A criminal proceeding is pending in connection with the incident that took place in the Yerevan Municipality

Criminal proceedings have been initiated in connection with the fight that took place in Yerevan City Hall, yesterday, June 23, during the session of the Council of Elders.


The Investigative Committee reported that a criminal proceeding was initiated in accordance with Article 195, Part 2, Clause 5 of the Criminal Code (physical intervention by a group of persons) in connection with the report received on the incident that took place in the Yerevan Municipality on June 23.

INTERVIEW: A Digital Pint with… Hike Chahinian, on Raising a Biracial Baby as

Binge Fringe

June 24, 2026

A partner post from the Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst.

eurasianet

June 23, 2026

A partner post from the Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst.

Irakli Laitadze Jun 23, 2026

On June 7, Armenia held general elections with significant implications for both the country and the South Caucasus. Incumbent Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party won 49.81 percent of the vote. Although falling short of a majority, the result still enables Pashinyan to form and lead the new government. The victory of Civil Contract signifies a rupture with Russia’s sphere of influence and the institutionalization of a pro-Western course. The collapse of the pro-Russian opposition, despite unprecedented pressure from Moscow, indicates that Armenian citizens made a strategic choice in favor of genuine sovereignty and European integration. This choice is likely to produce long-term changes not only in Armenia but also in the security architecture of the South Caucasus.

BACKGROUND:

Armenia approached the June 7 elections amid intense geopolitical turbulence. The country stood at a crossroads between two incompatible trajectories: deeper Euro-Atlantic integration or a return to Russia’s sphere of influence. Understanding this choice requires examining developments in the recent past.

Following its defeat in the 2020 Karabakh War, Armenia lost control of Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023. The country was confronted with a harsh reality: Russia, its ally and partner within the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), failed to defend Armenia during the conflict. As a result, Pashinyan’s government intensified the already ongoing process of deepening ties with the EU and the United States In March 2026, the Armenian parliament adopted a bill initiating the process of accession to the EU. Consequently, the elections effectively became a referendum on Armenia’s foreign policy orientation and security strategy.

Russia responded with increased pressure. The election campaign was effectively transformed into an open confrontation between Moscow and Yerevan. Russian officials publicly warned that continued pursuit of a pro-Western course could expose Armenia to a scenario similar to that experienced by Ukraine.

The regional dimension is equally important. The South Caucasus is a region where the interests of Russia, Turkey, Iran, the U.S., the EU, and increasingly China intersect. Armenia has traditionally been a stronghold of Russian influence in the region: Russian forces are stationed at the 102nd Military Base in Gyumri, an aviation component is based at Erebuni Air Base, and Armenia remains a member of the CSTO. Yerevan’s drift away from Moscow represents more than the loss of an ally; it is a strategic setback that could reshape the regional balance of power. This explains why the stakes were far higher than those of a regular parliamentary election.

IMPLICATIONS:

Russia’s attempt to influence the election outcome was not only unsuccessful but also counterproductive. In addition to extensive use of bots, disinformation, and fake news, reports suggest that Moscow was covertly preparing operations aimed at preventing Pashinyan’s re-election, allegedly including scenarios involving his physical elimination.

Russian economic pressure was systematic and sustained. Moscow banned imports of Armenian Jermuk mineral water, halted sales of Armenian brandy and wine, and reduced imports of meat and fish products. On the eve of the elections, Russia sent an official letter signaling its intention to suspend exports of gas, oil, and diamonds. Rosselkhoznadzor, Russia’s federal veterinary and phytosanitary agency, also banned imports of Armenian tomatoes, cucumbers, potatoes, and dried fruits. To influence the vote, plans were reportedly discussed to organize travel to Armenia for around 100,000 Russia-based Armenians.

The pro-Russian camp was represented by two key figures: Samvel Karapetyan and Ruben Vardanyan. Both embodied an alternative to Armenia’s Western-oriented course. Karapetyan, a Russian-Armenian billionaire and leader of the Strong Armenia electoral bloc, lived in Moscow until last year and, in addition to Armenian citizenship, held Russian and Cypriot citizenship. He allegedly maintains links with Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB). Since June 2025, Karapetyan has been under house arrest on charges of encouraging the seizure of state institutions. Moscow openly demanded his release and participation in the parliamentary elections, turning the issue into a political instrument of pressure on Yerevan.

Another key figure was Ruben Vardanyan, a Russian-Armenian billionaire who left Moscow to become State Minister of the self-proclaimed Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh. Arrested by Azerbaijani authorities while leaving Nagorno-Karabakh through the Lachin Corridor, he is currently serving a prison sentence in Azerbaijan (Meduza). Vardanyan became both a symbol of the lost Armenian Karabakh and a reminder of the failure of the pro-Russian course, which ultimately provided Armenia with neither security nor genuine independence.

The election results reflected the Armenian public’s increasingly negative attitude toward Russia. Samvel Karapetyan’s Strong Armenia alliance received 23.29 percent of the vote, while the Armenia bloc, led by former President Robert Kocharyan, a veteran of the First Nagorno-Karabakh War and a prominent advocate of close ties with Moscow, won 9.93 percent. Combined, the main pro-Russian forces secured only about two-thirds of the support received by Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party.

Western countries, particularly the U.S., expressed unusually strong support for Nikol Pashinyan. On May 27, U.S. President Donald Trump publicly endorsed Pashinyan on Truth Social. The previous day, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan signed several bilateral cooperation agreements, including a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Charter. On June 4, following a telephone conversation with Pashinyan, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced that Brussels was preparing additional support measures for Armenia, including €50 million in financial assistance.

The 8th Summit of the European Political Community (EPC) was held in Yerevan on 4 May 2026, with the participation of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. The event served as a clear signal of Armenia’s emerging European orientation and identity. Almost simultaneously, Turkey partially lifted the trade restrictions on Armenia that had been in place since 1993. The easing of this economic embargo marks a significant step toward the normalization of Armenian–Turkish relations and has the potential to reshape the region’s economic architecture.

A stable, pro-Western Armenia would be better positioned to finalize a peace agreement with Azerbaijan and secure the full lifting of Turkey’s long-standing economic blockade. Under such circumstances, Armenia’s withdrawal from the CSTO could become a realistic prospect in the near future. This step would deprive Russia of the principal legal framework underpinning its military presence in Armenia, further accelerating the country’s geopolitical reorientation.

Armenia is expected to continue developing its relations with the EU while maintaining membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, as confirmed by Prime Minister Pashinyan. This reflects tactical pragmatism rather than an ideological compromise: Armenia remains dependent on Russian gas imports and on the large Armenian diaspora residing in Russia. Nevertheless, the country’s strategic orientation toward Europe appears to have been firmly established.

CONCLUSIONS:

The elections of June 7 may prove to be a point of no return in the history of post-Soviet Armenia. Despite political pressure, economic coercion, and extensive Russian involvement, Armenian voters endorsed a genuinely sovereign choice and reaffirmed the country’s commitment to a pro-Western path of development.

Russia suffered a strategic defeat, as neither Karapetyan nor Kocharyan succeeded in challenging the pro-Western majority of Armenian voters. The Kremlin’s unprecedented pressure, including threats of a “Ukrainian scenario” and the use of economic coercion, failed to weaken Pashinyan and his supporters. Instead, these measures contributed to their further mobilization and strengthened Pashinyan’s image as a defender of Armenian sovereignty and statehood.

The electoral victory of Civil Contract and its parliamentary majority provide Armenia’s pro-European course with a clear democratic mandate to advance further along the path of European integration.

Armenia is entering a phase of profound transformation in its security architecture, moving from dependence on Russia toward a more diversified and multilateral security framework. This realignment is likely to reshape not only Armenian domestic and foreign policy but also the broader balance of power in the South Caucasus. For the first time in the post-Soviet era, Armenia, and, to a lesser extent, the wider region, is beginning to move beyond the logic of Russian dominance. The date of June 7, 2026, may be remembered as the day Armenia chose its own future.

This article was originally published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst and reprinted under a partner post arrangement with Eurasianet.

Meet Julien Segura, the Armenian Lebanese American aiming for the New York Sta

Will New York see the “Mamdani effect” in its primary? A former volunteer for the mayor’s campaign believes he has the momentum to win a state assembly race.
World

4 min read

Brooke Anderson
Washington, DC
21 June, 2026




Julien Segura marches against ICE in New York. [Photo courtesy of Julien Segura]

Julien Segura was fresh off volunteering for the campaign of insurgent New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani, when he launched his own run for State Assembly.

After Tuesday night, when the results of the state primaries begin to come in, the 29-year-old progressive will find out if he will join the ranks of local New York politicians.

For the last five years, Segura, a lifelong resident of Sugar Hill in Harlem, a predominantly Latino-Caribbean area in Upper Manhattan, had been working on progressive political campaigns. This included volunteering for Andrew Yang’s New York City mayoral campaign, giving him a close-up view of city politics. As a teenager, he was involved in the 2011 Occupy Wall Street movement against economic inequality.

He is part of a growing trend of young candidates who believe their youth and cultural backgrounds can be an asset in politics, long an arena largely for well-connected older men. On his father’s side he is Spanish from Algeria, and on his mother’s side he is Armenian from Lebanon, where he still has family.

“What really got me into it was my own identity as an Armenian and wanting to have a fair shake,” said Segura.

“[Sugar Hill] is an area that’s not very loved. I didn’t want my community to be gentrified to the point where my neighbours couldn’t live here anymore. It’s depressing that it’s this predictable,” he said, referring to his diverse district that is largely working class and where people often struggle to stay in their neighbourhoods due to the city’s rising housing costs.

In this race to represent New York’s Assembly District 71, he is trying for a second time to unseat incumbent Al Taylor, who has held his seat for nearly a decade.

Taylor, who has held office since 2017, has been criticised for voting against LGBTQ+ rights legislation, one of several areas where Segura saw an opening to bring in updated policies. Segura first ran against him in 2024, garnering nearly 30 percent of the vote, giving Taylor one of his few serious challenges while in office.

Neither candidate has been endorsed by Mamdani, possibly because they both helped with his mayoral race.

For his campaign, Segura has assembled a team of around 20 volunteers and 15 staffers, this time with the momentum of Mamdani’s campaign behind them. Their support has been grassroots, without the donations of corporate political action committees (PACs).

They have refused support from the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and other large donors, a position that has essentially become a litmus test for progressives in the Democratic Party.

His campaign manager, Damien Cavallo, told TNA that their grassroots campaigning has made Segura something of a local celebrity among ordinary residents.

“We’re building a cross-cultural coalition,” he said. “We’re bringing in people who aren’t normally politically active. We’re taking in people who were off the books and bringing them on board.”

Like many other progressive candidates, Segura became drawn to politics when working in his own community and learning about what needed to be fixed. For him, that happened when visiting homes while working on data collection for the 2020 census.

“It showed me how poorly structured things were,” Segura said. “I realised the housing situation in my community was among the worst in the city. It was my call to action.”

Segura has seen the effects of the cost-of-living crisis on his neighbourhood, with many people leaving Manhattan for the suburbs. Sugar Hill and surrounding areas are particularly vulnerable to gentrification given their location and population of working-class residents, many of whom can’t afford to stay where they grew up due to New York’s high housing prices.

He has used the word “displacement” to describe people leaving their original neighbourhoods due to rising costs, often a term for those displaced by war, but increasingly used to describe intense gentrification.

Though he doesn’t share the same background as many people in his district, he shares a concern for keeping it diverse and building bridges.

One of his main interests has been interfaith organising, which was sparked by attacks on the local Sikh community in the years following the 9/11 attacks. Through their conversations, he found commonalities with his own family’s history of persecution, namely the 1915 Armenian genocide, which is still not recognised by some major countries. In 1984, thousands of Sikhs in India experienced mob violence following the assassination of then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

“I realised their community is similar to my own. Their genocide is also not recognized,” he said.

On his campaign website, he notes New York politicians from different backgrounds and generations who have given him hope – Bernie Sanders, the de facto leader of progressive politics, as well as Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Mamdani, himself part of the South Asian diaspora. The New York mayor has started what many of his supporters call the “Mamdani effect” of young progressive insurgents taking on the Democratic establishment.

“The area has been primed by Zohran,” said Segura. “If I’ve just voted for a 30-year-old for mayor, why not a 30-year-old for assembly? Once the psychological boundaries have shifted, it’s hard to shift them back.”

North-South Road Corridor management council holds regular meeting

Armenia18:32, 17 June 2026
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A regular meeting of the North-South Road Corridor Programme Management Council was held under the chairmanship of Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Khachatryan.

According to the Prime Minister’s Office, participants discussed issues related to the construction of the 7-kilometre Kajaran tunnel and the reconstruction of an approximately 4-kilometre access road leading to the tunnel.

The council reviewed the results of the evaluation of financial proposals submitted under an international tender for technical supervision services for the Kajaran tunnel construction project.

Members also considered the first-stage results of tender procedures for the procurement of consultancy services for a project management consultant and technical supervision services for the construction of a 27-kilometre section of the 60-kilometre Sisian-Kajaran road project.

The agenda also included discussions on the expert examination process for the Bargushat tunnel construction project.

At the conclusion of the meeting, Khachatryan stressed the importance of implementing the planned work in line with the outcomes of the discussions and issued relevant instructions to the responsible authorities.

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Published by Armenpress, original at 

The logic of the US-Iran agreement calls TRIPP into serious question

In recent days, the possible 14-point agreement between the USA and Iran has been actively discussed in the international press. Even if only part of the published information is true, one important fact is already visible. the logic of that agreement seriously questions the so-called TRIPP project, which the RA authorities presented for months as an almost inevitable scenario for the future of the region.


It is noteworthy that at least some of the discussed points are based on the recognition of Iran’s security interests and the exclusion of new sources of tension in the region. And this directly contradicts the ideology on which the TRIPP project was built.


This once again proves how short-sighted and based on a wrong assessment of the situation the policy of the RA authorities was. Instead of being guided by the state interests of Armenia and taking into account the positions of all actors in the region, for months they presented to the public projects born in foreign centers as an already established reality.


Today, when the geopolitical conditions change literally within days, it becomes clear that once again the authorities were in a hurry to serve political propaganda, presenting it as a diplomatic achievement.


The state cannot be built on assumptions, wishes or temporary programs of external sponsors. The state is built on a realistic calculation, national interest and correct assessment of regional realities.


And the processes developing around TRIPP show that geopolitics is changing faster than the propaganda theses of the RA authorities.


And unfortunately, the price for this is usually not paid by the government, but by Armenia.


Narek Mantashyan, a member of the “Armenia” bloc




Civil Contract MPs propose residency requirement for voters

Politics16:34, 16 June 2026
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Members of Armenia’s ruling Civil Contract parliamentary faction have submitted a package of legislative amendments proposing a residency requirement for participation in nationwide elections and referendums, under which only Armenian citizens who have lived in Armenia for at least six months during the preceding year would be eligible to vote.

The authors of the draft are lawmakers Arusyak Manavazyan and Alkhas Ghazaryan.

The lawmakers’ initiative follows reports circulating in both international and Armenian media ahead of the parliamentary elections held in Armenia on June 7, alleging that Russia, in an attempt to influence the election results, was taking steps to encourage a large number of Armenian citizens residing in Russia to travel to Armenia, participate in the elections, and vote in favor of specific political forces — the “Strong Armenia” and “Armenia” alliances, as well as the “Prosperous Armenia” party.

Against the backdrop of these reports, a broad public debate emerged in Armenia over why, until now, there has been no legal regulation stipulating that the right to vote in nationwide elections should be granted to people who permanently reside in Armenia, are familiar with the situation in the country, understand the existing challenges, and make their voting decisions based on that understanding. Representatives of the ruling “Civil Contract” party had promised that, if they succeeded in the elections, they would address this issue.

As justification for the proposed legislation, the lawmakers stated that under the current regulations, there is no mechanism ensuring that the exercise of the right to participate in National Assembly elections and referendums reflects a permanent citizen–state connection (unlike elections for local self-government bodies and local referendums).

The package of draft laws proposes that, in the context of participation in nationwide elections and referendums, importance should be given not only to the formal aspect of a person’s connection with the state through citizenship, but also to the substantive aspect of that connection.

Accordingly, it is proposed to introduce an additional requirement for participation in elections and referendums: as of the 48th day before the voting or referendum day — and in the case of early National Assembly elections or a repeat vote, as of the 28th day before the voting day — a voter must have been physically present in the Republic of Armenia for 183 or more days during the preceding 365 days.

Published by Armenpress, original at 

Armenia’s New Export, a Learning Model Built Between Worlds


Suren Papikyan discusses cooperation with representatives of KNDS and Airbus

Military18:47, 15 June 2026
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Armenian Defence Minister Suren Papikyan met with representatives of French companies KNDS⁠ and Airbus⁠ in Paris, where they discussed a number of issues related to ongoing cooperation.

Papikyan announced the meeting in a post on his Facebook page.

The Armenian defence minister travelled to Paris on 14 June on a working visit to attend the Eurosatory 2026.

As part of the exhibition, Papikyan visited the joint pavilion of Armenia’s defence industry companies, which showcases the country’s research, technological and manufacturing capabilities.

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Published by Armenpress, original at 

Trump could attend signing ceremony for US-Iran deal in Switzerland

Iran09:35, 15 June 2026
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US Vice President JD Vance has said that he plans to attend the signing ceremony in Switzerland for a newly announced peace deal with Iran, adding that President Donald Trump could also be present.

“I certainly plan to be there, but it’s possible the president himself could be there,” he told Fox News in an interview. “We’re still figuring out the logistics on who’s going to attend that signing ceremony.”

U.S. President Donald Trump earlier announced that a deal with Iran has been finalized. Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, whose country has been mediating talks between the United States and Iran, has said that the peace deal will be signed on Friday in Switzerland.

“We can say with confidence Iran will never have a nuclear weapon,” Vance said.

“If the Iranians comply with this deal, it is going to fundamentally transform the Middle East for the next 50 years,” he said.

According to The New York Times, the Iranian side will be represented at the signing ceremony in Geneva by Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf.

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