and grants to develop South
Ossetia’s economy. I suggested that money – they offered 20m dollars
just to me – be handed out to the impoverished Georgian people who
live in poverty.
[Gudkov] It is perfectly obvious that the provenance and pedigree of
that money is not Georgian. Georgia just doesn’t have that much money
to buy off politicians. I think that money had come via international
channels and it could indeed be used for these purposes. However, it
has to be understood that any politician who agrees to this can pretty
much consider themselves dead in the water politically.
Elite infighting in Abkhazia
[Correspondent] Not for nothing did we mention that Patarkatsishvili’s
interests will be taken into consideration when Abkhazia’s interests
are divvied up. Georgian political circles have no doubt that
Abkhazia’s turn will be coming very soon, in October-November this
year, the time of the presidential election in the unrecognized
republic.
[Khramchikhin] The conflict in Abkhazia has already started and it is
very brutal indeed. For an unrecognized state like Abkhazia, which is
being pressured by Georgia to boot, this is absolutely ruinous. That
is, a collapse can happen there not because some sort of revolution
takes place, but because of elite infighting.
[Correspondent] Georgia has already started playing along with that
infighting. Saakashvili has said that politicians linked with Georgia
will this year come to power in Abkhazia. That certainly has the
potential to fracture Abkhazia and make people suspicious of all
candidates for the presidency.
The political crisis in the republic intensified after one of the
leaders of the Amtsakhara (Ancestral Flames) party Garri Ayba was
killed. He was the third leader of that party to be killed. Ayba was
not a businessman. This was exactly why Amtsakhara think the murder
was political.
[Roman Gvinzhba, executive secretary of Amtsakhara party, captioned]
There can be different theories. It could have been a contract hit by
Georgia to destabilize the situation; it could have been that someone
in Abkhazia does not like the fact that patriotic veterans have come
together. There can be all sorts of different theories, I don’t really
know [which is true], if anything, it is a very bad trend and we keep
saying that the whole time.
[Correspondent] The Abkhazian Amtsakhara party brings together
veterans of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. Georgian security forces are
well aware that Amtsakhara members are critical of the present-day
government in Abkhazia. The confrontation between the opposition and
the government of the unrecognized republic has got to the point where
they have accused each other of having killed Garri Ayba. We are told
that Georgian security forces may take advantage of this in October,
to divide the Abkhazians. Only Russia can prevent divisions and a
possible civil war in Abkhazia this October. Abkhazia’s government in
exile is already preparing a scenario to remove the republic’s
leaders.
Special operations planned
[Tamaz Nadareishvili, captioned as head of the Abkhazian government in
exile, interviewed] This should be a special operation to get rid of
the forces that are separatist today, that are taking the situation to
the point where there is no return to Georgia for Abkhazia. What you
are doing in Chechnya – you do mount special operations in Chechnya to
kill [separatist leader Dzhokhar] Dudayev, [field commanders Ruslan]
Gelayev, Khattab, [Shamil] Basayev, hunting down [separatist president
Aslan] Maskhadov now. Those are special operations, right? Operations
to eliminate people who don’t want to live as part of Russia.
[Correspondent’s question] But who can be equated with Russia’s
Basayev there? Who can be compared to Maskhadov? Is that, say,
President [Vladislav] Ardzinba?
[Nadareishvili] But of course.
[Correspondent] That is, he would have to be taken captive or
alternatively eliminated, removed and so on?
[Nadareishvili] That’s right. There’s no other way.
Who will win in the Caucasus?
[Khramchikhin] You have to make some kind of a deal with elites. That
is to say, of course you can pressure them so hard from above there
won’t be any conflict, but this would complicate the situation for
Georgia. At the moment, though, there is no impression that Russia is
exerting a serious influence because clearly there is just internecine
fighting going on. Then again, perhaps several Russian factions are
acting on different Abkhaz factions, which actually exacerbates the
situation, if that is the case.
[Correspondent] Instability in Georgia, instability in Armenia,
Russia’s bid to keep its military bases, excessive US activity in the
South Caucasus, Saakashvili’s drive to consolidate Georgia and his
opponents’ striving to break it up altogether. Add to this a lack of
consistent Russian policy in the region. And just to make things more
difficult, the peoples of Abkhazia and South Ossetia remember the
devastating war with Georgia perfectly well, deaths of their loved
ones. Georgia, too, remembers that terrible war.
[Presenter] All this has today tangled together into one Caucasus
political and military knot, which is tightening with each passing
year on the noose on the neck of those entangled in it. One small
conflict and this knot is going to strangle everyone involved. The
only one to stay uninvolved and profit on other people’s woes will be
America, as always. We will definitely be watching the developments in
this region.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Associated Press Worldstream
July 20, 2004 Tuesday 1:56 PM Eastern Time
Turkish Prime Minister to meet Chirac on lobbying visit for EU entry
talks
by PAMELA SAMPSON; Associated Press Writer
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan pressed ahead Tuesday
with an official visit to France aimed at prying open the European
Union’s doors to his overwhelmingly Muslim country.
But his quest was a hard sell in France, where leaders have failed to
enthusiastically embrace Turkey’s bid and polls show most French want
Turkey to stay out of the 25-member union.
Erdogan, after meeting with French President Jacques Chirac, said he
tried to convey the message that Turkey is making the changes
required to meet the so-called Copenhagen criteria for membership and
is counting on France not to withdraw its support.
But he said Turkey should not be held to a higher standard than the
other EU members or the two nations hoping to join in 2007, Romania
and Bulgaria.
“Turkey doesn’t ask to join at any price,” Erdogan said at a press
conference. “Joining the EU is not a must for Turkey.”
But France has its doubters. One of the most prominent voices to
oppose Turkey membership has been former French President Valery
Giscard d’Estaing, who bluntly said that Turkey isn’t European and
its entry would mean “the end” of the EU.
The ruling Union for the Popular Majority party, which has an
overwhelming majority in the French parliament, also is hostile to
Turkey’s membership. Erdogan met with former party head Alain Juppe
and others later Tuesday to try to win over hearts and minds.
The French public also needs to be convinced. In a poll of 1,511
people last month, 61 percent of French who responded said they
opposed Turkey membership in the EU, and only 31 percent said they
approved. Eight percent did not have an opinion.
Turkey is hoping for a positive report on its candidacy from the
European Commission this fall. Turkey hopes to get a start date for
entry negotiations at the EU summit in December, but some European
countries have seemed reluctant to include Turkey – a country of some
70 million, mostly Muslim inhabitants.
Membership of Turkey, located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia,
would stretch the EU’s borders to Syria and Iraq – a fact that
opponents say moves Europe too close to the unstable Middle East.
Chirac has said that he believes Ankara was not likely to be able to
meet the bloc’s conditions for another 10-15 years.
Foreign Minister Michel Barnier said in a radio interview Tuesday
that “Turkey should not expect to enter the European Union tomorrow
morning” even if it improves its human rights record and reforms its
justice system, two key requirements.
“Turkey still has a ways to go toward becoming a social and
democratic model along the lines of the European model,” Barnier told
Europe-1 radio.
Turkey also has passed sweeping democratic reforms to meet the EU’s
membership criteria, abolishing the death penalty and granting
greater cultural rights to long-oppressed Kurds.
French Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin said Monday after talks
with Erdogan that France was awaiting the European Commission report.
“We will study the Commission’s report this fall with the greatest
attention,” Raffarin said.
Whatever the outcome of Turkey’s application, it likely will maintain
its strong commercial contacts with France. Turkey’s Anatolia news
agency said that Erdogan and Chirac on Tuesday agreed in principle on
the purchases of 36 Airbus planes by Turkish Airlines at a cost of
around US$1.5 billion.
In Paris, members of the Revolutionary Armenian Federation held a
demonstration against Erdogan’s visit and said Turkey should not be
allowed into the EU until it recognizes the Armenian genocide.
Armenians accuse Turks of a genocide of up to 1.5 million Armenians
between 1915 and 1923. Turks claim the number of deaths is inflated
and say the victims were killed in civil unrest.
“We are here to convince the French government, specifically Chirac,
to say absolutely ‘No’ to Turkey’s entry into the European Union,”
said Marie Ghazarossian, a housewife of Armenian descent who has
lived in France for 15 years. “Turkey is not a part of Europe, not
the Europe that we know.”

Radio Free Europe, Czech Republic
July 18 2004
Journalist Found Stabbed To Death In Moscow
18 July 2004 — A journalist was found stabbed to death in Moscow
yesterday, a week after a U.S.-born magazine editor was shot dead
outside his Moscow office.
Police said the body of Pail Peloyan was found yesterday on the side
of a highway. He was the editor of “Armyanski Pereulok” (“Armenian
Lane”), a Russian-language culture magazine.
On 9 July, the editor of the Russian edition of “Forbes” magazine,
Paul Klebnikov, was shot to death in Moscow. After the killing, the
U.S.-based Committee to Protect Journalists called on Russian
President Vladimir Putin to change what the group called “the climate
of lawlessness” that has enabled attacks against journalists in
Russia.

ITAR-TASS News Agency
TASS
July 14, 2004 Wednesday
Russia, Armenia to expand student exchanges
Darya Tokareva
MOSCOW
Russia and Armenia have agreed to expand student exchanges.
Russia Minister of Education and Science Andrei Fursenko told
Itar-Tass on Wednesday that the sides had signed a bilateral
agreement on cooperation in the field of education.
“Now about 125 Russians will travel to Armenia to study every year,
and as many Armenian students will study in Russia,” he said on
Wednesday.
In addition, the agreement introduces new, more thorough, criteria
for selecting students for the exchange programmes. “Now both sides
will take part in this process,” the minister added.
In his words, “We have slightly increased the number of students to
study under the exchange programme, but this will allow to speak
about closer cooperation.”
Armenia will also continue to train Russian language teachers for
schools under the agreement.
The sides also agreed to develop the Russian-Armenian State
University, which will soon start admitting more students. “This
year, 44 University graduates received two state higher education
diplomas at the same time: Russian and Armenian,” Fursenko said.
Since the beginning of this year, the University has been inviting
lecturers from Moscow higher educational institutions. The University
had agreements with 18 leading Russian higher educational
institutions. There are 1,500 students at the University.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

U.N. Ranking Highlights Africa AIDS
Thu Jul 15, 2:42 PM ET
By PAUL AMES, Associated Press Writer
BRUSSELS, Belgium – The U.N.’s annual ranking of the global rich and poor
Thursday showed that AIDS (news – web sites) was pushing African nations
further into misery while the most the world crept toward higher
development.
Of the 177 nations included in the U.N. Development Index, African nations
occupied all but three of the last 30 places. After decades of edging
forward in step with other regions, 13 African nations have seen their
development rating decline since 1990.
“The picture that emerges is increasingly one of two very different groups
of countries: those that have benefited from development and those that have
been left behind,” the report said.
Last on the list for the seventh straight year was Sierra Leone, which is
still struggling to recover from years of civil war. Just above it were the
West African neighbors – Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali.
According to the report, which is based on 2002 data, a citizen of Sierra
Leone can expect to live to just over 34 years. At the other end of the
ranking, Japanese have an average life expectancy of 81, Swedes 80.
For the fourth year running, Norway topped the overall ranking – which takes
in life expectancy, income and educational attainment. It was followed by
Sweden and Australia.
Of the top 20 nations, only Australia at third, Japan at ninth and New
Zealand at 18th were outside Europe or North America. The United States was
ranked eighth, a fall of one place from last year.
The world’s newest nation, East Timor (news – web sites), was included for
the first time and ranked at 158, the lowest outside Africa. The other
lowest non-African nations were Haiti at 153 and Yemen at 149.
Israel was the highest-ranked Middle Eastern nation at 22, followed by
Bahrain at 40. The Palestinian Territories were ranked 102.
About 30 nations were not included because of insufficient data, including
Afghanistan (news – web sites), Iraq (news – web sites) and Liberia (news –
web sites).
Just two mainland African nations made the top 100 – Libya at 58 and Tunisia
at 92.
The biggest increase from the 2003 list was recorded by Albania, which has
been recovering from an economic crisis in the late 1990s. A 30-place surge
to 65th position hoisted Albania almost 50 places ahead of Europe’s poorest
nation – Moldova which languished in 113th position.
Also upwardly mobile were Armenia, up 18 places to 82, and St. Kitts and
Nevis, one of the world’s smallest countries which climbed 12 spots to 39.
Other former British territories in the Caribbean fared less well. Belize
suffered the biggest drop, 32 places to 99, followed by Dominica which
slipped to 95th place, down 27.
The report found that nearly 1 billion people face some form of
discrimination, and the United Nations (news – web sites) appealed for
governments to do more to respect minority rights.
“Some 900 million people, about one in seven of the world’s population,
belong to groups that believe themselves to be discriminated against or
disadvantaged,” said Mark Malloch Brown, administrator of the U.N.
Development Program.
Basing its data on research by the University of Maryland, the United
Nations pointed to more than 200 groups “that face political disadvantage or
discrimination based on ethnic, linguistic or religious identities.”
It said 130 million faced direct discrimination as a result of public
policy. “The rest are discriminated against because of social customs in the
country or the lingering effects of historic discrimination,” the report
added.
In data released Wednesday, the United Nations blamed AIDS for pushing down
African development levels. “AIDS is reversing the hard-won gains of recent
decades,” Elizabeth Lwanga, deputy director of the UNDP’s Africa office,
said at the international AIDS conference in Bangkok, Thailand.
Malloch Brown said AIDS was not the only factor holding Africa back. He
called for Europe and North America to open their markets to African
agricultural exports and said richer nations should invest more in health,
education and transport networks in Africa.