Student voices: Maintaining heritage languages

The Sundial, CSUN, CA
Nov 22 2014

Student voices: Maintaining heritage languages

By Negin Daneshfar

There is an overwhelming lack of foreign language education throughout
schools in the United States. Many individuals experience a withdrawal
from their mother tongue and either speak English with their families
or drop out of foreign language programs at a young age.

In Europe maintaining one’s heritage language along with learning
English is encouraged throughout their education. According to the
European Commission, educational systems in some European countries
have an official language policy, which requires schools to teach two
foreign languages. Of course the maintenance of such languages relies
on how often that language is practiced in a particular area.

According to Forbes 18% of Americans report speaking a language other
than English, while 53% of Europeans speak a second language. As a
result of this, more students continue to encounter struggles
maintaining their mother tongue while learning English. Colleges and
universities no longer require foreign language classes but still tend
to include a handful of language courses, which are not always
emphasized in high schools.

Amirbahador Allahnejad, 25, senior business law major and
international student speaks fluent Turkish and English and moderate
Arabic. He picked up Turkish as a child while learning English through
college. He said maintaining Turkish was difficult while speaking
English with others.

“Here and there, you may forget some words because you keep talking in
English,” Allahnejad said. “In general I think I kept up with my
native language, but it was vaguely introduced in schools and I had to
learn through family and friends.”

A study from University of Arizona reports that 67 percent of second
generation students of Mexican and Asian descent in Southern
California preferred to use English over their heritage language.
Among Spanish speakers, 50 percent were fluent speakers and Asian
Americans were comprised of less than 10 percent fluent speakers.

While Allahnejad was taught the basics of Turkish grammar and language
at his school, he learned English from classes taught by a private
teacher since they weren’t offered as part of his school curriculum.

Amir Yazdani, 25, senior construction management major speaks fluent
Armenian and English and moderate Farsi. Yazdani began to learn
Armenian at two-years-old and picked up Farsi from reading, writing
and speaking with family and friends. Like Allahnejad he become more
familiar with English while attending college.

“When I was 15 I wanted to have an international education mostly
focused on English and we didn’t have those services or facilities in
Iran so I had to move out of the country,” Yazdani said. Yazdani was
not fluent when he moved to the United States which was a challenge
but with practice he was able to gain a better understanding of the
language.

Yazdani shifted from mastering his native language and began to
develop his English at a young age. He continued to maintain his
Armenian skills while building on his English between grade schools.

“Learning Armenian at first gave me the ability to learn different
languages like English through experience and made it easier for me to
learn more quickly,” Yazdani said. “It would have been harder if I had
learned English first and then Armenian and Farsi since foreign
languages tend to be more complex.”

Yazdani said he learned English for 10 years in college until he
completely mastered it.

“It’s one of the best tools that I have so far,” he said. “I believe
that it is important to introduce more native languages in schools,”
said Yazdani.

Ifrah Moalih, 19, freshman psychology major speaks fluent Spanish,
English and moderate Somali. Moalih said she did not learn these
languages in school but while she grew up around family members and
friends who spoke Spanish and Somali. Eventually, she was taught how
to read and write Spanish until she developed her English skills in
school.

“I think that the second language should be introduced more in U.S.
schools and universities, I don’t think that it should just be
English,” Moalih said. “Teaching more of the second language in
elementary school actually is easier to learn and a faster process to
remember.”

There are plenty of academic and social benefits that come with
maintaining a heritage language or learning a second language.
Although students such as Moalih are able to use their skills to their
advantage, it is never too late to become more familiar with another
language. The Department of Modern and Classical Languages and
Literatures offers courses in Arabic, Chinese, Farsi, German, Hebrew
and Korean all of which allow students to work on their language
skills and gain valuable knowledge of another culture.

http://sundial.csun.edu/2014/11/student-voices-maintaining-heritage-languages/

Post-Soviet confidence games

The Sunday Times, Sri Lanka
Nov 22 2014

Post-Soviet confidence games

By Stefan Wolff

LONDON – It is starting to look like a pattern. After painstaking
talks, the parties in the Ukraine conflict come to an agreement – only
to have it fall apart or fail to be fully implemented. At least three
separate deals to resolve the crisis have been struck, and each has
quickly unravelled.
Even a unanimous vote in the United Nations Security Council
condemning the downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 and demanding
access to the crash site has failed to produce the desired results.
Over three months later, Dutch investigators have still not been able
to conduct all necessary visits.

The usual diagnosis for the repeated failure to forge a lasting
agreement is a lack of trust on both sides of the conflict, for which
the usual prescription is to introduce a series of confidence-building
measures. If only the Ukrainian national government in Kiev, its
Western allies, Russia, and the Ukrainian separatists could learn to
trust each other, the thinking goes, perhaps a settlement could be
reached.

But confidence-building measures are not the panacea that they are so
often portrayed to be. To be sure, there are cases where the absence
of trust-building efforts could partly explain why a conflict drags
on. The 25-year tug-of-war between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the
region of Nagorno-Karabakh is a prime example. But there are also
conflicts in which years of confidence-building measures have not only
failed to produce a solution but have also prevented one from taking
shape.

The parties tussling over Georgia’s breakaway regions of South Ossetia
and Abkhazia spent some 15 years taking part in confidence-building
measures, before Russia upended the status quo in 2008 by recognising
both regions’ independence. Since then, confidence-building has
continued in the form of regular talks in Geneva, but nearly 30 rounds
of meetings over the past six years have yet to yield tangible
progress.
Of all of the so-called “frozen conflicts” in the former Soviet Union,
the dispute over Transnistria, the strip of land between the Dniester
River and Moldova’s border with Ukraine, was once considered the most
amenable to resolution. And yet, even there, two decades of
confidence-building measures have been unsuccessful.

Yes, such measures have helped to maintain open lines of
communication, preventing small disputes from escalating into violent
conflict. But, despite the best efforts of the OSCE, the European
Union, the United States, Ukraine, and even Russia, the conflict is no
closer to a settlement than it was when the process began.

There are three major reasons why real progress has failed to
materialise in Transnistria. For starters, the confidence-building
measures put in place lack local support. Neither the elite nor the
public, on either side of the conflict, see a realistic chance for
rapprochement in the near future.
Second, confidence-building, to some extent, has worked against an
ultimate settlement of the conflict. Since the 1990s, the two sides
have struck some 170 agreements. But, by making the status quo more
comfortable and reducing the need for game-changing moves, these have
been steps away from, not toward, a solution.

Finally, confidence-building does not happen in a vacuum, but within a
specific regional and global geopolitical context. More often than
not, the conflicting agendas of the great powers have stood in the way
of a final settlement.

The lesson for Ukraine is that while building confidence may be
necessary, it is not sufficient to resolve the crisis. If it is to
help move the parties toward a final agreement, certain conditions
must be met. Technical expertise is needed to design and implement
measures that are part of a strategic vision to end the conflict. But
such measures will be effective only if the regional and global
geopolitical environment supports the search for a resolution. Most
important, local leaders must be genuinely committed to the process,
rather than seeking to curry favor with donors.
The lack of technical expertise is not a major problem in eastern
Ukraine. But, as in all of the post-Soviet conflicts, the search for a
solution is not taking place in a favorable geopolitical climate. Nor
are local leaders committed to building trust and confidence; indeed,
separatists are engaged to just the opposite.

Confidence-building measures can help to stabilise a conflict, but the
stability they generate is often fragile and temporary. In an
environment like that in Ukraine, there is a risk that such measures
will sustain, not end, the conflict.

http://www.sundaytimes.lk/141123/sunday-times-2/post-soviet-confidence-games-129198.html

Azerbaijan Voiced New Threats Addressed to Armenia

DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
November 21, 2014 Friday

AZERBAIJAN VOICED NEW THREATS ADDRESSED TO ARMENIA

Defense Ministry of Azerbaijan warned Armenia that in case of “another
military provocation” on its side the response would be devastating.
The ministry said, “If the enemy party uses some kind of military
provocation once again the blow that the armed forces of Azerbaijan
will deliver will be extremely efficient and devastating.” Operational
tactical exercises Unity 2014 took place in Nagorno-Karabakh last week
in accordance with the program of military cooperation between Armenia
and Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. According to the version of Baku, on
November 12 Mi-24 helicopter belonging to the armed forces of Armenia
tried to attack positions of the Azerbaijani army. As a result of fire
started by the Azerbaijani party the helicopter was destroyed.

Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, November 18, 2014, p. 5

L’Arménie en mesure d’exporter jusqu’à 120000 tonnes de produits agr

ARMENIE
L’Arménie en mesure d’exporter jusqu’à 120000 tonnes de produits
agricoles vers la Russie en 2015

L’Arménie est en mesure d’augmenter ses exportations agricoles vers la
Russie jusqu’à 100000 voir 120000 tonnes l’an prochain,
comparativement à environ 64000 et 65000 tonnes cette année a annoncé
le président de l’Union des fabricants arméniens Vazgen Safaryan

Mais des mesures décisives doivent être prises pour assurer cela
a-t-il dit lors d’ une conférence de presse.

Selon l’expert, il faudrait investir dans l’agriculture et en
particulier des zones franches économiques agro-alimentaires,
devraient être créées dans les villages frontaliers, des prêts ruraux
devraient être subventionnés et la charge de l’impôt devrait être
assouplie pour les producteurs, a-t-il dit.

samedi 22 novembre 2014,
Stéphane (c)armenews.com

L’Arménien Henrikh Mkhitaryan (Borussia Dortmund) 4ème joueur le plu

FOOTBALL-CHAMPIONNAT D’ALLEMAGNE
L’Arménien Henrikh Mkhitaryan (Borussia Dortmund) 4ème joueur le plus
actif de la Bundesliga

Le site de la Bundesliga a établi le classement des joueurs les plus
actifs du championnat d’Allemagne. L’international arménien et milieu
de terrain du Borussia Dortmund, Henrikh Mkhitaryan est classé 4ème
joueur le plus actif du championnat d’Allemagne. Henrikh Mkhitaryan
est crédité de 602 points (164 pour ses tirs, 172 pour la récupération
du ballon, 105 pour les passes et 161 pour les dribbles). Le premier
du classement est l’international Hollandais Arjen Robben qui évolue
au Bayern Munich (657 points) qui devance le milieu Serbe du Borussia
Dortmund Milos Jojic (624) et le Brésilien de Hoffenheim Roberto
Firmino (608).

Krikor Amirzayan

samedi 22 novembre 2014,
Krikor Amirzayan (c)armenews.com

Karabakh: Bodies, remains of three Armenian pilots recovered in over

Karabakh: Bodies, remains of three Armenian pilots recovered in
overnight operation

Karabakh | 22.11.14 | 12:41

GOHAR ABRAHAMYAN
ArmeniaNow reporter

The remains of three members of the crew of an Armenian military
helicopter shot downed by Azerbaijani troops near the Line of Contact
in Karabakh last week have been recovered as a result of an operation
conducted by a task group of Armenian armed forces overnight.

According to the press service of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic’s
(NKR) Ministry of Defense, the task force managed to recover the body
of one pilot and the remains of the other two, as well as the
necessary parts of the helicopter.

The statement issued by the NKR Defense Ministry says that
“considering the official statements of the Azerbaijani side and the
absence of negotiations, the NKR armed forces had to resort to a
special operation to establish the fate of the pilots of the
helicopter downed by the enemy on November 12 at the crash site and
solve the tasks ensuing from it.”

According to the Ministry, during the implementation of the combat
operation two Azerbaijani soldiers were killed, while the NKR Defense
Army had no losses.

The incident that resulted from an unprecedented violation by
Azerbaijan of the 1994 ceasefire agreement was deplored by
international mediators, who voiced concern over the escalation of
violence in the conflict zone and specifically called on Azerbaijan to
give the Armenian side access to the helicopter wreckage to recover
the bodies of its pilots. But officials in Baku ignored the calls as
Azeri troops kept the area under intensive fire since November 12 not
allowing Karabakh forces to approach the helicopter crash site.

The three members of the downed Armenian helicopter were Major Sergey
Sahakyan (commander of the helicopter), Senior Lieutenant Sargis
Nazaryan and Lieutenant Azat Sahakyan.

Meanwhile, Artsrun Hovhannisyan, a spokesman for the Armenian Defense
Ministry, praised the the task force for the special operation that he
described as “unprecedented” given that it was conducted in conditions
of “extremely heavy fire” and “other enemy counteraction”.

“The execution was brilliant considering the losses of the enemy that
had been setting up a trap [for Armenians]. For several days we will
still be hearing the names [of Azeri soldiers] who will, naturally, be
‘dying as a result of accidents’. The NKR task force distinguished
itself on its professional day. Glory to the heroes! A brilliant
operation of a world level was conducted, the black guns are silent,”
Hovhannisyan wrote on his Facebook account.

http://armenianow.com/karabakh/58687/armenia_karabakh_pilots_bodies_recovered

BAKU: Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry Expresses Discontent To France

AZERBAIJAN’S FOREIGN MINISTRY EXPRESSES DISCONTENT TO FRANCE

Trend, Azerbaijan
Nov 21 2014

21 November 2014, 15:53 (GMT+04:00)

By Seba Aghayeva – Trend:

Azerbaijani Embassy in France expressed discontent to this country’s government.

The reason for the embassy’s discontent was the signing of a friendship
agreement between the French city of Bouc-Bel-Air and the Azerbaijani
city of Khankendi occupied by Armenia, the acting head of the press
service of Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry, Hikmet Hajiyev told Trend
Nov. 21.

He said France is a co-chair of the OSCE Minsk Group and recognizes the
territorial integrity and sovereignty of Azerbaijan, but unfortunately,
some circles of this country, under the influence of the large Armenian
diaspora, are trying to harm these relations.

The conflict between the two South Caucasus countries began in 1988
when Armenia made territorial claims against Azerbaijan.

As a result of the ensuing war, in 1992 Armenian armed forces occupied
20 percent of Azerbaijan, including the Nagorno-Karabakh region and
seven surrounding districts.

The two countries signed a ceasefire agreement in 1994. The co-chairs
of the OSCE Minsk Group, Russia, France and the US are currently
holding peace negotiations.

Armenia has not yet implemented four UN Security Council resolutions
on the liberation of the Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding regions.

http://en.trend.az/azerbaijan/politics/2335558.html

Book: The Meaning And Power Of Memory Are At The Heart Of ‘There Was

THE MEANING AND POWER OF MEMORY ARE AT THE HEART OF ‘THERE WAS AND THERE WAS NOT’

PopMatters
Nov 21 2014

By Hans Rollman 21 November 2014
Contributing Editor

In a world that seems caught up in ever-growing waves of violence,
with conflicts where tens and hundreds of thousands suffer persecution
and death on the basis of ethnic or religious origin, one might be
forgiven for thinking the events of 100 years ago would lie long
forgotten outside of the history books where, it seems, the memory
of terrible events goes to die.

But the Armenian genocide is not forgotten. The memory lingers
powerfully among the more than three million Armenians in Armenia,
and even more powerfully perhaps among the estimated eight million
Armenians living in diasporic communities around the world (the
majority of ethnic Armenians live outside of the country, which today
comprises a mere sliver of the lands they formerly inhabited).

The meaning and power of memory, and the truths and doubts which drive
it, are at the heart of Meline Toumani’s new book There Was and There
Was Not. Comprised of equal parts reportage, memoir, travelogue and
history, it achieves a perfect balance of these elements, and offers
a moving and powerful exploration of the fraught and tragic history
of the Armenian genocide, and the struggles and conflict its memory
stokes today.

Between 1909 and 1923 (and with greatest intensity during the years
of the First World War) the millions of Armenians living in Turkey
(then known as the Ottoman Empire) experienced an unrelenting wave
of persecution, dispossession, deportation, imprisonment, terrorism,
and mass murder, orchestrated both by government authorities as well
as non-government groups and individuals inspired by the regime’s
open persecution of Armenians. Scholars argue over exact figures,
but it is estimated between 600,000 and 1.5 million Armenians died
as a result of this violence.

It was, in fact, the Armenian experience that inspired Polish-Jewish
jurist Raphael Lemkin to develop the definition of ‘genocide’ that was
adopted by the United Nations after the Second World War: “Genocide
does not necessarily mean the immediate destruction of a nation… It
is intended rather to signify a coordinated plan of different actions
aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of
national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves.”

Of course, Turkey – the country which rose from the ashes of the
Ottoman Empire – denies that a ‘genocide’, as such, took place. And
so the struggle continues to this day, over what precisely happened
and how it ought to be acknowledged and remembered by the world.

Toumani’s book offers a powerful and thorough consideration of
the complicated motivations, attitudes and realities surrounding
‘recognition politics’ (efforts by Armenian groups to gain official
recognition of the genocide by as many governments and other official
bodies as possible). But it also offers a useful and insightful
introduction for those who are unfamiliar with the subject, and
uncertain where to start in their efforts to learn more.

She chronicles her childhood growing up in Armenian diasporic
communities in the United States, traveling as a journalist to Turkey
and Armenia, and then eventually moving to Turkey to conduct the
more in-depth research which resulted in this book. Her style is
professional and accessible; her prose is compelling and presents
a well-constructed and vivid narrative comprised of interviews,
first-hand reportage, and historical analysis coupled with revealing
anecdotes and incidents from politics and everyday life in both
Armenia and Turkey. The book packs a powerful punch, and leaves the
reader grateful for Toumani’s skilled and gentle guidance through a
complex social history.

Indeed, Toumani deserves credit for producing such a powerful and
comprehensive text out of such a complicated and fraught history.

Although she’s been widely published as a journalist, this is
her first book, and her talented writing impresses. Her forays
into memoir are rich and full of perspective, yet never dip into
personal irrelevancies. She renders a complicated web of historical
events accessible in clear and moving prose, and the well-constructed
narrative flows smoothly and keeps the reader’s interest hooked from
the first chapter.

Reconciling Past and Future

For many – especially those outside of Armenian and Turkish communities
– there inevitably arise questions around what point there could
be behind the fervent, passionate, and sometimes fatally violent
efforts to either secure recognition of, or to deny, the genocide. In
the ’80s there was a wave of fatal attacks on Turkish targets by
Armenian terrorists, which in turn stoked violence against Armenian
communities in Turkey. Even today violence erupts: one of Toumani’s
own informants, an Armenian newspaper editor, was shot and killed by
a Turkish nationalist while she was doing the research for this book.

Amidst the violence the question lingers: what is the point of dwelling
on events, however tragic, that took place 100 years ago?

Historian Taner Akcam is one among the growing ranks of Turkish
academics who refuses to accept the state-sanctioned denial of the
Armenian genocide. In his 2004 book A Shameful Act, he offers a
useful reflection on why this type of work is so important; on why
it is so important that these events not be forgotten, swept under
the historical carpet, or sacrificed in the name of social cohesion
and of ‘moving on’:

…all studies of large-scale atrocities teach us one core principle:
To prevent the recurrence of such events, people must first consider
their own responsibility, discuss it, debate it, and recognize
it. In the absence of such honest consideration, there remains the
high probability of such acts being repeated, since every group is
inherently capable of violence; when the right conditions arise this
potential may easily become reality, and on the slightest of pretexts.

There are no exceptions. Each and every society needs to take a
self-critical approach, one that should be firmly institutionalized
as a community’s moral tradition regardless of what others might have
done to them. It is this that prevents renewed eruptions of violence.

Toumani possesses a gift for conveying the power of those subtle roots
which lie below the surface and give rise to the tangled, confused
contradictions of the present. Interviewing an elderly Turkish
philanthropist who’s trying to bring Armenians and Turks together
through music, yet who dismisses recognition of the genocide and
sagely preaches that there are two sides to every story, she reflects:
“…[his] words weren’t so far off from my own. I had written that the
genocide recognition campaigns were hindering diplomatic relations
between Armenia and Turkey. I had started to question the value of
repeating the same sad stories over and over. But coming from him,
the message sounded very different.”

She may be trained as a journalist, but Toumani possesses the skill
of an anthropologist when it comes to discerning the complex power
relations conveyed through words and action; even her own. It’s one
thing for her to challenge her Armenian community on their historical
traditions; quite another for the Turkish establishment to do so.

But it works both ways. After publishing an article on a famous
Armenian musician – in which she deliberately did not insert the word
‘genocide’ – she was criticized by some Armenians for failing to use
the term. “And that was part of the problem: genocide had become a
term, a phrasing to be allowed or disallowed,” she writes.

“As a writer…I resented the requirement to use a word as a political
statement, especially when I was writing about music, the one little
corner of my Armenian life that had been safe shelter from politics,
lobbying, hatred, nationalism, protests, the one private Armenian
pleasure from which I had never felt alienated.”

The incident provokes a profound reflection for Toumani, which leads
her to question what identity means when it becomes irrevocably
associated with political agendas.

“How much texture and complexity are sacrificed, lost when we
retreat to our trenches? We produce a press release instead of a
poem or novel. This shrinks us, in the end, makes us less alive. If
survival, the future, the avenging of a genocide should be manifested
in the flourishing of a people, what makes the soul flourish? Let it
all live.”

And yet, such sentiments are mediated by the inevitable presence
of power. Ironically, it is after talking with a Turkish sociology
professor that she comes to this realization.

Yes, it was all about power, but not about governmental power, and
not about brute force: the issue was the disparity of power between
individuals. This was how I came to understand why I had not become
genuine friends with Turks who didn’t acknowledge the genocide:
because if they believed a story in which Armenians were not the
persecuted but persecutor, they were doomed to discount the current
oppression that Armenians in Istanbul lived with every day. If a
Turk didn’t acknowledge what happened in 1915 he was also denying an
entire complex of discrimination and power dynamics that defined the
minority experience in Turkey.

There’s a message here that reaches beyond the Armenian genocide.

Toumani has tapped into an issue at the heart of reconciliation
struggles the world over. Some, of course, have a lengthier and
bloodier heritage than others, but ultimately that familiar barrier
inevitably arises: how to move forward? What importance should be
attached to recognition of an atrocity by its perpetrator?

In Canada, the conundrum evokes the plight of aboriginal and First
Nations peoples. Fewer and fewer Canadians these days would deny the
terrible heritage the Canadian state has wrought in its dealings
with indigenous peoples. Fewer and fewer would deny the immense
material deprivation and ongoing discrimination that many First
Nations communities still face.

Yet when terms such as ‘settler’, ‘colonialism’, or even – increasingly
– ‘genocide’ are invoked, the response is a defensive flurry from
the mainstream press and politicians, denouncing such language
as inflammatory and not constructive in the process of working
toward a reconciliation. Coming from majority white commentators,
paternalistic denunciations of this sort tend to inflame feelings
more than assuage them.

There Was and There Was Not

http://www.popmatters.com/review/187375-there-was-and-there-was-not-by-meline-toumani/

Russian Cabinet Passes Agreement On Armenian Membership In EaEU

RUSSIAN CABINET PASSES AGREEMENT ON ARMENIAN MEMBERSHIP IN EAEU

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Nov 21 2014

21 November 2014 – 2:53pm

The Russian government has approved the agreement granting Armenia
membership in the Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU) yesterday. The
document will be sent to Russian President Vladimir Putin and then
to the parliament, TASS reports.

The document will come into force when the EaEU is launched on
January 2, 2015. It will become the basis for further development
of trade-economic ties and cooperation, improvement of competition
of national industries and strengthening of positions of the EaEU on
world markets.

Azerbaijani Soldier Killed In New Karabakh Clash

AZERBAIJANI SOLDIER KILLED IN NEW KARABAKH CLASH

Agence France Presse
November 20, 2014 Thursday 1:30 PM GMT

BAKU, Nov 20 2014

Armenian troops on Thursday killed an Azerbaijani soldier, the defence
ministry in Baku said, amid escalating tensions in the longstanding
conflict over the disputed Nagorny Karabakh region.

Last week, Armenia threatened “grave consequences” after Azerbaijani
forces shot down a helicopter belonging to the army of the breakaway
ethnic Armenian region.

The new shooting comes amid major escalation in the Karabakh conflict
since the beginning of the year with Azerbaijani and Armenian forces
regularly exchanging fire across their border and along the Karabakh
frontline.

An Azerbaijani army soldier, 19-year-old Rustam Azizov, “was killed
on November 20 as a result of a ceasefire violation by Armenia,”
Baku said in a statement without giving further details.

In August, more than 20 troops were killed from both sides in the
deadliest clashes since a ceasefire was agreed in 1994.

Armenia-backed separatists seized the mountainous region from
Azerbaijan in a bitter war in the 1990s.

Despite years of negotiations, the two sides have not yet signed a
final peace deal, with Karabakh still internationally recognised as
part of Azerbaijan.

Oil-rich Azerbaijan, whose military spending exceeds Armenia’s entire
state budget, has threatened to take back the region by force if
negotiations do not yield results.

Armenia, which is heavily armed by Russia, says it could crush any
offensive.