P. Burdykin: Vladimir Zhirinovsky `Expresses His Personal Viewpoint’

PanARMENIAN.Net
Peter Burdykin: Vladimir Zhirinovsky `Expresses His Personal
Viewpoint’
26.05.2006 17:35 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Acting Charge d’Affaires of Russia in Azerbaijan
Peter Burdykin said the statement by Russian State Duma Vice-speaker
Vladimir Zhirinovsky on the possibility of Nagorno Karabakh’s
independence `doesn’t reflect the position of the RF leadership.’
Burdykin remarked that `a parliamentarian expressing his personal
viewpoint does not express the position of the state.’
He said the Nagorno Karabakh conflict settlement is a very subtle
issue and even mature members of the Russian and U.S. foreign
departments read their statement from paper, reported Day.az.
To remind, Russian State Duma Vice-speaker Vladimir Zhirinovsky stated
that unrecognized republics, which were formed in the territory of the
former Soviet Union, will follow the path of Montenegro, Russian State
Duma Vice-Speaker Vladimir Zhirinovsky had stated. `Abkhazia,
Transnistria and Karabakh will follow the path of Montenegro.
Referendum on declaring independence in Montenegro is a precedent in
the international law,’ he told journalists in Moscow before the third
congress of the Union of Armenians of Russia. `Time will come and
resolutions on referendums will be adopted in the South Caucasus,
e.g. Karabakh will acquire independence,’ Zhirinovsky added.
`Karabakh is fully entitled to become an independent state and for
Baku not to feel hurt, it may not join Armenia, having allied
relations with it,’ the Russian State Duma Vice-Speaker said.

Demirchyan Is Open To Cooperation

DEMIRCHYAN IS OPEN TO COOPERATION
Lragir.am
26 May 06
Time will settle everything. Stepan Demirchyan, the leader of
Ardarutiun Alliance, is guided by this principle when he speaks about
the leap of the Orinats Yerkir Party from the coalition to the
opposition. Stepan Demirchyan says they accept the bid of Orinats
Yerkir to become opposition without panic. And generally, the word
`panic’ cannot be used to characterizetheir actions and
activities. `Time will settle everything. I should add only that we
are not suspicious. We think it is better to make a mistake when you
believe, than to make a mistake when you suspect,’ says Stepan
Demirchyan. According to him, it is wrong to make a fuss about
nothing.
`In the long run, the activities, and steps will show everything. Now
we do not consider whether it is false or not. Time will show,’ says
Stepan Demirchyan. He is even willing to cooperate with Orinats
Yerkir. Stepan Demirchyan asserts their willingness to negotiate
definite issues with all the forces which stress establishment of
constitutional order in Armenia and the removal of the illegal
regime. The leader of Ardarutiun Alliance mentions at the same time
that Orinats Yerkir is definitely responsible for the illegal
actionsof the government over the past years.

Paruyr Hayrikyan: The State Political Life Is Accompanied WithDisgra

PARUYR HAYRIKYAN: THE STATE POLITICAL LIFE IS ACCOMPANIED WITH DISGRACEFUL EXPRESSIONS
ArmRadio.am
24.05.2006 17:30
Head of the National Self-Determination Union Paruyr Hayrikyan
evaluated today the events in the domestic political life of the
country, assessing these as dangerous steps for the Republic.
The state political life is accompanied with disgraceful expressions;
this is the way the Head of the National Self-Determination Union
characterizes the internal political events.
Paruyr Hayrikyan does not see anything unusual “Orinats Yerkir”
Party’s seceding from the coalition. At last, it is the party that
should decide where it must belong.
Paruyr Hayrikyan was discontent with the phenomenon of rat race. He
said these people do not know what a party means and what it is being
formed for. He considered it necessary to explain that a party should
either comprise part of the state or promote its creation.
According to him, the facts show that there are no parties, in reality
these are balloons.
The President of the National Self-Determination Union attached
importance to the choice of national symbols. “Choosing as an anthem
Aram Khachatryan’s melody of Communist era would mean breaking
ourselves,” Paruyr Hayrikyan said.
He will fight against the “shadow of Communism.

Staff Manager Of Yerevan Brandy Company Hrant Bagratyan To Resign By

STAFF MANAGER OF YEREVAN BRANDY COMPANY HRANT BAGRATYAN TO RESIGN BY THE END OF JUNE
ARKA News Agency, Armenia
May 24 2006
YEREVAN, May 24. /ARKA/. Staff and Grape Purchase Manager of the
Yerevan Brandy Company (YBC), RA ex-Prime Minister Hrant Bagratyan
will resign by the end of June, upon his own application, according
to the Press Service of the YBC. Bagratyan has been Staff and Grape
Purchase Manager of the YBC since 1998.
“YBC Board of Directors expresses its gratitude to Mr. Bagratyan
for his service in establishment of good relations between the YBC
and wine-growers of Armenia, as well as for his contribution to
strengthening company’s authority and image in the republic, and
wishes success in future activities”, YBC press release says.
The Press Service also informed that the Administrative-Financial
Manager of the YBC from 1999 to 2006 Alexander Ghazaryan has been
appointed Regional Director of Pernod Ricard in Kazakhstan. His post
will be taken up by Ignaty Arakelyan, who has been Chief Accountant
of YBC since 1999.
In June 1998 YBC joined Pernod Ricard group international corporation
owner of a number of famous trade brands of spirits. Pernod Ricard
company obtained Yerevan Brandy Company at international tender for
$30 mln.

Conflict Resolution In The South Caucasus: The EU’s Role

CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: THE EU’S ROLE
Reuters Alert, UK
May 24 2006
Source: Crisis Group
Georgia, Abkhazia, S. Ossetia
Tbilisi/Brussels, 20 March 2006: To guarantee its own security,
the EU must become more engaged in resolving the conflicts in the
South Caucasus lest they ignite into full-fledged wars in Europe’s
neighbourhood.
Conflict Resolution in the South Caucasus: The EU’s Role,* the latest
report from the International Crisis Group, examines the EU’s efforts
to address tensions over Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia,
and points out how the EU can do more.
“Greater engagement is a challenge Brussels has only just begun
to address”, says Sabine Freizer, Crisis Group’s Caucasus Project
Director. “There have been a few promising steps, but there is a long
way to go”.
Thus far, others have taken the lead in promoting conflict settlement
in the region, but over a decade of negotiations led by the UN in
Abkhazia, and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE) in Nagorno-Karabakh and South Ossetia, have not produced
comprehensive peace agreements. With its reputation as an “honest
broker”, access to a range of soft and hard power tools, and the lure
of greater integration into Europe, the EU has a greater role to play,
and offers added value to compliment the UN and the OSCE.
To avoid instability on its borders, the EU seeks a ring of
well-governed countries around it. It is further interested in the
South Caucasus to ensure access to Caspian oil and gas, develop
transport and communication corridors between Europe and Asia, and
contain such threats as smuggling, trafficking and environmental
degradation.
As the EU is unlikely to offer membership to Georgia, Armenia and
Azerbaijan any time soon, it must identify innovative means to
impose conditionality on its aid and exercise influence. European
Neighbourhood Policy Action Plans are being finalised. These offer
a chance for the EU to enhance its role especially if the peaceful
resolution of the conflicts are defined as commitments.
The new EU Special Representative should observe ongoing negotiations
for the Abkhazian, South Ossetian and Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts. The
Commission has allocated significant funding to rehabilitation in
South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It should assess how it can start doing
more in and around Nagorno-Karabakh.
“The EU is trying to define its role in a new neighbourhood which is
neither at war nor at peace”, says Nicholas Whyte, Director of Crisis
Group’s Europe Program. “If the EU fails to implement its strategic
vision for a secure neighbourhood, its credibility in the region, and
generally vis-a-vis Russia and the U.S., will suffer. More troublingly,
if the South Caucasus conflicts continue to deteriorate, the EU may
find itself unprepared for responding to wars among its neighbours”.
Contacts: Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) +32 (0) 2 541 1635 Kimberly
Abbott (Washington) +1 202 785 1601 To contact Crisis Group media
please click here *Read the full Crisis Group report on our website:
————- ————————————————– ——
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Instability in the South Caucasus is a threat to European Union (EU)
security. Geographic proximity, energy resources, pipelines and the
challenges of international crime and trafficking make stability in
the region a clear EU interest. Yet, the unresolved Nagorno-Karabakh,
Abkhazian and South Ossetian conflicts have the potential to ignite
into full-fledged wars in Europe’s neighbourhood. To guarantee its own
security, the EU should become more engaged in efforts to resolve the
three disputes. It can do so by strengthening the conflict resolution
dimension of the instruments it applies. As the EU is unlikely to offer
membership to Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan even in the medium term,
it must identify innovative means to impose conditionality on its aid
and demonstrate influence. This is a challenge that Brussels has only
begun to address.
Since 2003 the EU has become more of a security actor in the South
Caucasus, particularly in Georgia. It has appointed a Special
Representative for the South Caucasus, launched a European Security
and Defence Policy (ESDP) mission, and employed the Commission’s Rapid
Reaction Mechanism to support post “Rose Revolution” democratisation
processes. It has included Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia in
the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and started Action Plan
negotiations due to end mid-2006. The Commission has allocated some
~@32 million for economic development confidence building programs in
Georgia, and it has cooperated closely with the UN and the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).
Nevertheless, the EU can do more to help resolve conflict in the
region, in particular through the Action Plans currently being
negotiated with each country. For the EU, these are a chance to
enhance and reposition itself in the South Caucasus if they can be
tied to conflict resolution and include specific democratisation,
governance and human rights benchmarks. For the region they may be
an opportunity to map out the reform process concretely. But there
is a long way to go. The EU’s relations are not strong with either
Azerbaijan or, to a lesser extent, Armenia. It does not participate
directly in negotiations on Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia or South
Ossetia. In and around Nagorno-Karabakh, it has done little for
conflict resolution. It has rarely raised the South Caucasus conflicts
in its high-level discussions with partners and has employed few
sanctions or incentives to advance peace.
To become more effective, the EU must increase its political
visibility. Compared with Russia, the U.S., the UN and the OSCE,
its financial and political engagement in the region has been minimal.
However, as it gives more aid through new and old instruments, its
ability to provide incentives and apply conditionality should grow.
Compared with other actors, the EU can offer added value, with its
image as an “honest broker” free from traditional US/Russia rivalries;
access to a range of soft and hard-power tools; and the lure of
greater integration into Europe.
The arrival of a new Special Representative (EUSR) is an opportune
moment for the EU to strengthen its political presence. The EUSR should
try to become an observer in the three conflict negotiation forums. In
South Ossetia and Abkhazia, where the Commission has already allocated
significant funding, efficient and well-targeted assistance can give
weight and credibility to the EU’s diplomatic and political efforts.
In Nagorno-Karabakh, rather then wait for an agreement on the
principles of resolution mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group, the EU
should begin contingency planning to assist peace implementation now.
Sending military and civilian assessment missions to the region could
give new impetus to a negotiation process which seems to be dangerously
running out of steam. Whether or not a peace agreement is eventually
signed, the EU should be prepared to implement confidence building
programs or – in a worst case – to consider a range of options in
case of an outbreak of fighting. Otherwise, having remained out
of Nagorno-Karabakh and the adjacent occupied districts for over a
decade, either war or peace will find it struggling to catch up in
its own neighbourhood.
RECOMMENDATIONS
To the European Union and its Member States:
To increase the EU’s visibility and effectiveness as a political actor
1. Open fully-staffed European Commission Delegations in Baku and
Yerevan.
2. Strengthen the EUSR’s regional presence by at a minimum appointing
a EUSR political analyst in each of the three South Caucasus capitals.
3. Start a public awareness campaign in the region about the EU, its
values, institutions, programs and conflict resolution capabilities.
To take full advantage of the negotiating process for European
Neighbourhood Policy Action Plans
4. Define the peaceful resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict
as an Action Plan priority for Armenia and Azerbaijan, with the Plan
aimed specifically at ensuring that:
(a) Azerbaijan and Armenia should commit to resolving the conflict
through peaceful negotiations without delay, defining the principles of
an agreement as renunciation of the use of force to settle disputes;
incremental withdrawal of occupied districts; return of displaced
persons; opening of transport and trade routes; and determination of
the final status of Nagorno-Karabakh through a referendum;
(b) Armenia should pledge to encourage the de facto Nagorno-Karabakh
authorities to agree to a peace settlement according to the principles
defined above; and
(c) both states should commit to foster reconciliation, confidence
building and mutual understanding through governmental and
non-governmental channels.
5. Action Plan elements should include clear benchmarking to measure
progress in the development of genuine democracy, good governance,
respect for human rights, the rule of law and free and fair elections;
and the establishment of a comprehensive monitoring mechanism, whose
reports are made public.
6. Increase public ownership and awareness by engaging civil society in
Action Plan preparation and monitoring (particularly in Azerbaijan),
organising conferences, seminars, and media events, and strengthening
the involvement of parliaments and local authorities.
7. Coordinate with other bilateral and multilateral players to ensure
consistency between the Action Plans and the commitments made to the
Council of Europe (CoE), the OSCE, NATO and the UN.
To increase the impact of crisis management and conflict prevention
actions
8. Strengthen the capacity of Commission staff in the region to carry
out post-conflict rehabilitation by offering training in security
sector reform, mediation and reconciliation, confidence building,
and demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration (DDR).
9. Develop more initiatives focused on confidence building across
ceasefire lines and the soft side of conflict-resolution, such as
working with civil society, media, women, youth and former combatants,
and apply community participation to project planning, implementation,
monitoring and follow-up.
10. Increase engagement with non-recognized entities (Abkhazia,
South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh) and promote democratisation,
civil society development and the rule of law, not as recognition of
status but as a means to break their isolation, build confidence and
avoid exclusion from broad EU integration processes.
11. Promote European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR)
funding opportunities, especially in Azerbaijan, and develop an
interim mechanism to distribute funds to local civil society groups,
possibly through a member state embassy or the Europa House, before
an EU delegation opens in Baku.
12. Support new regional programs in particular for students, teachers,
professors and other professional groups including police, judges,
lawyers and journalists.
To prepare for an eventual Nagorno-Karabakh peace settlement and
encourage the parties to compromise
13. Seek agreement for the EUSR to participate in the OSCE Minsk
Group as an observer.
14. In the case of the Commission, carry out a needs assessment study
of Nagorno-Karabakh and the adjacent occupied territories (including
places where IDPs have settled) even before a framework agreement
on the principles of a settlement is agreed between Azerbaijan and
Armenia.
15. In the case of the Council, request the Secretariat to develop
ESDP options in support of peace implementation, send assessment
missions in close cooperation with the OSCE and begin contingency
planning so as to prepare for:
(a) deployment of peacekeepers around Nagorno-Karabakh; and
(b) deployment of a civilian crisis management advisory team to
engage in DDR, security sector reform, mediation, political affairs,
human rights and media issues in and around Nagorno-Karabakh.
To support the peaceful resolution of the Georgian-South Ossetian
and Georgian-Abkhazian conflicts
16. Expand the Commission’s role in addressing the Georgian-South
Ossetian conflict and finance another tranche of aid to support
projects identified in the OSCE needs assessment.
17. Once Georgia passes the appropriate law and designates a budget
line for its implementation, make funding available to its new property
commission and property restitution fund.
18. Agree a Joint Action to provide financial support for the Joint
Control Commission (JCC) mechanism in April 2006.
19. Request the JCC and the parties to the Geneva process to invite
the EUSR to observe their meetings and activities.
20. Raise the Georgian-South Ossetian and Georgian-Abkhazia conflicts
at EU-Russia summits and other high-level dialogue forums.
21. Continue the border management assistance mission and facilitate
communication and cooperation between Georgian and Russian border
guards.
22. Agree a Joint Action to support a Georgian-South Ossetian Special
Coordination Centre and joint policing.
Tbilisi/Brussels, 20 March 2006
Full report at amp;rss=1

Expert: South Caucasus Is The Key Outlet For The US To Central Asia

EXPERT: SOUTH CAUCASUS IS THE KEY OUTLET FOR THE US TO CENTRAL ASIA
Regnum, Russia
May 24 2006
“Paradoxical as this may seem, the possible force outcome of the
US-Iran relations is good for both the opponents and the supporters
of a military action against Iran,” Karabakh political scientist
David Babayan says to REGNUM.
He notes that both inside and outside the US there are people who
support and oppose it.
“Many people understand that Iran is geo-strategically important not
only for the Middle East but also for the leading actors in the world
arena. Due to its geographical situation and economic potential that
country is a key target of the US foreign policy. Iran is an immediate
neighbor of the South Caucasus, Central Asia, Afghanistan, Pakistan,
Iraq, the Persian Gulf. Without Iran, the US presence in those regions
will be problematic and expensive. That’s why the US simply needs
Iran as a partner,” says Babayan. He notes that Central Asia, the
South Caucasus and some other regions of the Middle and Central East
are quite vulnerable (there we have unstable Afghanistan and Kashmir)
and that Central Asia borders on Russia, who has quite strong positions
there. One cannot but consider China too, that borders on Central Asia,
Afghanistan and has close relations with Pakistan.
“Besides, today the key outlet for the US to Central Asia is the
South Caucasus, where there is no final stability either and where
Russia is also strong, especially economically. That’s why the West
needs a more stable way to Central Asia. The most reliable way seems
to be Iran. Iran has no borders with the US potential geo-political
rivals, it is stable, it has thousand-year-old culture and statehood
history. Besides, there is a very small possibility of expansionist
foreign policy in Iran, unlike Turkey, where officials now and then
appear with pan-Turkic statements. Even more, by gaining Iran over,
the US will make senseless the Central Asian and Middle East countries’
orientation towards its potential geo-political rivals – Russia and
China,” says Babayan.
If the US takes Iran in the sphere of its interests – by force or
by any other means – it will gain advantage not only in the region
but in the whole world and will hold this strategic initiative for
decades. “Although Iran has quite a strong military arsenal, in
quantity and quality it is not enough for rebuffing a well-organized
large-scale military operation; especially as before the operation –
if it is launched – the US will try to maximally damage Iran’s military
arsenal by massive air strikes. And if Iran acts like Yugoslavia,
Afghanistan or Iraq did – that is, if it continues deluding itself
that it can beat the Americans or NATO forces on its territory,
it is very much likely to be beaten itself,” says Babayan.
If the war still begins, it may well embrace the neighboring countries
too – something that will destabilize the whole region. “It is very
much possible that the conflicting sides will wage this war in an
asymmetrical way – that is, by holding force actions in their own
territories or the territories of their allies and, possibly, by using
radioactive matters. This is quite possible, especially as this is the
only way for Iran to hold out in the war or to prevent it at all,”
says Babayan. He notes that this is exactly what the opponents of
war can hope for – if the US fails in Iran – by losing the war or by
not starting it at all for fear of some unpredictable consequences –
it will have to review its foreign political strategy and, possibly,
to give up its military plans in other regions. “This will be a kind
of success for those outside the US, while for those inside it, this
will mean stability and hundreds, if not thousands, of saved lives
of American soldiers,” says Babayan.

Andranik Margarian:”Issue Of RPA Was To Keep Independence, To Preser

ANDRANIK MARGARIAN: “ISSUE OF RPA WAS TO KEEP INDEPENDENCE, TO PRESERVE COUNTRY FROM INNERPOLITICAL PROBLEMS”
Noyan Tapan
May 24 2006
YEREVAN, MAY 24, NOYAN TAPAN. “It was important for me and our
party during those years to assist securing of the innerpolitical
stability in our newly-independent state and to strengthen the
state by developing the economy, to increase fighting ability of our
army year by year and to fasten security of the country,” RA Prime
Minister, Chairman of the Republican Party of Armenia Andranik
Margarian mentioned during the internet conference of the “Azg”
(nation) newspaper.
According to him, “we have lost numerous friends on the way to
independece, among them, during the years of the Soviet dictatorship,
and protection of that independence reached at too high price,
preserving the country from different intrigues and intriguers,
innerpolitical shocks has always been an important issue for us,
and our steps were addressed to that puprose.”
According to the RA Prime Minister, the Government today has a problem
to reduce the level of poverty in the country by developing the
economy, to create possibilities for a prosperous life. The Poverty
Overcoming Strategic long-term program has been worked out on that
purpose and has been in the process of implementation for already
many years. All the spheres are analysed in the program in details,
existing problems, ways of their solution are mentioned, and a schedule
is adopted which is being implemented at a rapid pace. It was mentioned
that the RA Government put a task at present to review the program
by the means of reducing the terms or increasing the indexes. “All
our main problems, anti-corruption struggle, reforms of the state
government system, improvement of the business and investment sphere,
etc., are summed up in the IPAP,” the RA Prime Minister emphasized.

ANKARA: Armenian Genocide Bill Postponed; French Companies Relieved

Zaman, Turkey
May 20 2006
Armenian Genocide Bill Postponed; French Companies Relieved
By Economy News Desk
Published: Saturday, May 20, 2006
zaman.com
After French lawmakers dropped the bill that would criminalize denial
of the so-called Armenian Genocide, which nearly halted Paris-Ankara
relations, French companies in Turkey are relieved.
Representatives of the companies noted that agreements worth $14
billion escaped great danger, and expressed their pleasure at the
solution of the problem, even if only a temporary one. Les Echos, a
leading economy newspaper in France, wrote that postponement of the
bill provided a short respite, and added: `The French business
environment was taking the economic sanction threats of Turkey,
especially of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, very
seriously. This decision may also affect new investments. Almstom is
among the companies vying for the tender of the Marmaray Project, a
subway project planned to cost 815 million.’ With their recognition
of the so-called Armenian Genocide, France attempted to pass another
bill criminalizing the denial of the genocide. After the harsh
reaction of Turkey, the bill was suspended despite pressure from the
Armenian lobby in France.
Les Echos, underlining the commercial intensity between the two
countries, cites a probable boycott of French products would result
in major damage, and stresses that even just the thought caused alert
among big French companies such as Alstom, Accor or Danone.
The newspaper commented `the Armenian problem poisoned Turkish-French
relationships previously, too’ and made reference to the so-called
Armenian genocide the French Parliament confirmed in 2001. Les Echos,
recalling the angered call for a boycott by Ankara, wrote `The
economic crisis Turkey went through at that time may have reduced the
effect of the boycott, but the effects are real.’ The newspaper wrote
the French company Thales was excluded from the 120-million-euro
tender regarding the maintenance of F16s in 2001, and that French
companies lost the 260 million euro agreement about the manufacturing
and launching of satellites.

Levon Khachatryan Appointed RA Ambassador Extraordinary AndPlenipote

LEVON KHACHATRYAN APPOINTED RA AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY TO KYRGYZSTAN
ArmRadio.am
19.05.2006 16:42
According to Presidnet Kocharyan’s decree dated May 18, Eduard
Khurshudyan was dismissed form the position of RA Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Kyrgyzstan and RA Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Kazakhstan Levon Khachatryan
was appointed to the position.
According to another Presidential decree, Gagik Ghevondyan, Vahe
Danielyanm Yurik Poghosyan, Gagik Ananyan and Vanush Davtyan were
appointed members of the RA State Statistics Council.

ASSEMBLEE NATIONALE: Genocide Armenien: La Proposition De Loi PS Qui

ASSEMBLEE NATIONALE: GENOCIDE ARMENIEN: LA PROPOSITION DE LOI PS QUI EMBARRASSE
Charente Libre
18 mai 2006
Examinee ce matin, la proposition de penalisation du negationnisme
du genocide divise les elus et provoque des tensions entre la Turquie
et la France.
Les deputes examinent ce matin une proposition de loi socialiste
rendant passible d’un an d’emprisonnement et de 45.000EUR d’amende
la negation du genocide armenien de 1915. Le texte vise a completer
par un volet penal la loi de 2001 par laquelle la France reconnaît
le genocide armenien.
La proposition de loi ne devrait pas etre adoptee, une très large
majorite des deputes UMP y etant opposee. Une incertitude demeure
cependant et tout dependra du nombre de deputes presents en seance.
Des deputes UMP sont en effet favorables a ce texte et le groupe
leur a laisse la liberte de vote. En outre, deux propositions de
loi similaires d’elus UMP, ont ete deposees juste après le texte du
Parti socialiste, l’une d’Eric Raoult (Seine-Saint-Denis) et l’autre
de Richard Mallie (Bouches-du-Rhône) et Roland Blum (Bouches-du-Rhône).
Très mobilisee, la communaute d’origine armenienne, estimee a 500.000
personnes (80.000 dans la region de Lyon et autant dans la region de
Marseille), represente un electorat non negligeable.
Le negationnisme n’est sanctionne actuellement que s’il concerne
l’Holocauste. Cette specificite prive les victimes du genocide armenien
du respect de leur memoire et de leur identite que le negationnisme
remet en cause regulièrement, argumente le rapporteur PS du texte,
Christophe Masse. Il en veut pour preuve les evenements recents de
Lyon où l’inauguration, en avril, d’un memorial du genocide armenien
a entraîne des profanations et des manifestations pro-turques, avec
des slogans negationnistes.
L’UMP, echaudee par la recente polemique sur la colonisation, est
cependant opposee au texte. Le rôle de la loi n’est pas d’ecrire
l’histoire, a souligne le president de l’Assemblee nationale,
Jean-Louis Debre. Nous avons tous participe a un debat qui a conclu
a la necessite de ne plus legiferer sur les faits historiques, sur
leur interpretation, sur la memoire, a rencheri Bernard Accoyer (UMP).
A la suite d’un tolle chez les historiens, les defenseurs des droits
de l’Homme et dans les rangs de l’opposition, le gouvernement avait
dû faire supprimer l’article 4 de la loi du 23 fevrier 2005 sur le
rôle positif de la colonisation en Afrique du Nord. A droite comme a
gauche, beaucoup avaient alors convenu qu’il ne fallait pas legiferer
sur l’histoire.
L’initiative du PS ne fait pas non plus l’unanimite parmi les
socialistes. Le chef de file du groupe, Jean-Marc Ayrault, a fait
part de ses extremes reserves. Du côte des centristes, la position
est plus claire et selon Francois Rochebloine, qui sera leur orateur,
les deputes UDF devraient voter le texte.
La proposition crispe a nouveau les relations avec Ankara deja furieuse
de la reconnaissance du genocide armenien. La Turquie a rappele son
ambassadeur a Paris pour consultation en avertissant la France que
les relations bilaterales pourraient etre gravement affectees par
cette loi.
–Boundary_(ID_+TgSpVsAAzsmUJIVV9f4xw)–