Harutyunyan, Shoigu discuss deployment of Russian border guards along with Armenian servicemen in Syunik and Gegharkunik

Public Radio of Armenia
June 17 2021

Armenia’s acting Defense Minister Vagharshak Harutyunyan had a phone conversation with Russian Defense Minister, Army General Sergey Shoigu.

The heads of the defense ministries of the two strategic allies discussed ways to resolve the situation on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. Vagharshak Harutyunyan noted that the Armenian side respects the calls of the partner states and structures to settle the issue peacefully, adding that the position of the Armenian side is unchanged. Representatives of the Armed Forces of Azerbaijan must leave the sovereign territories of the Republic of Armenia without any preconditions.

Vagharshak Harutyunyan and Sergey Shoigu also discussed the deployment of Russian border guards along with Armenian servicemen in the border sections of Syunik and Gegharkunik regions.

Reference was made to the mission of the Russian Federation peacekeeping force in the Artsakh Republic, the Armenian-Russian cooperation in the defense sphere, as well as a number of issues related to regional issues.

Russia Sitting Out Armenian Elections

The Moscow Times

In Armenia’s upcoming elections, Russia’s choice would appear to be obvious. One of the two main contenders is a proudly pro-Russia friend of President Vladimir Putin. The other is a former journalist who came to power via street protests and then surrounded himself with figures from the liberal NGO world.

And yet, the Kremlin appears to be sitting this one out.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has, against long odds, managed to convince Moscow in his three-plus years in power that he is a reliable Russian ally. And Armenia’s defeat in last year’s war with Azerbaijan, which ended in a Russia-brokered ceasefire statement, has only deepened the mutual dependence between Pashinyan and the Kremlin.

As a result, Russia has done apparently little to boost the man who should be the Kremlin favorite in the race, former president Robert Kocharyan. Kocharyan has made no secret of his desire to enlist Moscow’s aid ahead of the June 20 election, giving regular interviews in the Russian press and frequently talking up his pro-Russia bona fides on the campaign trails.

But those “appeals for Russian backing and assistance” have been “rebuffed,” said Richard Giragosian, the head of the Yerevan think tank Regional Studies Center. “I still see the Russian government preferring to see a Pashinyan government in power. In many ways Pashinyan has become a trophy for Putin: a legitimate, democratically elected leader well under Russian subordination and control. The opposite of [Belarusian President Aleskandr] Lukashenko.”

When Pashinyan led street protests in 2018 that he called the “Velvet Revolution,” it drew inevitable comparisons to the pro-Western “color revolutions” around the former Soviet space, notably in Georgia and Ukraine, that Russia strongly opposes. But unlike counterparts in Tbilisi and Kyiv, Pashinyan and his allies studiously avoided geopoliticizing the revolution, keeping the focus strictly on Armenia’s corrupt, authoritarian domestic politics and not questioning its pro-Russia foreign policy orientation.

On coming to power Pashinyan maintained that focus, even as he appointed several “Sorosokans” – liberal NGO activists funded by Western governments and foundations – as senior officials and advisers. He faced aggressive scrutiny and frequent criticism from hawkish Russian analysts and press, and the Kremlin was clearly unhappy with the new authorities’ efforts to prosecute Kocharyan and other close-to-Russia members of the former regime for alleged crimes committed while they were in power. Putin raised eyebrows in August 2018 when he publicly wished happy birthday to Kocharyan after having ignored Pashinyan’s own birthday in June.

But Pashinyan never wavered in his foreign policy, even going so far as to send a small Armenian contingent to Russia’s military mission in Syria, earning a rebuke from Washington in the process. “After coming to power he hasn’t done anything to damage or alter Armenia’s traditional foreign policy,” wrote Sergey Markedonov, a senior analyst at the Center for Euro-Atlantic Security at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. In 2019 and 2020 Putin wished Pashinyan a happy birthday.

Last year’s war furthered Armenia’s dependence on Russia, which has guaranteed the ceasefire and now deploys a 2,000-strong peacekeeping mission to the Armenian-controlled part of Nagorno-Karabakh. Russia is committed to the success of the ceasefire document, which has Pashinyan’s signature on it.

Kocharyan, meanwhile, has been hinting that he would be able to alter the agreement in Armenia’s favor due to his good relations with Russia. While Moscow might be flattered by the sentiment, it is more likely to not want anything to disrupt the fragile calm between Armenians and Azerbaijanis.

“In this context Pashinyan, however problematic a partner [for Russia] that he may have been, is a guarantee that the post-war order will not be damaged for the sake of short-term PR or an election victory,” Markedonov wrote.

In the campaign itself, all major candidates have been trying to outdo one another in their demonstrations of fealty to Moscow. Kocharyan has been calling for an expanded Russian military presence in Armenia and accusing the current authorities of spoiling relations with Russia.

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Pashinyan – when the United States, Georgia, and European Union brokered an agreement to return several Armenian soldiers from Azerbaijani detention – went out of his way to thank Putin and other Russian officials, despite them having nothing to do with the deal. “We will continue developing and strengthening strategic partnership with Russia, which is our number one partner in the security sphere,” he said on another occasion.

And when another candidate, Pashinyan-ally-turned-critic Artur Vanetsyan was interviewed by prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Solovyev, he parroted the Russian patriotic slogan “Crimea is ours!” But then, BBC Russian reported, he immediately corrected himself: “I mean, yours.”

Opinions in Moscow remain ambivalent. BBC Russian said it surveyed sources “close to various circles of the Russian authorities” and found varying takes: “Some insist on the unacceptability of Pashinyan’s ‘Sorosites,’ while others claim that he long ago became an understandable and comfortable partner for Russia, despite the incompatibility of their styles.”

What is clear is that the Russian government sees more risk in trying to topple Pashinyan than benefit in an even more pro-Russia replacement. “This apparent even-handedness in the Kremlin’s approach to the candidates gives lie to the popular opinion that Moscow is tired of the ‘too pro-Western’ Pashinyan and is waiting for the chance to restore the tried and tested Kocharyan,” wrote Russian journalist Kirill Krivosheev. “Russia clearly doesn’t want to ruin its reputation in Armenian society without good reason by appearing to impose its favored candidate like a colonial master.”

Added Markedonov: “Moscow has unfortunate experience under its belt, when open support for ‘its’ candidates (in Ukraine, for example), did not result in the expected results, but instead provoked problems and crises.”

Pashinyan to hold march with supporters in Yerevan’s Malatia-Sebastia district

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 09:57,

YEREVAN, JUNE 14, ARMENPRESS. Caretaker Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan, who is leading the electoral list of the Civil Contract party for the June 20 snap parliamentary elections, will today hold a march in Yerevan’s Malatia-Sebastia district on the sidelines of the campaign.

“Yesterday we had a very impressive march in Yerevan’s Shengavit district, thus announcing the launch of campaigns in the capital with my participation. Today we will hold a similar march in Malatia-Sebastia district”, Pashinyan said on Facebook.

Today’s march will kick off near the Andranik Ozanyan statue at 19:00.

Pashinyan invites everyone to the march.

The electoral campaign for the June 20 snap parliamentary elections officially launched in Armenia on June 7.

The campaign will last until June 18.

25 political forces – 21 parties and 4 blocs, are participating in the elections.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Europe to pay Armenia €3m to rebrand its ‘cognac’ | Eurasianet

EurasiaNet.org
Jun 11, 2021

The European Union will pay Armenia 3 million euros to rename its prize-winning grape-based spirits, which have traditionally been known as “cognac.”

Under European law, the term is a trademark and can only apply to drinks made from particular grapes grown in the Cognac region of southwestern France.

Armenia agreed to stop using the word “cognac” as part of a comprehensive partnership agreement that came into effect in March. Parliament passed the relevant provision on June 10, making the release of the funds possible, local media reported. How the money will be spent was not immediately clear.

Under the terms negotiated in 2017, Yerevan has until 2032 to phase out the word. In March officials told Brussels they had not yet decided which word to use, though the drink has been frequently marketed abroad as Armenian brandy.

Russians need not worry that their favorite Armenian tipple will undergo a makeover. The EU fine print allows for “cognac” to remain on labels in non-Latin letters. Russia – with which Armenia is in a free-trade bloc, the Eurasian Economic Union – is the biggest buyer of Armenian hard liquor exports, soaking up 84 percent in 2019, according to the Observatory of Economic Complexity. Only about 3.5 percent is shipped to Europe.

Brandy/cognac accounted for 7.7 percent of all Armenia’s exports last year.

The change may rub some Armenians the wrong way. An oft-heard boast is that the beverage produced at the Yerevan Brandy Factory, founded in the 19th century, uses a process imported directly from the French region of Cognac. Legend has it that Winston Churchill was a mighty big fan.

Abroad, the most well-known brand is Ararat, made by the Yerevan Brandy Company, which was bought by French booze giant Pernod-Ricard in the 1990s. At the time of writing, the company’s English website the word cognac.

https://eurasianet.org/europe-to-pay-armenia-eu3m-to-rebrand-its-cognac

President Sarkissian discusses science development with high-tech, economy ministers and FAST executive director

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 16:32, 8 June, 2021

YEREVAN, JUNE 8, ARMENPRESS. President of Armenia Armen Sarkissian received today caretaker minister of high technological industry Hayk Chobanyan, caretaker minister of economy Vahan Kerobyan and executive director of the Foundation for Armenian Science and Technology (FAST) Armen Orujyan, the Presidential Office told Armenpress.

Issues relating to the development of science and technologies in Armenia were discussed during the meeting.

The sides discussed the directions of the presidential initiative ATOM (Advanced Tomorrow) aimed at the scientific-technical development, the agreements on cooperation with the leading international organizations on the sidelines of ATOM, as well as the cooperation prospects between these and local organizations.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Asbarez: A Very Bad Habit



Aram Hamparian is the Executive Director of the ANCA

BY ARAM SUREN HAMPARIAN

Our U.S. Department of State has a bad habit of lying about Armenians.

The facts are clear.

The pattern is evident.

In our American public record.

They shamelessly denied and covered up for Turkey about the Armenian Genocide for a century – A CENTURY+.

MULTIPLE GENERATIONS.

FULL LIFE-TIMES.

FOR 106 YEARS.

They still won’t admit the obvious truth that Azerbaijan attacked Artsakh last fall – EVEN AFTER ALIYEV HAS PROUDLY BOASTED ABOUT HAVING ATTACKED ARTSAKH.

They resist clearly calling out Azerbaijan for invading and currently occupying Armenian territory – DESPITE THE CLEAR EVIDENCE OF THIS FACT.

They claim – against all reason – that $120,000,000 in U.S. military aid to Azerbaijan didn’t contribute to Baku’s offensive military capabilities – A PAINFULLY OBVIOUS FALSEHOOD.

They take credit for post-war humanitarian aid – WHEN THEIR OWN RECORD SHOWS JUST $5 MILLION TO HELP ALL THOSE AFFECTED (ARMENIAN AND AZERBAIJANI) SINCE LAST FALL.

They advanced the career of Matt Bryza, misrepresenting him as an “honest broker” – WHEN HE WAS CLEARLY BIASED AGAINST ARMENIANS (unsurprisingly, after retiring, he raked in millions working for foreign/pro-Azerbaijan oil industry interests).

They lied about financing the Turkish Armenian Reconciliation Commission – ONLY TO HAVE THIS LIE UNCOVERED BY A CONGRESSIONAL RESEARCH SERVICE REPORT.

They talk about a diverse Foreign Service – EVEN THOUGH LESS THAN A DOZEN OF THE 23,000 AMERICANS WORKING FOR THE STATE DEPARTMENT ARE OF ARMENIAN HERITAGE.

They lied about Armenian prisoners of war, calling them “detainees” – UNTIL YESTERDAY.

YESTERDAY!

The list goes on.

All too often, when they do tell the truth – it’s because of community, coalition, and Congressional pressure.

When it comes to serious issues impacting Armenians, truth is their exception, sadly, not their rule.

Their default remains falsehood: Expedient. Convenient. Lies.

A very bad habit, hardened over a very long time.

We might – for the sake of courtesy or a misguided desire for comity – politely ignore these lies – but that would be a disservice to America, an abdication of our responsibilities as citizens.

For nothing good can be built upon a foundation of lies.

Lies hurt. They destroy. Sometimes they kill.

We must – as Americans and as Armenians – confront each of these dangerous falsehoods.
Standing up to lies is a hallmark of American citizenship.

Accepting them is wrong – irresponsible on every level.

And, so we must and will call them all out, one by one.

Turn them toward truth.

Toward justice.

Aram Hamparian is the Executive Director of the Armenian National Committee of America.




Tbilisi: The Language Barrier: the Ongoing Challenge to Provide Decent Education to Georgia’s Minority Schoolchildren

Civil Georgia
May 19 2021

Education was meant to be the means Georgia would achieve the civic integration of its ethnic minority communities. As Tamar Burduli discovered, there is still a long way to go.

Georgians are proud of the country’s tradition of inter-ethnic tolerance. Some 16% of the country’s population are ethnic minorities, mostly Armenians and Azerbaijanis, and Tbilisi’s old town, with its synagogue, mosque, Armenian and Georgian churches all crowded together, is seen as a symbol of the country’s multicultural harmony. But for most minority communities the reality is different. The bulk of Georgia’s Armenians and Azerbaijanis live in rural, monoethnic settlements in the south and east of the country. They are isolated from the rest of Georgian society, most obviously by language: 74% of native Azerbaijani speakers and 51% of native Armenian speakers do not speak Georgian fluently. Minorities look to Baku or Yerevan (or to Russia) rather than Tbilisi for opportunities for work and study and there is large-scale emigration. Since 2005, Georgia has seen education as the primary means to integrate its minority population: by providing them with Georgian language skills and quality education, it is thought minorities will be able to find good jobs or go to university in Georgia, hastening the civic integration of the country.

The results of the efforts of the last fifteen years have been mixed. As part of the U.S. Embassy-funded Georgian Educational Advocacy Project, we combed through reams of quantitative and qualitative data and spoke to a dozen of teachers and parents to examine the issues ethnic minorities face in general education. The results showed that in spite of some progress, there are multiple challenges faced by non-Georgian students.

There are currently over 80,000 students from minority backgrounds studying in Georgian schools, representing around 14% of the total student body. Most of these students study at one of 208 non-Georgian schools, or one of 83 Georgian schools with non-Georgian sectors. Efforts to improve the Georgian language skills and the overall level of educational attainment of minorities in Georgia are longstanding. The first textbooks to teach Georgian as a Second Language were created as far back as in 2005.

Other efforts include teacher training programs by Teachers’ Professional Development Center (TPDC) and the Zurab Zhvania School of Public Administration, a project for the professional development of school principals in their preferred language, the introduction of bilingual teaching and teacher training, the assignment of Georgian-speaking consultant-teachers to non-Georgian schools and the improvement of textbooks. These efforts have coincided with reforms to Georgia’s education sector overall, which includes the reconstruction of rural schools and increases in teachers’ salaries.

But in spite of this, there still exists a huge educational attainment gap between ethnic Georgians and minorities. In 2016, 56% of Azerbaijani language school and 44% of Armenian language school students failed their final exams, compared to just a quarter of Georgian students. A quarter of ethnic minority applicants failed their university entrance exams in 2018 compared to 13% of Georgian speakers.

Not speaking Georgian is an overarching issue. Since most ethnic minorities live in monoethnic minority settlements, for children, primary school is where they first encounter Georgian. From six years old they start to learn Georgian as a second language, followed at secondary school by several other subjects in Georgian (history, geography and social sciences). But from their first day at school, minority children face difficulties: parents cannot help their children with Georgian subjects at home because they do not speak Georgian. Children often need parental engagement in homework, especially in primary school, so ethnic minority schoolchildren are at a greater disadvantage. The situation is even more difficult given that many teachers in non-Georgian schools do not speak fluent Georgian themselves, meaning that children are often left alone with textbooks and difficult terminology.

“Even when there are bilingual textbooks, often teachers do not speak Georgian, which creates further problems,” said one teacher from the predominantly Azerbaijani town of Marneuli. “If the teacher does not know Georgian, they are unable to transfer knowledge in either language.”

As a result, many ethnic minority parents prefer their children to go to Georgian instead of non-Georgian schools – in total 32,000 or 40% of ethnic minority schoolchildren go to Georgian schools. This is a good solution for some students, who are more immersed in the Georgian-language environment. But, as one teacher from Gori municipality explained, without extra efforts from teachers, minority students’ education can suffer both in Georgian and in their native language.

“Due to the language problems many children from our non-Georgian school would transfer to the Georgian school. The parents understood that their kids would be unable to progress in life without knowing the Georgian language, so they would transfer them there. But then the child was in shock – twenty-five children in the class, five non-Georgian kids, the teacher would not even think about paying proper attention to them, so the children would remain without knowledge, without skills. After a few years they would realize that they are unable to study there and would come back to Azerbaijani school, but by then without proper knowledge of either Azerbaijani or Georgian.”

This points towards another issue: the fact that instruction in minority languages can also be problematic.  Georgia does not produce Armenian or Azerbaijani language and literature textbooks, so they have to be imported from neighboring Armenia and Azerbaijan. Because these countries have an 11-grade school system, final year students in the Georgian K12 system are left “without a book” for their native languages and have to repeat the 11-grade material.

Making matters worse is the fact that, as pension-age teachers retire every year with no one to replace them, some teachers have to cover subjects for which they have no training. In spite of extensive need and multiple vacancies, especially in sciences, it has proved persistently difficult to attract minorities to the teaching profession. This might be because lack of Georgian language knowledge prevents minority teachers from advancing up the career ladder as they struggle with language tests — even if they teach a non-Georgian subject.

“There is no teaching exam in the Azerbaijani language. This creates big problems for teachers. You can’t move forward. I have been working since 2016 and I am still a Teacher Seeker [a type of trainee]. Teachers of [minority] language and literature don’t have the opportunity to pass their exam and move forward in the career advancement scheme,” said a minority teacher from Gori Municipality. This, in turn, deters many minority-Georgians from going into the teaching profession.

In order to try to remedy this, since 2009 Georgian-speaking teaching assistants and consultants have been dispatched to some minority schools. However, studies by the Social Justice Center found “no significant difference in the achievements of the students with whom these teachers work.” The report found that these “consultant-teachers” worked with only 15% of non-Georgian students, and that half of the consultant teachers left the job after a year. Furthermore, lack of Georgian language knowledge deters minority teachers from advancing in career scheme as they struggle with Georgian-language tests, which, in turn, might partially explain the low general interest in the profession. While it is clear that there remains much to be done for the Georgian education system to improve standards for minority pupils, there are other factors at play that result in educational inequalities. Lower school attendance and a high dropout rate is another huge problem. Students from non-Georgian schools predominate among those who drop out of school. Economic and cultural issues, such as child labor and early marriage greatly affect their access to general education. Boys tend to be taken out of class for seasonal agriculture-related work, while girls in some communities drop out for marriage, as one teacher from a non-Georgian school in Telavi municipality explained.

“The tendency is that when children reach a certain age, mostly after the 9th grade, they pay less attention to education. Early marriage is an accepted custom. Also, they [boys] go away for work.”

It is likely that one of the most effective ways to mitigate the socio-economic conditions that lead to early marriage and child labor is through education. Yet in spite of more than ten years of intensive effort on the part of the government and international institutions, and multiple attempts at reform, it is clear that there remains a huge attainment gap for Georgia’s ethnic minority students. While things such as funding, employment opportunities and teaching materials appear to be improving, it is clear that the pace of these improvements is slower than one would expect, resulting in meagre overall improvements in Georgian language knowledge and overall educational attainment. This is an issue that must be addressed if Georgia is to live up to its reputational of inter-ethnic tolerance and successfully integrate its minority communities.

This article is written under the Georgian Educational Advocacy Project, which is funded by a grant from the United States Department of State. The opinions, findings and conclusions stated herein are those of the author[s] and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Department of State, or Civil.ge.

Maltese tenor Joseph Calleja and the Armenian State Symphony Orchestra to perform at Dubai Opera

The National News, UAE

South Korean violinist Lim Ji-young and French pianist Remi Geniet will also perform in a separate show at the venue

Joseph Calleja performing in Verdi’s ‘Macbeth’ at the Metropolitan Opera House in New York City in 2014. Getty Images

The Downtown Dubai venue will host a pair of concerts next month featuring a Grammy Award-nominee and the winners of the prestigious Queen Elisabeth Competition, a contest that celebrates violinists and pianists.

Taking to the stage on Saturday, June 19 is Joseph Calleja. The Maltese tenor is a successful recording artist, clocking up top placings on the US classical music charts.

He also has a Grammy nomination to his name for the DVD recording of his role in London’s Royal Opera House production of La Traviata with US soprano Renee Fleming, as well as last year’s well-received album The Magic of Mantovani.

Tickets for the concert start at Dh295.

The next
night, Sunday, June 20, belongs to the stars of the future.

South Korean violinist Lim Ji-young and French pianist Remi Geniet, winners of the Belgium-held Queen Elisabeth competition in 2015 and 2013 respectively, will showcase their talent with pieces by German composer Felix Mendelssohn and contemporary Ukrainian composer Alexey Shor.

Tickets for this show start at Dh250.

Both concerts will feature the Armenian State Symphony Orchestra under the baton of artistic director Sergey Smbatyan.

The shows come as Dubai begins to relax Covid restrictions to stem its
spread
after a fall in daily case numbers.

These include pubs, bars and some night clubs being open for vaccinated patrons and live music entertainment provided by vaccinated performers.

While Dubai Opera’s online list of safety measures does not require patrons to be fully vaccinated at present, visitors should check the venue’s website for updates.

U.S. Says Karabakh Conflict Needs Comprehensive and Long-Term Settlement



U.S. Chargé d’Affaires Courtney Austrian

The United States believes that there is an urgent need for a comprehensive and long-term political settlement to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. This view was conveyed by Secretary of State Antony Blinken during his meeting with Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov on Wednesday and was echoed by U.S. Chargé d’Affaires Courtney Austrian during the OSCE Permanent Council on Friday.

“In our national capacity, the United States recalls the April 13 Minsk Group Co-Chairs’ statement underscoring their readiness to assist the sides in resolving remaining areas of concern through high-level negotiations. These include issues related to, inter alia: the return of all Prisoners of War and other detainees, the exchange of all data necessary to conduct effective de-mining of conflict regions; the lifting of restrictions on access to Nagorno Karabakh, including for representatives of international humanitarian organizations; the preservation and protection of religious and cultural heritage; and the fostering of direct contacts and co-operation between communities affected by the conflict as well as other people-to-people confidence building measures,” Austrian said.

“We urge the sides to return to substantive high-level negotiations, without preconditions, under the auspices of the Minsk Group Co-Chairs as soon as possible.  The continued and urgent need for a comprehensive and long-term political settlement to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict is clear.   We urge both sides to avoid fueling hatred through escalatory or dehumanizing rhetoric.  We also urge both sides to investigate alleged human rights violations or violations of international humanitarian law, and to hold accountable those found responsible,” she added.

“In light of recent developments, the United States also notes that movements in areas where borders are not fully demarcated at a time of tension are irresponsible and unnecessarily provocative.  We call on the sides to commit immediately to a process of discussion and negotiation to resolve their differences, and not to resort to unilateral and aggressive actions in the future,” the U.S. envoy said.

Azerbaijani press: Phone conversation held between presidents of Azerbaijan, Belarus [UPDATE]

President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev held a telephone conversation with his Belarusian counterpart Alexander Lukashenko on May 22.

The heads of state discussed the situation in both countries and exchanged views over the topical issues.

President Alexander Lukashenko thanked President Ilham Aliyev for supporting Belarus and supplying hydrocarbons to this country. The Presidents hailed the increase in trade between the two countries and the great potential for the development of bilateral relations.

President Ilham Aliyev gave detailed information about the situation on the Azerbaijani-Armenian border and affirmed Azerbaijan’s position on the recent events.

President Alexander Lukashenko expressed his country’s hope that the situation would be resolved in the coming days.

As for the agenda of Belarus-Azerbaijan bilateral relations, the heads of state discussed in detail the areas of cooperation and the implementation of agreements reached during Belarus President Alexander Lukashenko’s visit to Azerbaijan. It was noted that a delegation of Azerbaijani urban planning specialists will soon visit Belarus to elaborate a plan for starting construction work in the region together with their Belarusian counterparts.

Moreover, an Azerbaijani agriculture delegation is also expected to visit Belarus. There is a strong interest in experience of Belarus in this area as well.

In general, specific plans for work to be carried out by Belarus constructors and other specialists in Azerbaijan will be developed as part of the upcoming meetings.