ANTELIAS: His Holiness Aram I continues his meetings in Tehran

PRESS RELEASE
Catholicosate of Cilicia
Communication and Information Department
Contact: V.Rev.Fr.Krikor Chiftjian, Communications Officer
Tel: (04) 410001, 410003
Fax: (04) 419724
E- mail: [email protected]
Web:

PO Box 70 317
Antelias-Lebanon

Armenian version: nian.htm

HIS HOLINESS ARAM I CONTINUES HIS MEETINGS IN TEHRAN

On November 2, His Holiness Aram I received the Head of Iran’s Islamic
Culture and Relations Organization, Mehdi Mostafavi, and the Head of
‘Dialogue among Religions’ Department, Dr. Rasoul Rasoulipouri at the
Armenian Prelacy in Tehran.

They discussed ‘the dialogue of religions’ and specifically
‘Christian-Muslim cooperation’. They put together preliminary plans for
future dialogue(s). His Holiness expressed his view regarding both issues
and highlighted the importance of interreligious cooperation with current
challenges in mind.

The Pontiff had a grand welcome the same day by the Armenians of the Zeytoun
neighborhood. After the blessing of the salt and bread, His Holiness entered
the St. Gregory the Illuminator Church with "Hrashapar". Bishop Norayr
Asehkian officiated the Mass. Primate Archbishop Sebouh Sarkissian delivered
the welcoming remarks, after which His Holiness addressed the enthusiastic
crowd.

His Holiness strongly stressed the need for Armenians to become integrated
in Church life and to preserve their national values. The faithful had a
unique opportunity to intimately communicate with their spiritual leader
during Atchahampouyr.

An official luncheon was organized in honour of the Pontiff in the
"Shaghoulian" Hall in the Sassoun neighborhood with the participation of the
Diocesan council, members from regional councils and other official guests.

The previous day His Holiness had officiated the vespers in the St.
Vartananats Church, where a grand public welcome was held. Armenians
celebrated their spiritual leader’s presence and listened carefully to his
Pontifical address.

After the public gathering, His Holiness inaugurated the new headquarters of
the "Sartarabad" union. In his address on this occasion, the Pontiff praised
all those who contributed to transforming their dream into reality and
building a new roof for the "Sartarabad" union. He expressed hope that the
new center would be filled with life and would thrive with the community’s
collective efforts.

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View the photos here:
tos/Photos322.htm
*****
The Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia is one of the two Catholicosates of
the Armenian Orthodox Church. For detailed information about the Ecumenical
activities of the Cilician Catholicosate, you may refer to the web page of
the Catholicosate, The Cilician
Catholicosate, the administrative center of the church is located in
Antelias, Lebanon.

http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/v04/doc/Arme
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org/v04/doc/Pho
http://www.armenianorthodoxchurch.org

According To LPA Leader, Real Foundation Of Nagorno Karabakh Settlem

ACCORDING TO LPA LEADER, REAL FOUNDATION OF NAGORNO KARABAKH SETTLEMENT WAS LAID BY SIGNING OF MOSCOW DECLARATION

Noyan Tapan

Nov 3, 2008

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 3, NOYAN TAPAN. The Declaration signed on November
2 in Moscow by the Presidents of Russia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan is
a series of good wishes. Hovhannes Hovhannisian, the Chairman of
the Liberal Party of Armenia (LPA), expressed such an opinion at
the November 3 press conference adding that thus, an agreement on
non-resumption of operations was achieved.

Besides, according to the observation of the LPA leader, that
Declaration signed on the initiative of Russian President Dmitry
Medvedev means strengthening of Russia’s positions in the Nagorno
Karabakh settlement negotiations.

However, as H. Hovhannisian stated, it is a serious omission for
the Armenian side that there is no signature of the Nagorno Karabakh
representative under the document. "For me, it is also unacceptable
that the readiness of the sides to solve the conflict on the basis
of Madrid principles was established by the Declaration, while RA and
NKR societies are not aware of Madrid principles," the LPA leader said.

H. Hovhannisian said that the Declaration is considerably inferior
to the variant of conflict settlement discussed in 1998, under first
RA President Levon Ter-Petrosian. "The stage-by-stage variant was
discussed 10 years ago, according to which we were to cede 5 regions,"
the speaker said adding that returning all liberated 7 regions to
Azerbaijan is spoken about now.

Besides, according to H. Hovhannisian, the necessity of a common
border of RA and NKR was discussed then, while today, according to
Madrid principles, Armenia and Artsakh are to be connected with each
other by Lachin corridor.

"As to the NKR status, the necessity to hold a people’s survey and
not a referendum on Karabakh was discussed in 1997-1998," the LPA
leader said.

According to him, the only positive side of signing the declaration
is that after freezing the conflict for 10 years running with the
"brilliant efforts" of former RA President Robert Kocharian the
"foundation of the real settlement" of the Nagorno Karabakh problem
was at last laid.

http://www.nt.am?shownews=1009349

ANKARA: ANCA: Obama Offered Fresh ‘Genocide’ Pledge

ANCA: OBAMA OFFERED FRESH ‘GENOCIDE’ PLEDGE

Today’s Zaman
Nov 3 2008
Turkey

An influential US Armenian lobby has suggested that US Democratic
presidential candidate Barack Obama reaffirmed his commitment to
recognition of Armenian genocide allegations.

The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) announced on its
Web site that it received a statement dated Oct. 31 from the Obama
campaign.

"Barack Obama believes we must recognize this tragic reality and
strongly supports a U.S.-Armenian relationship that advances our common
security and strengthens Armenian democracy. Barack Obama strongly
supports passage of the Armenian Genocide Resolution (H.Res.106 and
S.Res.106) and will recognize the Armenian Genocide," ANCA quoted
the statement as saying.

Yet the quoted statement was not aired on home page of Obama’s
campaign, unlike his earlier statements on the same issue.

ANCA underlined that the statement "came amid a flurry of reports
in the Turkish press regarding a meeting that supposedly took place
over the last several days between a senior Turkish official, Ahmet
Davutoglu, and a representative of the Obama-Biden campaign, after
which Davutoglu called into question Obama’s commitment to this core
human rights issue."

Medvedev Raises Hopes On Nagorno-Karabakh

MEDVEDEV RAISES HOPES ON NAGORNO-KARABAKH
By Denis Dyomkin

Independent.co.uk
Monday, 3 November 2008

The leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan have agreed to intensify talks to
end a 20-year conflict over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Armenian President Serzh Sarksyan and his Azeri counterpart, Ilham
Aliyev also agreed after talks outside Moscow with Russian President
Dmitry Medvedev to develop confidence building measures as they search
for a way to resolve the conflict.

Nagorno-Karabakh’s mostly ethnic Armenian population broke away
from Azerbaijan in a war in the early 1990s as the Soviet Union
collapsed. It now runs its own affairs, with support from Armenia.

"The presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia agreed to continue work,
including during further contacts on a high level, on agreeing a
political resolution of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh," according to
a copy of the declaration they signed, which was read out by Medvedev.

Both presidents "ordered their foreign ministers to intensify further
steps in the negotiating process in coordination with the Minsk group"
of international mediators.

Sarksyan and Aliyev, who hastily shook hands before the talks at
the Meiendorf Castle official residence outside Moscow, signed the
document along with Medvedev, who is seeking to underline Russia’s
clout in the Caucasus region.

The war between Russia and Georgia in August appears to have lent
new impetus to diplomatic efforts to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict, with Russia trying to show it can act as a broker for
"frozen conflicts" in the former Soviet Union.

Leaders of Russia Armenia Azerbaijan sign declaration on NK Conflict

Xinhua, China
Nov 2 2008

Leaders of Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan sign declaration on Nagorny
Karabakh conflict

2008-11-03 00:10:05

MOSCOW, Nov. 2 (Xinhua) — The presidents of Russia, Armenia and
Azerbaijan Sunday signed a joint declaration on the peaceful
settlement of the disputed territory of Nagorno Karabakh.

The parties pledge to improve the situation in the South Caucasus
and affirm the importance of OSCE mediation, said the declaration,
which was read at a signing ceremony outside Moscow by Russian
President Dmitry Medvedev.

The leaders agreed that "the peaceful settlement should be
accompanied by legally binding international guarantees of all aspects
and stages," the document reads.

Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham
Aliyev agreed to continue their work on the political settlement to
the conflict and instructed their foreign ministers to speed up the
negotiation process.

Nagorny Karabakh, a Azerbaijani region with a large Armenian
population, declared independence from Azerbaijan in the early 1990s
and has been a source of conflict ever since.

Editor: Yan

www.chinaview.cn

ANKARA: Armenia Azerbaijan sign declaration in Russia mediated talks

Hürriyet, Turkey
Nov 2 2008

Armenia, Azerbaijan sign declaration in Russia mediated Karabakh talks

A joint declaration signed by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and
his Armenian counterpart Serzh Sargsyan on Sunday, in Moscow said the
two sides would "continue their work… to agree on a political
settlement in the negotiating process." (UPDATED)

The leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan called for a "peaceful
resolution" to their dispute over the province of Nagorno-Karabakh on
the basis of "binding international guarantees," Russian President
Dmitry Medvedev said after talks near Moscow.

The conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia began in 1988 on Armenian
territorial claims over Azerbaijan.

Since 1992, Armenian Armed Forces have occupied 20 percent of
Azerbaijan including the Nagorno-Karabakh region and its seven
surrounding districts, displacing 10 percent of the Azeri population
in the series of bloody clashes both between and within the two
neighboring countries.

In 1994, Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a ceasefire agreement at which
time the active hostilities ended. The Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk
Group are currently holding peaceful negotiations.

Nearly 30,000 were killed in the 1990s war over the enclave and
soldiers on both sides continue to exchange sporadic fire, claiming
lives.

MEDVEDEV MEDIATED TALKS

Medvedev, who in August oversaw Russia’s war with Georgia — which
borders both Armenia and Azerbaijan — launched a fresh push in
October to end the long-simmering conflict during a visit to Armenia
and was to broker the peace talks, the Kremlin said.

At the meeting Sargsyan said he was ready for talks with Azerbaijan on
the basis of principles worked out at negotiations in Madrid last year
under a plan that would give Nagorno-Karabakh the right to
self-determination, AFP reported.

The Kremlin would act as guarantor of a new accord, an administration
official was quoted as saying on Saturday.

Analysts say Moscow is keen to maintain influence in Armenia, its main
ally in the Caucasus, after the conflict between Russia and
U.S.-allied Georgia in August raised tensions throughout the region.

The August war, which began when Georgia attacked its own breakaway
enclave of South Ossetia, raised fears of similar violence in
Nagorno-Karabakh.

"Russia would be prepared to support a resolution to problem that
suits both sides and act as guarantor if a compromise deal is
reached," the unnamed Kremlin official said, state news agency RIA
Novosti reported.

A Powder Keg of a Region

A Powder Keg of a Region

November 1, 2008

By Dmitry Babich
Russia Profile

The problems in the Caucasus did not start in the 1990s, when the
region attracted attention from the Western press. Recent
destabilization began in 1988, when it became clear that Mikhail
Gorbachev’s perestroika did not lead to a strengthening of the Soviet
state, but rather to its weakening. It was then that the first protests
took place in Armenia, demanding the integration of Nagorny Karabakh, a
territory with a predominantly Armenian population belonging to
neighboring Azerbaijan. Since then, the Caucasus entered a period of
turmoil. It reached its peak between 1990 to 1994. Then a period of
relative stabilization followed, with Russia’s war in Chechnya being
the only zone of active conflict. The recent flare of violence in
Georgia worried many, as some experts view it as an omen of a new era
of `seismic activity.’ A brief overview of the region’s four main
conflicts could be a useful guide for understanding the current events.

The Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict

In February 1987, using the freedom of assembly recently granted by
Mikhail Gorbachev’s reformist leadership, demonstrators in Yerevan
demanded a `return’ of Nagorny Karabakh, an area where 75 percent of
the population was Armenian, but which since 1923 had belonged to
Azerbaijan. The reaction from Azerbaijan was predictably negative.

In March 1988, the regional authority in Karabakh voted in favor of
secession from Azerbaijan. Karabakh became a new point of contention
between conservatives and liberals in the CPSU’s top leadership in
Moscow, with liberals supporting Armenia. Searching for a `democratic
consensus,’ Gorbachev failed to act decisively on the ground’a
situation used by radicals all over the Caucasus.

September 1988’first clashes take place between Armenians and
Azerbaijanis in Nagorny Karabakh.

January’May 1989’Armenian nationalists from the `Karabakh’ committee,
headed by Armenia’s future president Levon Ter-Petrosyan, spend five
months imprisoned in Moscow, and return to Armenia as national heroes.

January 1990’a violent mob starts pogroms against the Armenian
population in Baku. The official estimate of the casualties is just 48
persons, although witnesses quote a much higher figure. Soviet troops
belatedly enter the city. Clashes between Azerbaijani activists and
Soviet troops lead to reprisals against the Russian inhabitants of
Baku, who also leave en masse.

December 1991’upon the proclamation of Azerbaijan’s independence as a
result of the Soviet Union’s collapse, Karabakh formally declares its
secession from Azerbaijan and a full-scale war between Armenia and
Azerbaijan erupts, with both sides using hundreds of tanks, airplanes
and artillery pieces. `Nagorno-Karabakh Republic’ de facto becomes a
militarized quasi-state inside Armenia. Azerbaijani civilians suffer
most and flee from the towns of Shusha, Khodjaly, Agdam and others.
Tens of thousands die and hundreds of thousands are displaced.

May 1994’a truce is signed, sealing an Armenian victory with 16 percent
of Azerbaijan’s territory under Armenian control.

December 2003’Azerbaijan’s president Heydar Aliyev dies without having
resolved the Karabakh conflict, despite his many meetings with Armenian
presidents Levon Ter-Petrosyan and Robert Kocharyan. As the power duly
passes to Aliyev’s son Ilham, Karabakh remains the only issue that, if
aggravated, could destabilize the regime in Baku.

Georgia versus South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Russia

At the end of the 1980s, Georgia, emerging from the seven decades of
Soviet rule, quickly proved to be not only one of the most
anti-communist, but also one of the most nationalist of the Soviet
Union’s former 15 republics. The rise of nationalists to power quickly
revealed the complexities of the country’s ethnic composition, once
arbitrarily determined by Joseph Stalin, who drew the border between
Georgia and the nations of the North Caucasus by the Caucasus ridge.
This border left several nations belonging to the North Caucasian
entity of peoples (primarily Abkhazians and Ossetians) on the territory
of Georgia, a Trans-Caucasian state with a completely different
language. Under the Soviet Union, this was a nuisance, after its
collapse it became a tragedy.

April 1989’Soviet troops violently disperse a demonstration in Tbilisi,
leading to a rise in the standing of Zviad Gamsakhurdia, a former
dissident who starts campaigning under the slogan `Georgia for the
Georgians.’

July 1989’first clashes between Abkhazians and Georgians take place in
Abkhazia.

November 1989’Zviad Gamsakhurdia is elected the chairman of Georgia’s
parliament. Although minorities make up 30 percent of the population,
only nine of the parliament’s 245 members are non-Georgians.

March 1990’the Georgian parliament annuls the autonomy of South Ossetia
and Abkhazia.

December 1990’a state of emergency is declared in Tskhinvali, the
capital of South Ossetia, because of `anti-Georgian riots.’ In two
months, fighting between Georgians and Ossetians escalates leading to
the eviction of 25,000 people from the region and the creation of a
separatist Ossetian `government’ in Tskhinvali. Gamsakhurdia says the
riots are organized by Moscow in order to keep Georgia in the Soviet
Union.

March 1991’Georgia boycotts a Moscow-sponsored referendum on preserving
the Soviet Union, in which more than 70 percent of the votes cast all
over the Soviet Union root for the preservation of the unified country.
In Abkhazia, the referendum is held with the majority voting for the
Soviet Union.

March 1991’Georgia holds a referendum on seceding from the Soviet
Union, with 90 percent of the voters saying `yes’ to the
reestablishment of the Georgian independent state that existed in 1918
to 1921. Abkhazians and Ossetians boycott the referendum. The United
States and other Western countries do not recognize Georgia until
December 1991 due to `serious human rights violations’ on the part of
Gamsakhurdia.

December 1991’January 1992’Gamsakhurdia is overthrown in a violent coup
d’etat, which brings the former Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard
Shevardnadze to power. A liberal in his Moscow days, he becomes a fiery
nationalist.

August 1992’Georgian troops move into Abkhazia, which by then had
become a de facto state within a state. Reinforced by `volunteers’ from
Chechnya and other regions of the North Caucasus, Abkhazians start a
counteroffensive.

September 1993’Abkhazians retake Sukhumi, their capital, after a
year-long war in which tens of thousands die and 250 thousand people
(mostly Georgians) are displaced. Under a truce signed with Russia’s
mediation, peacekeepers from the CIS states are to be stationed in the
areas of conflict in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Because of the lack of
enthusiasm from other CIS countries, the peacekeeping contingent
happens to include mostly Russian troops. Initially favorable to
Russia’s mediation, Shevardnadze soon calls Russian peacekeepers
`biased.’

August 2004’Georgian forces, buoyed by the `rose revolution’ of
37-year-old new President Mikheil Saakashvili in December 2003, make
several incursions into South Ossetia, which lead to a number of
deaths. In a year, Georgia’s Defense Minister Irakly Okruashvili
promises to `celebrate the next New Year in Tskhinvali.’

August 2008’Georgian troops attack Tskhinvali after several weeks of
tension and shootouts on the line separating them from Ossetians and
Russian peacekeepers. The same day, the Russian army moves into South
Ossetia and pushes the Georgian troops out, advancing into Georgia
proper and destroying military bases in Gori and Poti.

Russia’s squabble with Chechnya

The sudden acquisition of independence by the former republics of the
Soviet Union led to a growth of nationalist sentiment among Russia’s
minorities. The logic of their thinking was simple: the ethnic
difference between, for example, Chechens and Russians is much greater
than between Russians and Belarusians. So why shouldn’t Chechens have
their own independent country, if Belarusians had theirs? Such
considerations as the size of the nation, its economic potential and
location were not taken into account. In the turmoil of the first
post-Soviet years, Moscow did not deal with the problem, but when the
Kremlin came to its senses, the `window of opportunity’ for
separatists, wide open in 1991, closed. Only Chechnya managed to use
that window on time’much to its own demise.

The Caucasus has been in turmoil since perestroika.

October 1991’in a self-styled election in Chechnya, former Soviet
general Djokhar Dudayev is elected the president of a newly proclaimed
independent state, after evicting the old Soviet leadership of the
region in an armed coup on October 7. The federal authorities in Moscow
refuse to recognize the vote as legitimate.

November 1992’a group of paratroopers sent by Russia’s Vice President
Alexander Rutskoi to arrest Dudayev is blocked in the building of the
airport in the Chechen capital Grozny.

1993 to 1994’several hostage takings occur in Russia, with kidnappers
finding a safe haven in Chechnya, which in fact becomes a free trade
zone not controlled by Russia’s customs officials.

December 1994’after several ultimatums and eight months of economic
blockade, Russian troops move into Chechnya. A planned `easy walk’ to
Grozny degenerates into a bloody guerilla war. In 1995, Dudayev is
killed by a Russian missile.

August 1996’Chechen guerillas infiltrate Russian-controlled Grozny and
ultimately force the Russian leadership to sign a truce which would
last until 1999. During the war, in 1995 and 1996, Chechen warlords
conduct several large-scale hostage takings in neighboring Russian
regions, killing hundreds.

August 1999’the war resumes as Chechen warlords attack Dagestan, a
neighboring Russian autonomy populated by Muslims. Russian troops
retake Grozny, installing Akhmat Kadyrov as the new ruler of the
republic.

May 2004’Akhmat Kadyrov is murdered by a bomb at a stadium where he
made a speech. His son Ramzan gradually establishes control. Chechnya
becomes an almost mono-ethnic state with a high degree of independence
from Russia.

The Ossetians against the Ingush

February 1944’Stalin orders deportation of the Ingush, accused of
collaborating with Nazi Germany, to Kazakhstan. Neighboring Ossetians
move into the abandoned homes of the Ingush.

1957’the Ingush are rehabilitated by Nikita Khrushchev and start to
return to their homeland. First conflicts with the Ossetians take
place.

1991’a law on repressed peoples is passed by the Supreme Soviet of the
Soviet Union. Drafted with the best of intentions, it leads to numerous
conflicts between Ossetians and Ingush, since the Ingush are formally
entitled to own their lands, which they de facto lost in 1944.

November 1992’violent clashes between Ossetians and Ingush lead to
hundreds dead and missing. More than 300 people are still unaccounted
for. The Ingush refugees live in makeshift camps or with their
relatives. The return of refugees takes decades, as refugees do not
always believe in the security guarantees of federal and local
authorities.

ANKARA: Indictment reading continues with low attendance

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Nov 1 2008

Indictment reading continues with low attendance

The sixth session of the trial of 86 suspected members of Ergenekon, a
criminal network accused of plotting to overthrow the government, was
held yesterday, with the prosecution continuing to read the massive
indictment with the participation of fewer defendants and their
lawyers compared to previous sessions.

Only eight of the 40 suspects who were previously released pending the
outcome of the trial showed up at the courtroom yesterday, showing a
gradual decrease in the number of defendants and their lawyers
participating in the sessions.

Only one of the 46 suspects under arrest, Hayrettin Ertekin, did not
attend the session due to health reasons.

The makeshift courtroom inside Silivri Prison near İstanbul was
rather deserted in the previous session on Thursday as well, with 61
of the suspects attending the trial. Families and relatives of a large
majority of defendants did not come to watch the session, either. It
was, however, claimed by lawyers and many observers on the first day
of the trial that the small makeshift courtroom was not physically
suitable to host a fair trial.

Yesterday’s session was devoted to the continuation of reading the
massive indictment aloud like previous sessions and focused on the
links between Ergenekon and the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party
(PKK). After some of the suspects’ lawyers demanded earlier this week
that the 2,455-page indictment be read out loud, the court began the
time-consuming process. It is estimated that the process will take at
least two or three more weeks. The prosecution has only been able to
finish 443 pages of the indictment in the first five sessions spent
reading it. Prosecutors read just the main headings of some parts of
the indictment instead of reading it line by line upon the approval of
lawyers.

The İstanbul 13th High Criminal Court is hearing the
case. Among the 86 suspects are retired Gen. Veli
Küçük, former İstanbul University Rector
Kemal AlemdaroÄ?lu, lawyer Kemal Kerinçsiz, who is known
for filing suits against intellectuals over their writings questioning
or criticizing the state line on issues such as Armenian allegations
of genocide, and retired Capt. Muzaffer Tekin. The session was also
followed by reporters from Japanese daily Asahi Shimbun, one of the
most widely circulated dailies in the world. Brief tension erupted
between prosecutor Mehmet Ali Pekgüzel and Workers’ Party
(İP) leader DoÄ?u Perinçek, after the prosecutor
defined Perinçek as İP leader at the time he reportedly
met with jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ã-calan. "I was not the
İP leader then. You say the meeting took place in 1997. It was
[in fact] in 1989. You will nearly say it occurred before Christ,"
said Perinçek.

Another moment of tension was observed between the presiding judge,
Köksal Å?engün, and Oktay
Yıldırım, a noncommissioned officer retired from
the army. Prosecutors read a part from the indictment that alleged a
hand grenade found in Yıldırım’s house in
Ã`mraniye in 2007, which set off the Ergenekon investigation, had
the same serial number as those used in an attack at a café
belonging to a man named İbrahim
�iftçi. �iftçi, who was a suspect in the
murder of secular academic Necip HablemitoÄ?lu and who is also
suspected of links to Ergenekon according to the prosecutor, died in
the attack in 2006.

"No, they didn’t have the same serial numbers," said
Yıldırım, who was ordered by Köksal to
limit his explanations to his defense. Köksal also warned
another suspect, retired Capt. Muzaffer Tekin, to watch his words when
he said that he was more honest and dignified than the judges.

Ahmet Ã`lger, lawyer for Oktay Yıldırım and
retired Maj. Zekeriya Ã-ztürk, claimed the İstanbul
Police Department’s counterterrorism unit currently has a list of
2,500 people to be taken into custody as part of the Ergenekon
investigation.

In the meantime, a group of people identifying themselves as
"Patriotic Intellectuals," including veteran Turkish filmmaker Halit
RefiÄ?, journalist Banu Avar and actor Altan Günbay, were
allowed to enter the courtroom to watch the session.

One of the members of the group told press members that they went to
Silivri Prison to show their support for the Ergenekon suspects. "The
Ergenekon case is not a reassuring process. The suspects should
immediately be released," he stated.

Former prosecutor claims Ergenekon is as strong as before

Gültekin Avcı, a former chief prosecutor, has recently
compiled his impressions on the Ergenekon investigation in a book, in
which he asserts the organization is as strong as it was before it was
uncovered. "Though the trial process has started for Ergenekon
suspects, the organization is as strong as it was before. For this
illegal network to be completely uncovered, you need to have its
members in the military appear before the judge, as well," he told the
Cihan news agency.

Likening Ergenekon to a living nightmare, Avcı said a full
revelation of the organization would help restore democracy in
Turkey. He also stated it was worth noticing that separatist and
terrorist acts have increased in the country as the Ergenekon probe
gets deeper.

"As the investigation moves toward the nucleus of the organization,
separatist and terrorist acts have increased across the country. The
indictment also clearly mentions this direct link, pointing to the
attack on the US Consulate General and bloody assaults by the PKK,"
Avcı added. A deadly armed attack on the US Consulate General
in İstanbul in July left three Turkish police officers
dead. Many strategists and observers voiced the opinion that the
attack could be related to an ongoing investigation into Ergenekon.

01 November 2008, Saturday

BÃ`Å?RA ERDAL, NURİ İMRE, TODAY’S ZAMAN WITH WIRES İSTANBUL

Session Of CIS Inter-State Council In The Field Of Periodical Press

SESSION OF CIS INTER-STATE COUNCIL IN THE FIELD OF PERIODICAL PRESS GOES ON IN CHOLPON ATA

ARMENPRESS
Oct 29, 2008

CHOLPON ATA, OCTOBER 29, ARMENPRESS: The 11th session of CIS
inter-state council in the field of periodicals, book publication,
distribution of books and polygraph started its works on the eve in
Kyrgyz Cholpon Ata town.

The agenda of the two-day session includes issues of implementation
of decisions made during the previous tenth session of the council,
particularly the preparation of drafts on creating favorable conditions
for Declaration about Book Support and exchange of printed product,
results of fifth international competition "Art of the Book" of CIS
countries, implementation of agreements of cooperation in the fields
of book publication, distribution of books and polygraph and the
issue of establishment of CIS print organ.

Participants of the session will also discuss the pace of events
dedicated to the year of literature and reading, the resolution of
the third conference of creative and scientific intelligence and a
number of other issues.

The inter-state council of CIS cooperation in the fields of
periodicals, book publication, distribution of books and polygraph
was established in 1999.

New Atmosphere

NEW ATMOSPHERE

Hayots Ashkhar Daily
31 Oct 08
Armenia

Turkish President Abdullah Gyul said he believes the visit he paid
to Armenia on September 6 created a new atmosphere between the two
countries.

During the reception on the occasion of the day of the Turkish Republic
Gyul told the journalists: "the new atmosphere will annihilate all
the problems in the relations between the two countries. Each of us
must try to maintain this atmosphere. I’m hopeful and I expect good
developments," he announced.