Author: Baghdasarian Karlen

A hydroelectric complex put into operation in Artsakh by foreign
investments

17:21 . 19/05

Three hydroelectric stations-Syunik 1, Syunik 2 and Syunik 3 have been
constructed to ensure electricity supply in Kashatagh region of
Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. The project is implemented by the help of
investors from Armenia and diaspora.

`This is a big investment for energy sphere. This project is the first in
Kashatagh, which will give the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic an opportunity to
use a lot of energy for its economies. That is, the republic may soon
become a seller from consumer,’ the director of Armproject Institute Yuri
Javadyan says.

Such a change will take place at the end of the year already when Syunik-3
hydroelectric station will is put into operation. The station which is in
construction process on Aghavno river together with Syunik 1 and Syunik 2
will not only ensure energy supply of Kashatagh region in Nagorno-Karabakh.
The project’s coordinator, ARF-D bureau member Davit Lokyan attaches
importance to taking such steps, owing to which people will be able to stay
in their country and work there.

`Besides solving a social problem, this step pursues a greater
purpose-establishing a political posture,’ Davit Lokyan says.

`To strengthen Nagorno-Karabkah Republic. The stronger NKR becomes and has
independence in different spheres, for example, in energy sphere, the
stronger its independence will become,’ Director of ARF Bureau’s Hay Dat
and Political Affairs Office Kiro Manoyan says. NKR Prime Minister Arayik
Harutyunyan informs about the significance of the project: `Such a project
is important from several points of view. First, political as it was built
in Kashatagh region, second, jobs for the development of Kashatagh region,
development of economy, etc. Third, it will have significance with respect
to energy independence. In this ravine there is very great energy potential
and all that potential must be used,’ he says.

The day of opening Syunik 2 is symbolic: the 20th anniversary of the
liberation of Berdzor will also be celebrated on that day. The day was
chosen beforehand in this respect. NKR president and other officials were
also present at the opening ceremony. Though the hydroelectric station was
just opened officially it has functioned since November, 2011. The three
stations together will be able to ensure 8,5-9 megawatt power. Investments
for the project were made both from Diaspora and Armenia. ARF-D bureau
member Davit Lokyan notes that the last two stations of the hydroelectric
complex became a reality completely by foreign financing. Armenian
businessmen, as well as businessmen from the Near East and Europe have made
investments.

`I know we have built on our land, not on the land of others. I would like
other foundations also to follow this example and to make investments in
Karabakh, in all the regions of Artsakh,’ the chairman of `Pyunik’
foundation Gabriel Chemberchyan says.

The project that has a strategic significance for Artsakh’s strengthening
will be sustainable. Construction of new stations and other steps directed
to the development of the Nagorno -Karabakh are also expected.

This was not the only new thing on the days of the 20th anniversary of
liberating Berdzor. Groundbreaking ceremony of a new district in Berdzor
took place. At the initiative of ARF-D’s `Artsakh’ fund 50 villas, a
kindergarten, a school and other necessary infrastructures will also be
constructed in this district for specialists who will settle in this
settlement.

`The authority, the NKR people and investors from Armenia and from Diaspora
and our organization try to ensure the preservation and development of
these territories,’ Kiro Manoyan says.

From: Baghdasarian

Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso, Italia
15 maggio 2012

Armenia, paura di perdere la pace
[Armenia: Fear of Losing Peace]

Una delegazione del Parlamento europeo si è recata in Armenia per
parlare dei nuovi accordi di associazione con l’UE. Ma a Yerevan, il
tema numero uno resta sempre il Karabakh. Il racconto di Paolo
Bergamaschi, Consigliere per gli Affari esteri del Parlamento europeo

Delle decine di gruppi razziali e comunità etniche che popolano la
Georgia, quella armena è una delle più numerose e forse meno tutelate
in termini di diritti. Le forze nazionaliste al governo a Tbilisi
sono, da anni, intente a cementare un forte spirito ed una identità
nazionale a scapito delle minoranze mentre le autorità di Yerevan non
hanno alcun interesse a sostenere le rivendicazioni dei propri
connazionali con il rischio di creare un focolaio di tensione con uno
dei pochi paesi amici o, almeno, non ostili della regione.

A causa della chiusura delle frontiere con Azerbaijan e Turchia la
Georgia rappresenta per l’Armenia un corridoio terrestre
indispensabile per il commercio estero, in particolare con la Russia,
così come il porto di Batumi è il tradizionale punto di accesso al
mare per le merci armene esportate via nave. In estate sono decine di
migliaia gli armeni che affollano le spiagge dell’Agiaria, sul Mar
Nero, con le strutture alberghiere della regione ristrutturate e
potenziate per far fronte all’incremento del flusso di turisti.

La strada che da Tbilisi porta a Yerevan è una delle più trafficate
del Caucaso. Completamente risistemata sul versante georgiano ha
subito importanti aggiustamenti anche su quello armeno, non
sufficienti, però, per garantire la scorrevolezza necessaria agli
ingombranti e obsoleti autocarri che vi transitano. Anche le
postazioni per i controlli doganali hanno subito da entrambi i lati
importanti interventi. Noto con piacere al mio passaggio
l’informatizzazione delle procedure di verifica dei passaporti
rispetto alle precarie pratiche manuali degli anni precedenti quando
le guardie di frontiera erano obbligate a trascrivere, nella penombra,
i dati personali dei viaggiatori su corposi registri dalle pagine
gibbose e sfrangiate. L’attraversamento della catena del Piccolo
Caucaso è sempre spettacolare e questa volta lo è ancora di più tra la
neve caduta abbondante, con i soliti mezzi in avaria abbandonati
chissà da quando sul ciglio della strada. Il soccorso stradale non
sembra molto efficiente da queste parti. Dall’ultimo passo lo sguardo
si apre a valle fino al lago Sevan, la più importante riserva di acqua
dolce dell’Armenia. Da qui a Yerevan, sul falsopiano, la via è breve.

Ottimismo e preoccupazione dal ministro degli Esteri armeno
Il ministro degli Esteri Edward Nalbandian ci attende, nervoso, nel
salotto ufficiale per gli ospiti del ministero. Sa che deve farsi
perdonare il rifiuto all’autorizzazione dell’attraversamento della
linea di contatto. `Non ci sarebbero stati problemi, da parte mia, se
foste passati da Stepanakert (il capoluogo dell’Alto Karabakh, ndr) in
Azerbaijan; nella direzione opposta non sono in grado di garantire le
necessarie condizioni di sicurezza’, sostiene con una certa
irritazione, `troppi sono ancora gli incidenti, tra cecchini e campi
minati’. `Forse è troppo presto per compiere un’azione di questa
portata’, aggiunge, `nonostante l’atmosfera positiva durante
l’incontro fra i due presidenti a Sochi nello scorso gennaio’. `So che
gli azeri si lamentano criticando la mancanza di progressi del
processo di pace ma vorrei sottolineare che sono già stati quindici i
vertici fra i due presidenti cui vanno aggiunti almeno quaranta
incontri a livello di ministri degli Esteri’, osserva, `ed è sempre la
controparte azera che, alla fine, rifiuta di sottoscrivere ulteriori
accordi come, per esempio, quello sul meccanismo di prevenzione degli
incidenti lungo la linea di contatto’.

Per quanto riguarda le relazioni con l’Unione Europea Nalbandian
manifesta il suo ottimismo rimarcando come i negoziati del nuovo
accordo bilaterale di associazione procedano a ritmo spedito. Non
sfugge, però, nella sua esposizione un malcelato disagio come
rappresentante di un governo consapevole di perdere terreno sul piano
internazionale mentre il potere di attrazione dell’Azerbaijan è in
crescita costante.

Il petrolio tira sempre, il mattone non più. Mentre i proventi degli
idrocarburi rendono immune l’Azerbaijan dalle turbolenze finanziarie
che stanno scuotendo l’Europa, l’Armenia deve far fronte ad una crisi
economica dovuta, in parte, al crollo del settore edilizio
protagonista del boom dei primi anni del nuovo secolo. A Baku è tutto
un susseguirsi di gru e ponteggi mentre a Yerevan i cantieri edili
hanno, in pratica, abbandonato il centro città.

Anche le cospicue rimesse della numerosa diaspora armena nella
Federazione Russa sono precipitate provocando una forte contrazione
del prodotto interno lordo appena attenuata da una parziale, timida
ripresa sostenuta dall’aumento dei prezzi dei minerali esportati, in
particolare ferro, rame e pietre preziose.

Intrappolata in un conflitto cristallizzato che non trova sbocco la
piccola repubblica caucasica avverte una crescente pressione politica
che va di pari passo con quella economica. Il mercato russo perde
colpi mentre quello europeo, che rappresenta quasi il 50% dell’export,
non si espande a causa dei limiti dell’attuale regime commerciale.
Poiché di pace non si vuole parlare si preferisce affondare la testa
nella sabbia come gli struzzi pretendendo che l’attuale situazione di
stallo possa procrastinarsi in eterno. Secondo le statistiche
ufficiali fornite dal governo la popolazione è stabile, attestata
attorno ai tre milioni di abitanti. Stime ufficiose, però, parlano di
un’inarrestabile emorragia con un flusso costante di persone in cerca
di fortuna presso parenti ed amici nelle comunità armene che risiedono
in Europa, Stati Uniti e Russia.

Nell’Armenia di oggi non c’è futuro. Tutti lo sanno ma nessuno ha il
coraggio di ammetterlo. Anche nella recente campagna elettorale nessun
leader politico ha avuto il fegato di rompere il muro dell’omertà
confessando in pubblico che senza un compromesso con l’Azerbaijan il
paese non ha le risorse per sopravvivere. Si bussa alla porta dei
russi per la sicurezza, degli iraniani per i rifornimenti energetici,
degli europei per l’assistenza economica. Proprio con l’Unione Europea
sono appena iniziati i negoziati per un nuovo accordo commerciale
destinato ad integrare l’Armenia nel mercato unico. Rappresenta,
probabilmente, l’ultima spiaggia per dare una concreta prospettiva di
sviluppo ad un paese impantanato tra le sabbie mobili di una regione
che non trova requie.

Lada e Suv
Le vecchie Lada sono ancora di moda a Yerevan. Il tempo, da questo
punto di vista, sembra essersi fermato. Contrariamente a Baku dove
imperversano Suv dalle carrozzerie ardite e sfavillanti nella capitale
armena sono ancora datati modelli di automobili, spesso sgualcite e
ammaccate, a farla da padrone. Va osservato che, comunque, sembrano
resistere bene alle rigide temperature invernali della capitale.
Situata su di un falsopiano a quasi mille metri di altezza Yerevan
anche fra i cumuli di neve non mostra particolari problemi di
traffico. Muoversi fra i vari ministeri, sebbene ubicati tutti in
posizioni centrali, non è così complicato come in altre capitali
grazie anche ad un impianto urbano relativamente moderno.

La corruzione fra i poliziotti incaricati di controllare la
circolazione, mi dicono, si è ridotta drasticamente in seguito
all’installazione di telecamere in corrispondenza delle postazioni
abituali. Ai lati delle principali arterie si stagliano, ovunque,
oltre a quelli dei leader di partito, i manifesti pubblicitari del
rinomato brandy locale la cui produzione negli ultimi anni ha avuto un
notevole impulso. Di politica la gente non vuole sentire parlare.
Secondo tutti i sondaggi, a questo proposito, la fiducia nei partiti è
addirittura più bassa che in Italia. L’attenzione si desta solo quando
si parla di Nagorno Karabakh. Allora gli animi si surriscaldano e
irrompe l’irrazionalità. Occorrerebbe, forse, una terapia
psicoanalitica di massa per reintrodurre nell’agone politico un minimo
di analisi logica ma mancano i presupposti oltre che esperienze
consolidate in merito.

Sargsyan parla (solo) di Karabakh
Non cambia la litania con Serzh Sargsyan, il Presidente della
Repubblica, che dopo un caloroso benvenuto affronta con fermezza i
temi del conflitto scagliandosi contro i tentativi dell’Azerbaijan, a
suo dire, di cambiare il formato ed i principi del processo di pace.
`È assolutamente ridicolo quello che gli azeri dicono della Francia in
relazione alla legge sul riconoscimento del genocidio armeno così come
la lista di prescrizione in preparazione nella capitale azera nei
confronti di coloro che si recano in visita nell’Alto Karabakh’,
aggiunge, `se non ci sono stati progressi la colpa è solo di Baku e
non della diplomazia internazionale’. Sargsyan, in linea con la
strategia adottata dal suo paese, pone l’accento sulla necessità di
dare l’ultima parola alla popolazione che risiede nell’enclave
montagnosa sottolineando che nulla può essere deciso senza il consenso
di questa. E rivolgendosi ad un euro-deputato tedesco della
delegazione non manca di osservare come la Germania si trovi nella
condizione migliore per capire come ci si possa sentire in un paese
diviso.

`L’Armenia ha fatto in Nagorno Karabakh quello che l’Europa ha fatto
con il Kosovo’, attacca, `se la Serbia ha perso ogni diritto sul
Kosovo lo stesso tocca all’Azerbaijan nei confronti del Nagorno
Karabakh’. Tanta è l’enfasi del presidente armeno sulle ragioni del
suo paese che tralascia colpevolmente, nel limitato tempo a
disposizione, tutte le tematiche che riguardano gli sviluppi nelle
relazioni con l’Unione Europea che in origine dovevano rappresentare
il fulcro del colloquio. `Siamo disponibili a concessioni ma non ad
una capitolazione’, conclude nel congedarsi, visibilmente contrariato
dallo scambio di battute con interlocutori che si aspettavano qualche
apertura e lasciano trasparire la propria insoddisfazione.

Perdere la pace
Si può vincere la guerra e perdere la pace. Come affermato da Sargsyan
nel corso dell’incontro l’Armenia, durante la guerra, avrebbe potuto
conquistare ben più del venti per cento del territorio azero tuttora
occupato. Allora l’Azerbaijan era allo sbando con strutture statali
precarie, un bilancio pre-fallimentare ed un esercito disorganizzato e
scarsamente equipaggiato.

I russi dopo avere spalleggiato e rifornito le forze armene si sono
riconvertiti in pacificatori mediando l’accordo di cessate-il-fuoco
che ha ingessato il conflitto. In vent’anni, però, la situazione si è
ribaltata. I vincitori sul campo di battaglia hanno perso terreno sul
piano economico e politico mentre i perdenti iniziali hanno
monetizzato le ingenti risorse di idrocarburi trasformando l’oro nero
in prestigio internazionale ed influenza politica. Con il risultato
che l’Armenia è passata da una posizione di forza in cui avrebbe
potuto dettare le condizioni del processo di pace ad una di estrema
debolezza legata ai capricci di Mosca, grande protettrice e garante,
in ultima istanza, dello status quo. Più passa il tempo e più questa
situazione si accentua vanificando il vantaggio accumulato dagli
armeni ai tempi della guerra. Si comprende, pertanto, il disagio
manifestato dal governo di Yerevan ogni qualvolta si affronta la
questione dell’Alto Karabakh, come se si stia toccando un nervo
scoperto, come se un treno è partito e si è sbagliato stazione.
Dall’altra parte, a Baku, crescono, invece, autostima e autorevolezza,
nella certezza che il tempo gioca a favore dell’Azerbaijan.

Russia e Unione Europea
`I russi fanno solo il loro gioco’, mi confida Paruyr, un amico
armeno, `in passato, ci insegna la storia, si sono spesso rivelati
inaffidabili’. Nonostante la tradizionale alleanza con Mosca gli
armeni hanno ben presente di essere solo una pedina su uno scacchiere
complesso dove sono altri a decidere le mosse. Non basta essere
l’ultimo avamposto cristiano di fronte alla marea islamica, come sono
solite mettere in evidenza le autorità di Yerevan, per ottenere
credito e sostegno in giro per il mondo. Non rimane che l’Unione
Europea per dare respiro ad una politica parcheggiata ormai su un
binario morto e rianimare un’economia asfittica priva di sbocchi.

`Nessun imprenditore è disponibile ad investire in Armenia’,
sottolineano gli osservatori, `se non si ampliano gli orizzonti di
mercato’. E l’unico mercato possibile, allo stato attuale delle cose,
è quello europeo. Da un paio di anni Bruxelles ha messo a disposizione
della repubblica caucasica un programma di assistenza che prevede il
distaccamento di un gruppo di consiglieri dell’Unione nei principali
ministeri per facilitare il processo delle riforme in campo economico,
politico e giudiziario, come previsto da un piano di azione siglato
dalle due parti. A loro spetta il compito di traghettare l’Armenia
verso l’integrazione europea e, più in particolare, di trasformare
l’attuale sistema politico da una democrazia guidata, in cui l’élite
al potere rimane sempre al suo posto grazie ad elezioni spesso
fraudolente, ad una democrazia piena, in cui l’alternanza è possibile
a seguito di consultazioni libere ed aperte. È una sfida difficile
considerato il ruolo ingombrante degli oligarchi che ancora
monopolizzano e imbalsamano i punti nevralgici dell’economia e della
politica armena ma anche una scelta obbligata se si vuole dare una
reale opportunità di sviluppo al paese.

L’avvenimento politico più importante nella capitale, in questi
giorni, non è tanto la visita di una delegazione del parlamento
europeo quanto quella di una delegazione di deputati azeri arrivati
per la riunione della Commissione Sociale dell’Assemblea Parlamentare
`Euronest’ che raggruppa deputati dei sei paesi del `Partenariato
Orientale’ con quelli dell’euro-camera. Gli occhi della stampa e
dell’opinione pubblica sono tutti, ovviamente, puntati su di loro.
Decido per l’occasione di aggregarmi all’incontro.

Nelle sale austere del parlamento armeno tutto pare filare liscio.
Nessun accenno polemico nei discorsi di apertura da parte delle
autorità locali e nessuna parola fuori posto da parte della
consistente delegazione azera. Solo un piccolo incidente. Tra i posti
assegnati nei banchi ve ne è uno che riporta l’indicazione
`Rappresentante della Repubblica del Nagorno Karabakh’. Bastano, però,
le proteste informali, dietro alle quinte, degli sherpa della
diplomazia di Baku per fare rimuovere il cartello ed evitare che la
provocazione degeneri in guerra verbale.

Il regalo
Più tardi nella camera di hotel una nuova sorpresa. È costume da
queste parti per gli ospiti ricevere un piccolo dono in occasione di
conferenze e riunioni politiche. Anche questa volta trovo riposta sul
letto la classica bottiglia di cognac locale appoggiata, però, sopra
ad un voluminoso libro sulla presenza dei monumenti armeni nell’Alto
Karabakh. Superfluo descrivere i mugugni dei deputati azeri il giorno
seguente quando riprendono i lavori. Sono più i piccoli gesti che
contano o le azioni spettacolari? Il processo di pace, sulla carta, è
partito venti anni fa ma sembra di essere ancora alle fasi preliminari
in cui ci si guarda in cagnesco marcando il territorio. Tagliata fuori
da ogni ipotesi di sviluppo regionale l’Armenia si aggrappa al passato
incapace di scommettere sul futuro. Con un salvagente europeo in balìa
della tempesta.

*Consigliere per gli Affari esteri del Parlamento europeo

From: Baghdasarian

Javan Newspaper, Iran
May 17 2012

Baku’s Military Suicide?!

Commentary by Sajjad Tayeri
[translated from Persian]

The increase in Azerbaijan’s military power itself cannot be
considered an important threat against Iran, because Iran’s military
and defense might is greater than that of Azerbaijan.

Meanwhile, the controversial presence of trans-regional forces in
Azerbaijan and military cooperation with this country is what has
created a complex situation in terms of the balance of power in the
region, especially for the Islamic Republic of Iran. This is
especially the case given the age-old hostilities of the United States
and Israel with Iran. Therefore, the presence of their military forces
in Azerbaijan can be considered a direct threat against Iran’s
national security, because on the one hand, through their presence in
Azerbaijan the United States and Israel intend to complete the circle
of blockade around the Islamic Republic of Iran, and on the other
hand, they seek to obtain the necessary space to conduct possible
military operations against Iran and prevent Iran from partaking in
regional security arrangements.

Based on this, the pursuit of West-oriented ideas by Baku, the
expansion of relations with the United States, its drawing nearer to
Israel, and its willingness to join NATO are considered among the
policies that would not only push the region of the Caucuses toward
militarization, but would actually threaten Iran’s national security.
Thus, the Islamic Republic of Iran has always viewed Azerbaijan’s
cooperation with Israel, the United States, and NATO with sensitivity.

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Defense recently reported the
review and talks for signing a military cooperation agreement with 27
countries in the world. So far, this country has signed military
cooperation agreements with 29 countries and is currently talking to
officials from another 27 countries about signing such agreement.
According to the report by Azerbaijan’s Defense Ministry, this
country’s military personnel has participated in more than 300
training courses, including language and combat training techniques;
each year about 1,500 individuals from the three armed forces staff
are sent to friendly countries to participate in courses.

Azerbaijan’s decision to sign military cooperation agreements with 27
countries was announced while the news released about this country’s
1.6 billion dollar agreement with Israel to buy weapons has been the
cause of concern for Baku’s neighbors. The weapons agreement signed
between Azerbaijan and Israel contains nearly more than half of the
total defense cost of Azerbaijan in the year 2011. According to
estimates, Azerbaijan’s total defense cost in 2012 is equivalent to
1.6bn dollars. This amount is equivalent to half of the trade
transaction between Israel and Azerbaijan, which was equivalent to
more than 5.2bn dollars in 2011. After the signing of the military and
technical contract cooperation agreement in February 2012, Israel
became Azerbaijan’s most important trade partner, and Baku became
Israel’s most important trade partner among the countries in the
climate of the former Soviet Union.

Some analysts consider this contract as Azerbaijan’s entry card to
“the Western coalition,” however, it seems that this agreement has
several obvious results:

1. By signing this contract and becoming closer to Israel, Azerbaijan
has entered itself into anti-Iran coalitions more than before. It must
not be forgotten that in the existing speculations about Israel’s
possible attack on Iran, only the two countries of Azerbaijan and
Afghanistan (group of coalition forces in Afghanistan) are able to
launch air operations against Iran. Therefore, the increased level of
military relations between Azerbaijan and Israel could lead to greater
tension in relations between Tehran and Baku.

2. The signing of this contract will not go unchallenged by Armenia
and the Armenian side will possibly also sign a similar agreement with
Russia or another county in the near future; especially since the
unmanned aerial vehicles that Azerbaijan has received from Israel will
be able to cross Armenia’s anti-aircraft system.

Overall, many experts consider the launch of Israel (and probably
United States) attacks on Iran to be related to the start of
Azerbaijan’s war operation against Armenia to liberate
Nagorno-Karabakh. Because in this case, the members of Azerbaijan’s
military who are assigned to serve Israel will be able to support
Israel’s strikes on Iran through the Armenian-Azeri front. On the
other hand, it seems that there are many individuals within the
governing board in Azerbaijan who consider any role of Baku in a
military action against Iran as Azerbaijan’s suicide, because they
know that Azerbaijan would easily become the target of Iran’s cross
attacks.

[translated from Persian]

From: Baghdasarian

Mediamax, Armenia
May 18 2012

Coalition should continue its activity, Galust Sahakyan claims

Friday 18 May 2012 15:02

Yerevan/Mediamax/. Head of the RPA parliamentary faction Galust
Sahakyan stated today that `it will be quite right if the coalition
continues its activity’.

During his meeting with the journalists, he state that nothing is
currently decided concerning the future coalition yet and he promised
that `all the discussions on this issue will be open and transparent’.

`We are ready to hold hearings and consultations with all the
political forces including non-parliamentary ones’, noted Galust
Sahakyan.

Answering a question on the coalition agreement, he noted that that
it’s still valid for the RPA and the two other parties are yet to
decide.

Galust Sahakyan also commented on Hovik Abrahamyan’s absence of at
yesterday’s session of the RPA executive body noting that he has
health problems.

From: Baghdasarian

ARMENIA’S ROAD POLICE TERRORIZE DRIVERS – NEWSPAPER

news.am
May 19, 2012 | 07:26

YEREVAN. – Armenian President and Republican Party of Armenia
(RPA) leader Serzh Sargsyan was celebrating, at an Etchmiadzin
City restaurant on Friday, the RPA’s victory achieved in the May 6
parliamentary elections, Hraparak daily writes.

“[But] While President Sargsyan was celebrating the Party’s triumph
together with his party members, dozens of Road Police [RP] officers
were terrorizing Armenia’s non-Republican citizens.

Over a dozen RP cars were patrolling the Yerevan-Etchmiadzin Highway
while President Sargsyan was in Etchmiadzin.

But they were not only patrolling the road, [but also] terrorizing
the drivers who were unlucky enough to pass through this road. Pulling
someone over three-four times within ten minutes and accusing him of
violating the traffic rules cannot be considered conformity with the
law,” Hraparak writes.

From: Baghdasarian

L’ELE D’AKHTAMAR SERA AMENAGEE ET ECLAIREE
Krikor Amirzayan

armenews.com
samedi 19 mai 2012

L’Eglise armenienne Sainte Croix d’Akhtamar, près de Van a la faveur
des autorites turques qui desirent relancer le tourisme dans la
region. Selon le journal turc ” Zaman “, les abords de l’eglise
vont etre amenages. Le ministre de la Culture et du Tourisme aurait
annonce que des lieux de detentes et de ” ceintures vertes ” seront
prochainement crees sur l’île d’Akhtamar autour de l’eglise. Ces
amenagements permettront aux fidèles et aux touristes de se reposer
dans le perimètre de l’eglise Sainte Croix. Un système d’eclairage sera
egalement mis en place pour les visites nocturnes. Debut des travaux,
cet ete. Mais durant ces travaux, l’accès de l’île d’Akhtamar ne sera
pas ferme aux fidèles et touristes.

From: Baghdasarian

LES PROPOS DE LA CHANTEUSE NUNE YESSAYAN DEFORMES PAR ” HURRIYET ” APRES SON CONCERT A ISTANBUL
Krikor Amirzayan

armenews.com
samedi 19 mai 2012

La presse turque est l’une des moins fiables au monde. Nous le
savions. Mais pas la chanteuse vedette d’Armenie Nune Yessayan qui
a donne il y a quelques jours un concert a Istanbul invite par la
communaute armenienne ! Juste après le concert l’artiste avait donne
une interview au journal turc ” Hurriyet ” qui a bien evidemment
deforme les propos de la chanteuse. Des propos qui avaient choque ses
fans. Le site de ” Hurriyet ” ecrivait que la chanteuse armenienne
avait chante pour les Turcs et appele la Turquie a developper des
sentiments d’amitie.

De retour en Armenie, Nune Yessayan a voulu faire le point. Elle
s’est indignee pour ces propos deformes qui n’honorent pas le monde du
journalisme. ” C’est risible (…) de tels journalistes doivent etre
ecartes ” dit Nune Yessayan qui dement ainsi tous les propos rapportes
par ” Hurriyet ” et qui n’obeissent pas a la verite. Mais Nune Yessayan
se refuse de porter plainte contre l’auteur de l’article afin de ne
pas donner de l’importance a cet acte. ” Ce journaliste a voulu faire
du sensationnel pour monter sa côte ” dit-elle. Seule certitude,
le concert de Nune Yessayan a reuni plus de 2 000 spectateurs qui
ont entonne nombre de chansons avec elle.

From: Baghdasarian

ALEVI ASSOCIATIONS DEMAND RETURN OF THEIR PROPERTY

Today’s Zaman
May 18 2012

Alevi associations have demanded the return of confiscated properties
at a meeting in Ä°stanbul focusing on expectations for the new
constitution.

Approximately 30 Alevi associations from Turkey met at the Å~^ahkulu
Sultan Foundation in the district of Göztepe. The foundation’s
chairman, Mehmet Tural, said most of the properties confiscated in
the years of the establishment of the Republic of Turkey should be
returned. Tural referred to the governmental decree of 2011 ordering
the return of properties belonging to Armenian and Greek minorities,
and said the Alevi population should also benefit from the practice
of returning confiscated properties.

“We are very pleased with the decision to return confiscated
properties to the Armenians and Greeks of Turkey as they are citizens
of this country. But we are dismayed by the fact that there is no new
regulation concerning return of property which used to belong to the
Alevi foundations and dervish lodges, even though Alevis fought in
the War of Independence on the front lines,” he said.

Tural also indicated that if their demands are not met inside Turkey’s
judicial system they will seek ways to raise it in international
judicial institutions.

Speaking at the meeting, lawyer Zeynel Ozturk said Turkey’s new
constitution should guarantee the judiciary’s independence and
neutrality. In addition he said there should no longer be provision
for the establishment of special courts. Ozturk also said Alevi houses
of worship, known as cemevi, should be awarded legal status.

Further demands of the new constitution being made by Alevis include
equal rights in relation to Turkish citizenship; abolition of mandatory
religious education; a right to education in their mother-tongue;
removal of the 10 percent election threshold and of immunity of
parliamentary members outside parliament.

From: Baghdasarian

AZERBAIJANI FOREIGN MINISTRY: “THE ARMENIAN COMMUNITY DIRECTS THE US GOVERNMENT TO THE WRONG DIRECTION WITH THE RESOLUTION OF RHODE-ISLAND STATE”

APA
Azerbaijan
May 18 2012

Baku. Victoria Dementieva – APA. “The Armenian community directs the US
government to the wrong direction with the resolution of Rhode-Island
State”, spokesperson for the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry Elman
Abdullayev told journalsits, APA reports.

According to him, such steps of the Armenian community have an inverse
effect and strengthen Azerbaijan and its position in the international
world: “Our community will take corresponding measures on it”.

House of Representatives of Rhode-Island state adopted a resolution on
toy regime in Nagorno Karabakh and called the US President and Congress
to recognize the “Nagorno Karabakh Republic”. The representatives
of the “Nagorno Karabakh Republic” and local Armenian community
participate in the adoption of the resolution.

From: Baghdasarian

WHAT WILL HAPPEN TO ARMENIA AFTER THE ELECTIONS?

Vestnik Kavkaza

May 18 2012
Russia

Experts named factors that could influence the relationship between
Moscow and Yerevan

During the video-link Moscow-Yerevan “The results of the parliamentary
elections in Armenia. Russian-Armenian dialogue: a new stage?” Russian
and Armenian experts discussed the prospects of the two countries’
relations.

Alexander Iskandaryan, director of the Institute of the Caucasus,
political scientist In my opinion, the elections were extremely
interesting. The pre-electoral campaign, as well as elections
themselves, was rather active. There was a rather high level of
competition. There was fairly good access to media resources
and there were good opportunities to present programs to the
electorate. The struggle was lively, it was real and it was without
doubt very interesting to observe. The elections have revealed certain
tendencies which are rather uncommon for Armenian politics. Regarding
the results of elections, in my opinion in any case there will be a
coalition. Despite the fact that the ruling Republican Party received
the majority of the votes – they have 50 % + 1, the tradition of
coalition is very strong in Armenia and I believe that there will be
a coalition in one format or another.

In respect of domestic politics, the elections will seriously
influence the distribution of power among political parties and
the formation of the government. The Armenian parliament has a
rather important function: the government is being formed with its
serious participation. This would be a result of agreements within
the coalition. Thus, it will influence domestic politics as well
as the coming presidential elections in February. According to the
system, parliamentary elections are usually primaries for presidential
elections. The summer dead season will pass and from September-October
the real but informal presidential pre-electoral campaign will start.

Regarding the question which certainly interests people in the Moscow
studio, I am afraid I have nothing to say. Relations with Moscow will
not change. Relations will remain almost in the same framework as
before. This was clear even before elections. There are no significant
forces in Armenia calling for significant changes in the format of
relations with foreign forces including Russia or primarily with
Russia. Simply there is none. So there was no prospect of significant
changes in relations with Russia and I think that regardless of the
results of the elections and regardless of the actual result, we
can hardly expect a new dynamic. The foreign policy of Armenia will
remain complimentary. Armenia will continue not equating pro-Russian
and anti-Western sentiments with anti-Russian and pro-Western ones,
unlike some of its neighbors. Relations between Russia and Armenia,
at least on the part of Armenia, although I am convinced that on the
part of Russia there should be no significant changes either, will
remain in the same framework. With the years there will be certain
changes, but I would like to repeat once again that in general I do
not see any changes that can be caused by the results of elections.

Alexander Makarov, director of the Armenian branch of the Institute
of the CIS Countries

This campaign indeed was marked by an uncommon level of competition
between various political forces, between the forces that had signed
the coalition memorandum and the opposition, as well as within the
opposition itself. The non-homogeneous opposition, including the
parliamentary and non-parliamentary opposition, is in fact rather
interesting material for analysis. Regarding the results of the
elections, there were several intriguing scenarios. First, whether
the Republican Party will gain a relative or absolute majority in
the parliament. The answer is already known, the Republican Party has
gained more than 50% of the seats in the National Assembly. The second
intrigue was related to the insufficiently confident performance of
the non-parliamentary opposition. Based on various estimates, the
National Congress could hope for a somewhat larger representation in
the parliament. However, the main intrigue in the morning after the
elections was whether the National Congress would pass the necessary
7% barrier in order to be presented in the legislative body. The
third intrigue which remains even nowadays is the question of the
formation or non-formation of a coalition, of a scenario that the
party which received the majority of seats in the parliament, almost
50% of the votes, is going to follow. It remains until nowadays:
will a coalition be formed? What scenario will prevail? A majority
scenario or a scenario of the formation of a larger, oversized or
grand coalition which would include not only the Republican party
but also the forces with which the Republican party is hoping to
cooperate in the legislative field, as well as in the framework of
the expected and apparently beginning in the autumn of this year
pre-electoral campaign. This intrigue remains today. The assumption
that a coalition will be formed is based most probably on the fact that
on the eve of the presidential campaign and in the process of adopting
political decisions, a larger field of consensus is needed in order
to adopt political decisions. This could become a decisive factor in
terms of creating a coalition. Regarding problems of foreign policy,
if we take into account tendencies which have been present in this
direction in Armenia in the last several years, we should not expect
any changes in this regard in Armenia. Several key problems will remain
in the field of foreign priorities, including provision of regional
stability and security, finding a solution to the Nagorno- Karabakh
problem and in the framework of integration projects – bilateral
cooperation between Armenia and Russia, which maintains its high
status, as well as cooperation in a number of other schemes within
the CIS space. There is certainly a scenario of Russia-EU relations’
model, which has a certain economic character.

Felix Stanevsky, head of the Department of Caucasus, Institute of
the CIS Countries

In general, there are positive evaluations. I would even say – very
positive evaluations of the elections that took place in Armenia.

There is certainly some discontent on the part of the opposition
forces, which is natural. First of all, a certain direction in
Armenian public opinion continues to criticize the course of the
elections, but this is very natural and is characteristic of almost
all the countries in the world. An opposition is rarely satisfied with
election results. Regarding Russian-Armenian relations, I would like
to stress a certain curious fact. Starting from August 2011 a series
of elections took place on the territory of the South Caucasus. In
August the president of Abkhazia, Ankvab, was elected. Then in the
course of the winter and spring of 2012, four rounds of elections
took place in South Ossetia. Elections to the Russian State Duma took
place, then presidential elections in Russia, elections in South
Ossetia, then elections in Armenia took place. In July there will
be presidential elections in Karabakh, in October – parliamentary
elections in Georgia and in February – parliamentary elections in
Armenia and Georgia. This situation should suggest us to conduct
analysis of the future foreign policies of the countries of the South
Caucasus, including Armenia, in relation to these changes. One has to
say that although it seems that elections have so far been mostly only
stabilizing the situations before the elections, there are changes. I
am convinced that there are changes in Russia, they are obvious to me
in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Regarding Armenia, in the opinion of
our correspondents in Yerevan, there are not going to be big changes
in relations between Russia and Armenia. But I would like to stress
something else. Yes, there will be no big changes. I also cannot see
any reason to construct overly-smart constructions, which will most
probably not be realized in regard to the future of Russian-Armenian
relations. But it seems to me that there will be new nuances in the
position of Armenia, as well as Russia in regard to the predicted
development of the situation in South Caucasus. Imagine, the South
Caucasus will inevitably be dragged into the whirlpool of changes in
the world related to the crisis in the Near and Middle East. This can
be predicted with certainty. In connection to this, the position of
Armenia and Russia in the future development of the crisis in Syria
and very probable new intensification of the Iranian crisis… I am
fully convinced that we should take into consideration not only the
changes which took place among the top officials in Russia, but also
among the top officials in France. The elections in France should also
be taken into account, since France is a member and co-chair of the
OSCE Minsk Group which is settling the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Are
there going to be new nuances? It seems to me that there could be. Are
there going to be new nuances or not only nuances in the politics of
the US in relation to the presidential elections in America to take
place in the coming fall? There is a global situation which will,
if not drastically change the situation in the world, in general
could seriously influence it. We should have a clear vision of ways of
developing Russian-Armenian cooperation in the field of foreign policy,
contacts between foreign ministries of both countries and between
foreign ministers in relation to new factors emerging on the wave of
elections in the South Caucasus and in countries which significantly
influence the development of the situation in the South Caucasus.

Grigory Trofimchuk, first vice-president of the Center for Modeling
Strategic Development

At the moment Armenia is in its heyday in every regard. Armenia is
stable, there is a stable situation on the borders of Armenia. Inside
Armenia, as the former elections have shown, the situation is stable
as well. At the moment, and I would like stress this, Armenia is
among numerous countries on the territory of the CIS where there
is one large main ruling party and other parties which insure it,
also rather serious parties. There is the same situation in Russia
and almost the same system in Azerbaijan. As I have already said,
Armenia is part of this stable circle. I think that in such a situation
there can be certain dangers. First of all, because stability cannot
be permanent as we know. The foreign factor is also very important,
but at the moment Armenia is in the heyday of stability with regard to
foreign policy as well. It is clear that Armenia has certain issues
with Azerbaijan, certain issues with Turkey, but nevertheless these
are not military-political issues, meaning that there is peace on the
borders of Armenia, a dialogue between Yerevan and Tbilisi, stable
relations with Russia. These are also proof of the fact that there is
a peak of stability. During the last meeting between the president of
Armenia and the prime minister of Russia, Dmitry Medvedev, he said in a
direct manner that with Armenia, and by the way this phrase was later
much commented upon in Armenia by representatives of the ruling party
as well as the opposition, not knowing how to treat it and twisting
it many times in one or another direction… Nevertheless, the prime
minister said very directly that there are special inter-allied
relations between Russia and Armenia. I would also like to stress
the word “inter-allied”. It is a higher level of mutual trust and
cooperation. It is not even cooperation, since an ally is a higher
status. The only area in which our relations can be tested, and we
are not looking forward to this moment in any way but are trying to
distance ourselves from it, is a direct war. An ally is tested directly
in war. We would not like to test our alliance in such a format. That
is why, it seems to me, we should strengthen our relations with Armenia
not only in the framework of the CIS, but also in the framework of
the CSTO. So far, in my opinion, our relations in this sphere are
rather formal. I would like to highlight the fact that the Armenian
opposition is always demanding revolution. Against the background
of the syndrome of dissatisfaction that they are talking about, they
are demanding revolution. I would like to provide only one argument
in this regard, which in general takes the issue off the table of the
Armenian opposition: revolution will lead to the immediate surrender,
if one can use this word, of Karabakh. That is why I do not understand
why the current authorities of Armenia in the information propaganda
field of Armenia are not relating the opposition to this problem. If
this happened, then perhaps the current authorities of Armenia would
partially take some issues off the table concerning the opposition. In
my opinion, perhaps a subjective opinion, the leadership of the
Armenian National Congress is behaving strangely actively, despite
the fact that it received a number of seats in the new parliament,
especially the head of the congress, its status leader. If one can
draw such example, in Russia there would be a similar situation if
Yeltsin, if he was alive, would run again for the presidency and
Gaidar would campaign for him. It would be very absurd. Perhaps our
Armenian friends see it differently, but it is strange that the people
of Armenia do not raise this question. In my opinion, the opposition
has nothing to hold on to amidst the stability in Armenia. That is why
the discourse was mostly centered upon, as we remember, or at least
it seems so to us, Russian experts and observers, the explosion of
balloons on the square in Yerevan. There is nothing to hold on to,
only emptiness. There is a risk of projected war in Iran and Armenia
has to occupy a very well-defined position as an ally in this regard,
otherwise there will be an effort to utilize Armenia, especially due
to its very complex geography and geo-political situation. It also has
a very complex neighboring environment, which is so far stable. I am
also worried about our Russian, and I would like to stress this issue,
tranquility. I would like to touch upon a subject that was already
discussed here – the commitment of the EU to Armenia. Processes
of integration are ongoing and will continue, regardless of any
parliamentary or presidential elections. In Armenia it is talked
about today that the European Union will lead it to a deeper – and
this is the word they use, “deeper” – zone of free trade with the
EU. But I would like note one issue which is in my opinion extremely
important for our Armenian colleagues: if Greece, which is almost in
the center of the Mediterranean Sea and is surrounded by almost all
the seas and trade routes, is currently in decline and stagnation,
one can imagine what is going to happen to Armenia, which has no
geographical or political access when it will be introduced in this
format. So the question arises, and I am talking about the third risk
in my opinion: why is it being dragged there?

Alexander Iskandaryan, director of the Institute of the Caucasus,
political scientist

There are a lot of interesting developments around Armenia, and of
course global developments like the US elections or the Syrian crisis
influence the situation in Armenia and in the region in general. These
developments, as well as the relationship with Azerbaijan and the
tension in the Middle East, also influence Russia’s position in the
region. It all happens around us. There’s some 400 km between Armenia
and Iraq, less than 1000 between Armenia and Syria. We border on Iran.

All the regional developments have their impact on Armenia and on
our relationship with Russia. But for today, I don’t believe that the
apocalyptic scenarios will come true. They say that tomorrow they’ll
bomb Tehran. But I’ve been hearing things like that for more than
a year. The Syrian situation is very tense, but there’s only a 50%
chance, in my opinion, of total collapse there too. And probably the
most important thing is that we’re used to living in such a world.

Armenia is situated in a region where tension is an integral part
of the region’s politics. Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Kurdistan are
nearby, sometimes armed conflicts happen, different internal problems
have different potentials to influence the big picture. These are
the frameworks in which Armenia has to exist. The Russian-Armenian
relationship is one of the pillars that helps Armenia survive in this
environment, and that is why it is so strong. They often talk about
the long history of our relations, the cultural ties and common
Christian heritage both in Russia and Armenia. This is all true,
but I don’t think that it is the most important aspect as far as
professional politics is concerned. Georgians and Russians have all
these above-mentioned ties too, as well as Russians and Ukrainians,
Russians and Baltic peoples. Mutual interest works here. For Russia,
Armenia presents an opportunity to remain a significant player in the
South Caucasus and further to the south. And if Armenia disappears from
Russia’s political map, this influence will vanish. And for Armenia,
Russia is a sort of safety belt as we are not on the best of terms
with Turkey and Azerbaijan now.

Felix Stanevsky, the head of the Caucasian studies department of the
CIS Institute

Russia’s public attention towards the South Caucasus is insufficient.

This was shown during the recent events in South Ossetia. They passed
the Russian public by. It didn’t notice something that it should be
most attentive about. I’m convinced that Russia hasn’t thought through
its policy towards Azerbaijan and Armenia, and I believe there are
some mistakes in the relations between Russia and South Ossetia and
Abkhazia. We should analyze and correct these mistakes. But for that
we need Russian journalists to pay more attention to these problems,
as when there’s no public pressure on those in power, they won’t
attribute more attention to this sphere.

Grigory Trofimchuk, first vice-president of the Center for Modeling
Strategic Development

In my opinion Azerbaijan is seriously getting involved in the face-off
with Iran, I mean, it’s being dragged into it. Azerbaijan arrests
Iranian spies, Iran takes some actions against Azeri citizens in
return. I don’t think that Azerbaijan has already taken a side in the
future possible war between the West and Iran, but in this case no one
can help the country take this decision, even Russia. Azerbaijan has
to decide on its own using its instinct of self-preservation. If a war
in Iran starts, Azerbaijan will be the first one to get hurt. And of
course Azerbaijan doesn’t want Iranian missiles to hit its territory.

And I think that the future strategic position of Azerbaijan will be
defined by common sense. And common sense dictates that Azerbaijan
and Armenia make this surprising and untraditional step and re-open
the negotiations on the eve of this future war and finally take
some decisions.

From: Baghdasarian