Dangerous Gardening In Border Village: One Wounded By Sniper Hours A

DANGEROUS GARDENING IN BORDER VILLAGE: ONE WOUNDED BY SNIPER HOURS AFTER OSCE VISIT
By Gohar Abrahamyan

ArmeniaNow
News | 01.06.12 | 13:10

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A resident of Nerkin Karmraghbyur village, Tavush province, was
wounded by an Azeri sniper on Friday morning in a vineyard near
the Armenian-Azeri border. Head of Aygepar, another border village
Andranik Aydinyan told ArmeniaNow that the vineyards are located
between the two border villages, only 300 meters from the “turbulent”
Armenian-Azeri border, directly in front of Azeri bases.

“(The victim) is a peaceful villager. And now it is the most heated
season of agricultural work. He went to work in his vineyard early in
the morning, but at about 7 a.m. he was shot at several times. Luckily
he has managed to take cover, and only his leg is wounded,” Aydinyan
says, adding that the villager – 52-year-old Vachik Melkumyan is at
the hospital in Berd, in stable condition.

Aydinyan told ArmeniaNow that on Thursday OSCE Chairman-in-Office’s
personal representative office conducted a scheduled monitoring of
the Armenian-Azeri line of contact near Aygepar, during which the
sides gave security guarantees to each other through a radio contact.

“So it turns out that only a few hours after meeting with OSCE
representatives and coming to a mutual agreement an [Azeri] sniper
fired at a peaceful [Armenian] villager,” Aydinyan says.

Hakov Israyelyan, a resident of Nerkin Karmraghbyur, told ArmeniaNow
that even though there is no panic in the village after the recent
incident villagers are afraid to tend their crops and gardens now.

“My vineyard is also located some 350 meters from the border, and
now I do not know what to do. I get my only income from that vineyard.

Every year we have to work in our vineyards at night,” Israyelyan
says. “Recently Azeris have started firing both at the village and
at villagers quite often.”

Vote 2012: NKR Will Hold Its 5th Presidential Elections In July

VOTE 2012: NKR WILL HOLD ITS 5TH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN JULY

Karabakh | 01.06.12 | 13:08

Four candidates have announced their candidacy for the July 19
presidential elections in Nagorno Karabagh. Incumbent Bako Sahakyan
will face Valery Khachatryan, vice-rector of the Stepanakert branch
of the Armenian State Agrarian University for Science and Education,
Arkady Soghomonyan and National Assemblyman Vitaliy Balasanyan. All
are independents.

Sahakyan was the first who stated his intention to run for the
presidency, for another five-year term in office. Despite the fact
that Sahakyan is not affiliated with any political party, at the last
elections in 2007 he was supported by all parliamentary parties. It
is not excluded that the same will take place this time around as well.

http://armenianow.com/news/38431/armenian_azeri_borderline_shooting_tavush

Holy See Of Saint Etchmiadzin Attends Religious Leaders’ Conference

HOLY SEE OF SAINT ETCHMIADZIN ATTENDS RELIGIOUS LEADERS’ CONFERENCE IN KAZAKHSTAN

news.am
June 01, 2012 | 12:11

The IV Congress of Leaders of World And Traditional Religions was
held in the Kazakh capital city Astana, on Wednesday and Thursday,
and on the initiative of Kazakhstan’s President, Nursultan Nazarbayev.

At the event, the Holy See of Saint Etchmiadzin was represented by
Archbishop Nathan Hovhannisyan and Bishop Markos Hovhannisyan.

During the Congress, Archbishop Hovhannisyan delivered Catholicos of
All Armenians, Karekin II’s message of salutation to the participants.

Smbat Lputyan: "Armenian Chess Players Will Be Able To Represent Arm

SMBAT LPUTYAN: “ARMENIAN CHESS PLAYERS WILL BE ABLE TO REPRESENT ARMENIA AS A POWERFUL AND LEADING CHESS COUNTRY”

ARMENPRESS
1 June, 2012
YEREVAN

YEREVAN, JUNE 1, ARMENPRESS: World chess Olympiad will take place
in Istanbul in September-October. On this occasion Armenpress begins
special series dedicated to this event opening it with interview with
Vice President of Armenian chess federation, grandmaster Smbat Lputyan.

– Mister Lputyan, how are Armenian chess players planning to prepare
for World chess Olympiad?

– All members of Armenian national chess team are experienced sportsmen
they also have great experience in World chess Olympiad and they will
prepare for Olympiad in personal programs before they all gather in
Dzermuk and Chaghadzor just before the tournament.

Levon Aronyan, Sergey Movsisyan, Vladimir Hakobyan, Gabriel Sargsyan,
and Tigran Petrosyan: these are the members of our national team;
they plan themselves in which tournaments they will take part. All
players realize that our team must heve good performance in Istanbul.

– In which preliminary tournaments our chess players take part?

– Today our chess players take part in different international
tournaments – in Albena where Armenia is represented by Vladimir
Hakobyan, Tigran Petrosyan and others, in Chicago where the victory
was after Gabriel Sargsyan. They may also take part in international
tournament in Dzermuk after Karen Asryan.

– Armenia is one of the leading countries in chess having the 4th
position after Russia, Ukraine and China. How are ready our future
chess players to continue the tradition of present team?

– Armenian chess federation pays great attention to the popularization
and development of chess. First our national chess team I hope will
play for a long time keeping our good traditions and besides, we have
several talented young chess players.

US Senator Dick Durbin To Visit Armenia

US SENATOR DICK DURBIN TO VISIT ARMENIA

ARMENPRESS
MAY 31, 2012
YEREVAN

YEREVAN, MAY 31, ARMENPRESS: U.S. Senator Dick Durbin (Democrat,
Illinois State) will visit Armenia on June 1. The Senator will meet The
President of the Republic of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan and the Foreign
Affairs Minister Edward Nalbandyan to discuss issues on regional
security and internal state, Us Embassy informed Armenpresss.

Senator Durbin and his delegation will also have meetings with the
participants of the Armenian -Turkish cross border program, sponsored
by the United States of America and with the women political leaders.

Dick Durbin is the second authoritive personals of the party enjoying
the majority in the Senate, besides Durbin is the member of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He is also involved in the sub
commissions dealing with the Caucasus issues. North-Atlantic Treaty
Organization, the European Union and the organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe-related issues are under the responsibility
of the sub commission.

Confronting The Limits Of Culture And Identity In Arpine Konyalian G

CONFRONTING THE LIMITS OF CULTURE AND IDENTITY IN ARPINE KONYALIAN GRENIER’S THE CONCESSION STAND: EXAPTATION AT THE MARGINS

Asbarez
May 31st, 2012

The front cover of the book
BY TALAR CHAHINIAN

In her 2011 publication, The Concession Stand: Exaptation at
the Margins, Arpine Konyalian Grenier sets out to puncture
rigid formulations of identity that would classify her as an
Armenian-American poet. As an Armenian born in Lebanon and living and
producing in the United States, Grenier seeks to dismantle reductive
formulations of hyphenated identity.

The Concession Stand consists of eight poetic essays. The collection
develops a technique of ‘over-writing,’ in order to highlight the
under-written – the hidden and [email protected]
– nature of cultural memory and the over-simplified identities it
designates. In Grenier’s case, over-writing means fusing words with
overlapping referents and reformulating phrases as slight variants.

The over-written nature of the collection draws attention to the
unacknowledged elements of cultural memory by critiquing the language
that produces and reproduces it, on two levels: broadly, her essays
problematize language as a system by which we ascribe meaning to the
world around us; more specifically, her use of language problematizes
the possibility of a “mother tongue” in a transnational, post-modern
context. This two-tier critique undermines rigid conceptualizations
of identity in the Armenian diasporic context, particularly ones
built around cultural memory and its primary vehicle and repository,
the Armenian language.

In order to properly acknowledge the foundational role of language in
culture, Grenier’s poetic essays do not simply describe or recount
events; particularly in Part 1 of the Book, her essays comprise a
lyrical event, somehow ‘taking place’ on the page. By pushing her
language toward self-reflexivity – to where the word meets itself –
Grenier attempts to recreate the moment before the word is uttered
and, according to her, destroyed in the utterance. Hinting at this
writing process, Grenier writes:

Words projected unto themselves no longer refer to themselves but to a
sect of meaning and feeling more essential to language. Consequently,
commitments based on the logo-centric and the conventional enslave. So
then, weary of or lacking a conscious desire to attain, one goes
after the unattainable. Cross, chunk, classify, parse, erase, include
and exclude. The poem knows more than I do. At some point, however,
we collide to purge, we change course, adapt. (21)

Grenier rejects the futile attempt to trace in language the
relationship between words and their prescribed meanings in
a supposedly stable and objective world. The attempt enslaves,
because even recognizing the futility of the search paradoxically
drives both poet and reader more powerfully toward it. Grenier’s
poetic experimentations draw attention to just that futile search,
recreating it in its own contorted struggles, enacting a chase that
leads the word back to itself.

As the excerpt above suggests, Grenier also takes pains to distinguish
the poem from the poet, in order to suggest that each works as a
self-directed actor, carrying out the quest for meaning independently
of the other. But rather than metaphorically killing off the author as
a source for meaning in a post-structuralist vein, Grenier reconfigures
the relationship between author and text as multi-directional, endowing
each with the ability to make the other adapt and evolve. Ultimately,
Grenier suggests that language as a system of meaning-making is not
structurally self-sustaining, and the author, as a person constructing
language through the poem, is not a sole proprietor of meaning and
creation. Instead, what we are left with is the simultaneous exchange
between poem and poet, in language, in the form of the lyrical ‘event’
we see on the page.

Writing about the poet’s role in acknowledging the limits of language
and participating in its lyric performance, Grenier suggests, “Syntax
of language breaks at the extremes of experience… Accordingly,
language happens” (30). This juxtaposition of language’s structural
insufficiency, its inability to exist or mean on its own, with its
involuntary performance or production highlights Grenier’s interest
in how what comes before the word is uttered and destroyed by the
confinements its utterance in language imposes on it. Her strategy of
over-writing allows her to free the word from structural or syntactical
demands. By defying the demands of speech, grammar and utterance,
if only momentarily, Grenier’s poetic essays seek to express “a sect
of meaning and feeling more essential to language.”

This attempt to exceed the self-imposed bounds of language and
expression helps Grenier’s writing cross commonly prescribed
categories. It thus breaks the barriers between prose and verse,
moves back and forth across languages – infusing English speech with
French, Turkish, Arabic, Armenian, and Latin words or phrases – blends
dicta and meditations, mingles textual references and autobiographical
memories, and most cleverly, creates countless instances of word play.

The overabundance of allusions and cross-references overwhelms and
exposes the reader’s futile desire for interpretive closure. But in the
process, the reader also gains authority as a third actor alongside
author and text, another meaning-maker in the lyric event that is
Grenier’s poetry. By placing us, the readers, at the intersection
of language and meaning, Grenier’s over-writing makes us profoundly
aware of both the limits and the fluidity of language.

By contrast, the essays in the second half of the book are more
concretely autobiographical, focusing on themes of exile, genocide,
witnessing, mourning, and the Armenian Diaspora’s use of identity
discourse. Ironically, it is precisely through such ‘subtractions’
that Grenier brings the under-written nature of Armenian diasporic
cultural memory into even sharper focus. For instance, she refers
to herself at one point as the “messed up offspring of a messed up
offspring of a messed up survivor” (51). Even in the apparently more
conventional narratives in the second half of the volume, therefore,
Grenier traces the trans-generational transference of trauma and
her family’s exilic past to suggest the impossibility of locating a
pure form of cultural identity, defined by rigid markers such as a
mother tongue or a singular narrative that ignores cultural contact
and exchange. She writes:

I have no mother tongue as my mother tongue has lost me. I implode
within this loss, seeking the chaos sustaining the world of languages
with a voice that has the body and place of an absent body, after a
derivative of the past whereby the new would occur, time and history
abolished because of what escapes or survives the disintegration of
experience. (43)

Grenier describes her lack of a mother tongue as a “loss,”
ascribing her search for a speaking voice with the remnant of a
lost and disintegrated experience. As a third-generation survivor,
she casts her loss as one without origin, an originary traumatic
experience that has disintegrated over the years. As a result,
Grenier experiences all attempts to locate her sense of self as
more than a cultural loss but as a profound, a more fundamental,
absence. In another stark contrast, Grenier juxtaposes this vague
sense of absence with the culturally rigid sense of loss, suggesting
that cultural experiences and constructions are a product of dynamic
exchange rather than isolated construction.

Grenier’s personal quest to embrace a more dynamic cultural identity
leads her, in the second half of the book, to Turkey. Not surprisingly,
the land is marked for Grenier by its contradictory identity as both
the land of her ancestors and the country Armenian cultural memory
vilifies. In her most linearly narrated essay, “A Place in the Sun,
Malgre Sangre,” Grenier recounts her experience traveling to Turkey and
finding proximity and a history of exchange and borrowings between
the two cultures, Armenian and Turkish. She concludes the essay
by declaring, “I developed, moving from unknowingly being Armenian
Turkishly to knowingly becoming American, Armenianly” (68). In coming
face to face with Turkish culture, she’s able to embrace its influence
over her understanding of Armenian culture. That recognition of
Armenian culture as historically multi-faceted and dynamic in turn
allows her to configure her current American cultural coordinates
under the influence of her Armenian heritage.

It is through this both personal and lyrical journey that Grenier
resists the pressures of a different assimilation, reducing her
cultural identity to presumptive formulations; through the experimental
writings and explorations in The Concession Stand, Arpine Konyalian
Grenier rejects an under-written, hyphenated existence, embracing
instead an over-written, multiple identity.

Talar Chahinian holds a Ph.D. in Comparative Literature from UCLA
and lectures in the Department of Comparative World Literature at Cal
State Long Beach. She or or any of the other contributors to Critics’
Forum may be reached at [email protected]. This and all other
articles published in this series are available online. Sign up for
a weekly electronic version of new articles . Critics’ Forum is a
group created to discuss issues relating to Armenian art and culture
in the Diaspora.

New Book Examines Roots Of Jewish Anti-Genocide Lobby

NEW BOOK EXAMINES ROOTS OF JEWISH ANTI-GENOCIDE LOBBY

ASBAREZ
Thursday, May 31st, 2012

Model Citizens of the State

Book traces forced Turkification of Jews, their fight against
Anti-Semitism, and Turkish-Jewish Leadership Lobbying against
Recognition of Armenian Genocide

TORONTO-The Zoryan Institute is proud to announce the translation and
publication of a new book by noted author Rifat Bali, Model Citizens of
the State: The Jews of Turkey during the Multi-Party Period (Fairleigh
Dickinson University Press, Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,
2012).

This book provides an expose of the treatment of the Jewish community
in Turkey from 1950 to the present, their fight against anti-Semitism,
the struggle for their constitutional rights, and the attitude of
the Turkish state and society towards these problems.

In a review of the Turkish edition that appeared in the Armenian
Weekly, Turkish journalist Ayse Gunaysu and a member of the Committee
Against Racism and Discrimination of the Human Rights Association
of Turkey (Istanbul branch) since 1995, described the book as
“groundbreaking … unearthing facts and first-hand accounts that
unmistakably illustrate how the Turkish establishment blackmailed the
leaders of the Jewish community-and through them Jewish organizations
in the United States-to secure their support of the Turkish position
against the Armenians’ campaign for genocide recognition . . . The book
also offers rich material about how Turkish diplomats and semi-official
spokesmen of Turkish policies, while carrying out their lobbying
activities, threatened both Israel and the U.S. by indicating that if
the Jewish lobby failed to prevent Armenian initiatives abroad-Turkey
might not be able to guarantee the security of Turkish Jews . . . It
has been a routine practice for Turkish authorities to invariably
deny such threats. However, Bali’s industrious work in the archives
reveals first-hand accounts that confirm these allegations.”

In explaining his motivation for writing this book, Bali states,

There are a number of facts which triggered my starting to research the
history of the Jews in the Turkish Republic. They can all be summed
up in the fact that I was tired of listening to and reading the rosy
narrative that was repeated over and over by the leaders of the Turkish
Jewish community, as well as by Turkish intellectuals, politicians and
historians. The same narrative was also predominant outside Turkey. I
wanted to discover what was really behind this rhetoric.

Bali details how, despite the attempt of Jewish community leaders
in Istanbul to fit into the mold of the “model” Turkish citizen as
defined by Kemal Ataturk, and regardless of the official government
policy toward the Jewish community, the anti-Semitic attitudes of
the majority Muslim population in Turkish society were ever present.

The book describes how, initially, the Jewish community received
similar treatment by the government of Turkey and had similar problems,
fears and reactions as the Armenian and Greek minorities during the
Single Party period, 1923-1949, to such things as the Capital Tax
Law and policy of Labor Battalions. During the first two decades
of the Multi-Party period, it endured the September 6, 1955 pogrom,
the May 27, 1960 revolution, and the 1971 military coup. All three
minorities suffered equally from these critical events, with loss
of life and property and consequent emigrations to Greece, Israel,
Europe and North America.

Bali explains how a shift in the Turkish state’s treatment of its
Jewish citizens started in the late 1960s and early 1970s due to three
pivotal events outside of Turkey: the 1967 Israeli Six-Day War, the
1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus, and the movement for international
recognition of the Armenian Genocide. He shows that the Turkish
government in the 1970s reversed its policy of prohibiting minorities’
links to outside organizations by encouraging the Jews of Turkey
to connect with American Jewish organizations, once it realized the
importance of American Jewish political lobby groups.

Since then, Turkey has adopted a policy of utilizing the American
Jewish lobby against the Greek lobby to lift the Cyprus related
arms embargo, and against the Armenian lobby to further its genocide
denial policies. Bali details efforts to distance the American Jewish
community from the Armenian community by propagandizing that the
Armenian Genocide is a non-truth, or that whatever may have happened
in 1915 it can not be compared to the Jewish Holocaust and therefore
can not be called genocide, and that Turks have been very tolerant
and friendly to Jews since their expulsion from Spain in 1492.

Bali illustrates that with this new policy, successive Turkish
governments obtained the cooperation of Turkish Jews to convince the
American Jewish lobbies to actively support pro-Turkish measures,
including fighting against Armenian Genocide resolutions in the US
Congress, excluding the Armenian Genocide from the Holocaust Museums
in Washington and Los Angeles, prohibiting papers on the Armenian
Genocide from being presented at Israeli Holocaust conferences,
prohibiting the showing of Armenian Genocide related movies in US
and Israel, etc. The tactics used by Turkish governments included
financial assistance, economic concessions and other privileges,
but also veiled threats that lack of cooperation by the Jewish lobby,
the State of Israel, or Turkish-Jewish leaders would jeopardize the
safety and economic well-being of the Jews in Turkey.

When asked about the possible effect his research could have,
Bali answers,

I do not believe that the book will have any sort of negative impact
on Israeli-Turkish and/or Turkish-Jewish relations. Real politics
and strategic concerns always dominate and even embellish past history.

However I hope that at last the English-speaking public will have
the opportunity to read the “real” story of Turkish-Jewish relations
instead of an embellished one.

In documenting the Turkish state’s manipulation of its vulnerable
Jewish minority and their acquiescence, this book serves as a
valuable case study of how Realpolitik in domestic politics and
foreign relations distorts the truth and how coercion by the powerful
contributes to the violation of collective human rights. It will be of
interest to academics and students of non-Muslim minorities in Turkey,
political lobbyists in America, Israeli policy-makers, as well as to
the Jewish, Greek and Armenian communities around the world.

Rifat N. Bali, born in 1948 in Istanbul, is an independent scholar
specializing in the history of Turkish Jews and an associate
member of the Alberto-Benveniste Center for Sephardic Studies and
the Sociocultural History of the Jews (Ecole Pratique des Hautes
Etudes/CNRS/Universite Paris-Sorbonne). He is the winner of the
Alberto Benveniste Research Award for 2009 for his publications on
Turkish Jewry.

The Zoryan Institute is the parent organization of the International
Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies, which runs an annual,
accredited university program on the subject and is co-publisher
of Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal in
partnership with the International Association of Genocide Scholars
and the University of Toronto Press. It is the first non-profit,
international center devoted to the research and documentation
of contemporary issues with a focus on Genocide, Diaspora and
Armenia. For more information please contact the Zoryan Institute by
email [email protected] or telephone 416-250-9807

Bakou Salue La Declaration De L’OTAN Denoncee Par Erevan

BAKOU SALUE LA DECLARATION DE L’OTAN DENONCEE PAR EREVAN
Stephane

armenews.com
vendredi 1er juin 2012

L’Azerbaïdjan s’est felicitee de la declaration adoptee au sommet de
l’OTAN a Chicago, disant qu’elle a approuve la position de Bakou sur
le conflit du Nagorno-Karabakh.

Elman Abdullayev, un porte-parole du Ministre azeri des Affaires
Etrangères a pointe l’appui de la declaration pour l’integrite
territoriale de l’Azerbaïdjan et des autres anciennes republiques
Sovietiques coincees dans des conflits territoriaux et ethniques.

” Le fait que la declaration a ete signee par des acteurs
internationaux importants temoigne de l’appui serieux [de L’OTAN] pour
la juste cause de l’Azerbaïdjan dans le conflit du Nagorno-Karabakh
” a declare Elman Abdullayev cite par l’agence de presse azerie Trend.

Le document de l’OTAN n’a fait aucune mention du principe
d’autodetermination, un fait denonce par l’Armenie. Un fonctionnaire
d’Erevan a dit c’est la raison pourquoi le President Serge Sarkissian
n’a pas participe au sommet de Chicago a la difference de son homologue
azeri Ilham Aliyev.

Le ministre armenien des Affaires Etrangères Edouard Nalbandian,
qui a represente l’Armenie au sommet de Chicago a affirme que les
propositions de la paix internationales existantes sur le Karabakh,
conjointement redige par les Etats-Unis, la France et la Russie,
sont basees sur les deux principes internationalement reconnus.

La reaction du Ministère azeri des Affaires Etrangères intervient un
jour après qu’un haut fonctionnaire a accuse l’OTAN et les autres
structures internationales de ne pas faire assez pour accelerer un
règlement du conflit du Karabakh. Le fonctionnaire, Ali Hasanov,
a pretendu qu’ils ” manquent de volonte pour intervenir ” dans
le conflit.

ANKARA: Turkey Opens First Particle Accelerator

TURKEY OPENS FIRST PARTICLE ACCELERATOR

Hurriyet
May 31 2012
Turkey

A scientist informs Prime Minister Erdogan (L) about the proton
accelerator. DAILY NEWS photo, Selahattin SONMEZ Turkey’s first
particle accelerator facility which will serve the health sector and
aims to diminish dependence on external markets opened yesterday near
Ankara by the Turkish Atomic Energy Authority (TAEK).

“This facility will serve as the hub of nuclear technology as we are
preparing to generate nuclear energy,” Prime Ministyer Recep Tayyip
Erdogan said during the facility’s opening ceremony.

Research on nuclear physics, electronics and even space studies
will be carried out in the facility, according to Erdogan. Turkey is
committed to build two nuclear plants by 2023, in a move to lessen its
dependence on carbon fuels and generate cheaper electricity, he said.

“In 10 years, the consumption of electricity will be doubled.

Unfortunately, parallel to the increase of our energy consumption,
energy prices are rising. That’s why we prefer nuclear plants.”

The proton accelerator facility will mainly serve in producing
equipment needed in nuclear medicine, such as magnetic resonance
imaging and tomography, which Turkey spends $10 million annually to
import. “Hereafter, we will be able to produce these equipments in
our own facility,” Erdogan said.

The accelerator technology is one of the significant generic
technologies and has a leading role in scientific studies ranging
from biology to hmetallurgy.

In further remarks, Erdogan criticized the international community for
singling out Iran on nuclear issues. “We raise this issue [to] almost
all international platforms. We urge them to take the necessary safety
measures. But those who have nuclear facilities, who see nuclear as a
right to them, do not hesitate in criticizing Iran,” he said, recalling
Armenia’s very old nuclear plant, located only from 16 kilometers from
the Turkish border, which posed a danger to its immediate neighborhood.

According to Erdogan, every country has the right to have nuclear
energy facilities. “You have to be fair. You will overlook the insecure
plants in Armenia, Israel’s nuclear activities but you will spark
crisis over Iran. This is not fair.”

Kim Kardashian Gets Wet ‘N Wild In Latest Twitter Snap

KIM KARDASHIAN GETS WET ‘N WILD IN LATEST TWITTER SNAP
By Ashley Percival

Huffington Post UK

May 31 2012

Anyone for a bit of half-naked Kim Kardashian action?

Oh go on then, if we must.

KK got wet and wild as she stripped off yet again in the latest snap
she posted on her Twitter page.

With her wet hair and soaked through bra, it’s not hard to see what
Kanye sees in her.

The star has also been at the centre of controversy after she made
derogatory comments about Indian food on Sunday night’s Keeping Up
With The Kardashians.

In a blog entitled Just Want to Clear Something Up…, she apologised
for the gaffe, saying she didn’t mean to cause offence.

“I said that I thought Indian food was disgusting. In NO way was this
intended as an insult to the Indian people or their culture,” she said.

She also added that she’s also turned off by food from her own
Armenian culture.

“This is just my own personal taste,” she said.

Perhaps these snaps will go some way to aiding your apology, eh?

http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2012/05/31/kim-kardashian-strips-off_n_1558482.html