Author: Badalian Vardan

LICENSE NEEDED TO EXPORT PRECIOUS METALS AND THEIR ORES FROM ARMENIA

11:35 February 16, 2015

EcoLur

>From now on single-use license will be needed to export precious metal,
precious metal scrap and wastes, ore and concentrates from Armenia
to any other country. Under the governmental resolution dated on 30
January, Economy Ministry is in charge of issuing these licenses.

The requirement of issuing licenses is conditioned with the legal
acts of accession of Armenia to the Eurasian Economic Union.

RALLY CRY OR CRYING “FOUL”?: OPPOSITION AWAITS CITY HALL DECISION

POLITICS | 16.02.15 | 15:07

NAZIK ARMENAKYAN
ArmeniaNow

By SARA KHOJOYAN
ArmeniaNow reporter

If Yerevan City Hall denies Armenia’s political opposition a rally
permit, the decision will be politically-motivated, Heritage Party
representative Armen Martirosyan told ArmeniaNow.

Prosperous Armenia Party leader Gagik Tsarukyan has called an “urgent”
rally for Friday.

Heritage, Prosperous Armenia (PAP) and Armenian National Congress (ANC)
parties on Monday notified Yerevan authorities and the police that
on February 20 they will hold an emergency rally in Freedom Square.

According to Martirosyan, the term emergency was selected because in
the law about “Freedom of rallies” notification can be sent less than
seven days in advance only in case of emergency rallies.

“The law also says that the situation must be such that it is
impossible to postpone and it must be discussed immediately, and
indeed, important events are taking place these days in our country
and we must discuss it with the people.”

The decision about holding an emergency rally was made by the troika
on Sunday referring to the law on “Freedom of Rallies”; the second
point of Article 26 says “urgent” is a rally which is organized in
order to immediately react to a situation, otherwise that purpose is
impossible to be achieved if the notification deadline is met.

The second point of Article 27 of the same law defines that the
organizer of the rally has to keep the authorized body and the police
aware of all the activities taken toward the rally in advance.

“The decision to accept the notification of the rally is exceptionally
in the legal dimension. And if the City Hall does not accept it,
it will be a direct persecution against the opposition, carried
out by executive tools which is illegal and anti-constitutional,”
Martirosyan said.

Yerevan City Hall posts its decisions about rallies on its website
where there is still no information about Friday’s rally.

ARMENIA HAS NO RIGHT TO SCRAP COOPERATION WITH WEST – OPPOSITION MP

12:51 * 16.02.15

In an interview with Tert.am, the opposition Free Democrats party’s
leader commented on a recent Yerevan-hosted scientific conference
on the priorities of the Lithuanian presidency in the European Union
and possibilities with cooperation with Armenia.

Khachatur Kokobelyan said he sees that the question on possible
cooperation between the EU and Armenia still remains on the agenda
after scrapping the Eastern Partnership Agreement.

“Head of the EU Delegation to Armenia Trajan Hristea said recently
that the EU is not going to leave Armenia. Over the past 15 days, we
have been hearing statements of the kind from western diplomats who
find that the Russian armed forces’ presence and the Armenia-Russia
relations should not be an obstacle to developing the EU-Armenia
relations,” the politician said, adding that the West understands
that Armenia’s choice to join the Eurasian Economic Union was a
situational solution.

“I share that approach and believe that we should build and move ahead
with our relations considering that fact. I am confident that Armenia
simply has no other alternative; so it has to turn to the West . It
directly stems from a sovereign state’s interests.”

Considering Armenia’s Eurasian choice a forced decision, Kokobelyan
said he doesn’t accept the national security arguments proposed by
proponents of the policy line. He said he doesn’t think that Russia,
which sells weapons to Azerbaijan, can be Armenia’s security guarantor.

“Clearly, Armenia’s membership in the EEU was not the decision of the
Armenian citizens. But it is important, in the current situation, to
properly react to the political ‘messages’ adopted by the civilized
world,” he added.

Asked what factors pose constraints to Armenia, the politician pointed
out to Russian policies.

Asked about the framework of Armenia’s possible cooperation with the
European Union, Mr Kokobelyan said:

“It is in Armenia’s interests that Vilnius Summit sign documents that
would prove to be preconditions for essential practical progress in
Armenia-EU relations. Our government officials should think of making
practical progress.

“The west has made clear statements on political and security issues.

I would like to recall a statement by Eric Rubin, US Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State in the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs. He
spoke of both developing economic cooperation with Armenia and
consolidating military cooperation and security component. He
noted the US understood the reason for Russian military presence
was the situation, which, however, would not impede the development
of relations. I consider it the greatest achievement for Armenia,
which is in a serious situation.”

As to the possibility of developments similar to the Ukraine crisis
in Armenia, in the context of the Russia-West confrontation, if
Armenia should start cooperating with the West, Mr Kokobelyan said
that Armenia should act prudently.

“In terms of security Armenia needs to progressively build up practical
relations with the EU and the West because in the modern world Armenia
has no right to decline the proposals by the West – in terms of both
economy and security.”

Le Monde. France
Mercredi 11 Février 2015

Témoigner du drame des ‘invisibles’

par: Philippe-Jean Catinchi

Le 19 janvier2007, en sortant des locaux d’Agos, le premier journal
bilingue turco-arménien jamais fondé en Turquie, son directeur et
fondateur Hrant Dink est assassiné de trois balles dans la tête. Un
meurtre commandité par l’appareil d’Etat. Soucieux d’éliminer un
opposant condamné six mois plus tôt pour ‘insulte à l’identité
turque’. Quelques jours plus tard, ils étaient plus de 100000
manifestants à suivre l’enterrement, scandant: ‘Nous sommes tous
arméniens, nous sommes tous Hrant Dink!’ Arméniens ou non, unis dans
la douleur et la ferveur du combat pour qu’en Turquie la pleine
lumière soit faite sur le génocide de 1915 et, par-delà le crime, la
refonte d’une identité nationale faussée par le mensonge originel.

Petite-fille d’un pionnier de la gauche révolutionnaire, cofondateur
du Parti des travailleurs de Turquie (TIP), Pinar Selek a grandi à
Istanbul dans un milieu de gauche, démocrate, donc suspect aux yeux du
pouvoir qui incarcère son père dès le coup d’Etat de septembre1980. Au
lycée, elle résiste grce à la poésie des auteurs interdits qu’elle
placarde, mais elle passe à côté d’autres victimes effacées, comme
éteintes, presque invisibles à force de discrétion, ces Arméniennes
dont elle saisit mal le statut et la faute que le régime éructe en
leitmotiv. Un rendez-vous manqué mais le germe d’une réflexion qui ne
va plus cesser de la hanter.

Antimilitariste, féministe

Se tournant vers la sociologie, la jeune Pinar veut ‘analyser les
blessures de la société pour être capable de les guérir’. Approchant
tous les réprouvés, les exclus voués à la rue -elle en nourrira, outre
ses essais, son premier roman, La Maison du Bosphore (Liana Levi,
2013)-, elle ose aborder la question kurde. Or, comme elle refuse de
livrer ses interlocuteurs à la police, elle est accusée d’action
terroriste et est incarcérée en juillet1998, torturée puis finalement
élargie fin 2000. Son activisme sort renforcé de ces épreuves qui
ouvrent son regard. Antimilitariste, féministe -elle cofonde, dès
2001, l’association Amargi qui lutte contre les violences faites aux
femmes-, Pinar Selek comprend alors que les fantômes arméniens qui
l’entourent ont droit au repos, donc à la justice, à la sanction de
l’Histoire seule capable de restaurer la dignité dont l’humanité a
besoin, autant que les Turcs ou les Arméniens.

‘ Que devient-on lorsqu’on oublie? On s’habitue au mal.’ Conjurant
l’irréparable, menaçant quand ‘l’horreur peut rendre la poésie
impossible’, elle témoigne de façon crue, nue, sans pathos, ni
grandiloquence, de sa prise de conscience d’un drame qu’elle a appris
à faire sien. Avec sensibilité et sans esquiver l’autocritique sur sa
longue cécité. Mais, par-delà l’équité due aux Arméniens, elle dénonce
les impasses de la violence et tempère l’illusion de l’efficacité de
l’engagement collectif car elle a mesuré la force de résistance des
oppresseurs. Par sa lucidité, franchit-elle encore la ligne rouge?
‘J’aime les lignes rouges. Elles te montrent que tu es sur le bon
chemin. ‘

‘Parce qu’ils sont arméniens’, Pinar Selek. Traduit du turc par Ali
Terzioglu, Ed. Liana Levi, ‘ opinion ‘, 96p., 10euros

National Race Affairs Ministry

Uygar Gültekin 01.29.2015 01:03 NEWS

The `race code scandal’ in minority schools continues despite a broad
public outcry. In the most recent case, two students were barred from
registering at Armenian schools. An official from the Istanbul
National Education Directorate made a statement, saying, `We are
checking the race status of the students’. Ä°smail Cem Halavurt, lawyer
of the parents of the students who were not admitted to the schools,
said, `The Ministry is committing a crime’.

A 5-year old student, whose father had been baptized at an Armenian
church, was registered at an Armenian nursery school. The school
administration notified the Provincial National Education Directorate
of new registrations according to the procedure. However, in the case
of one student, the Provincial National Education Directorate
responded with an official notification stating, `Investigation into
the status of the student has revealed that his/her race is not
Armenian, and that therefore his/her registration has not been judged
as appropriate’. The official notification went on to demand the
necessary notifications to be made to the parent of the student, the
cancellation of the student’s registration, and the notification of
the Provincial National Education Directorate of the outcome.

In another case, a student was registered at an Armenian school where
his/her cousins had studied and graduated from, however the
registration procedure was blocked by the Provincial National
Education Directorate on the same grounds. The Ministry of National
Education issued a warning to the school administration and demanded
the cancellation of the student’s registration. There are other
students who have faced similar incidents.

A National Education Directorate official who spoke to Agos regarding
the issue, said: `We first look at the birth certificate data, and
check the race data of the mother and father. If no race data exists,
the school will already be unable to accept the registration. That was
probably the cause of rejection in this case. We check the race status
of everyone, whether Armenian, Greek or Jew. We do not have a database
containing race status information. We request information from the
Civil Registry.’

In 2013, the National Education Directorate had rejected the
registration of a student who wanted to study at an Armenian school,
and the document of rejection had revealed that the State kept records
on its citizens according to race status. The official document
bearing the signature of a Deputy Director at the Istanbul Provincial
National Education Directorate stated that `exceptional’ [`vukuatlı’]
birth registries were marked with a secret `race code’. The same
document presented an example for the `race code’, and included the
expression, `The race code of our Armenian citizens is 2′.

Leave it to schools

Garo Paylan, Member of the Education Commission of VADÄ°P, also reacted
strongly against the implementation of the Ministry of National
Education. Stating that the practice should be ended immediately,
Paylan also made a proposal: `There is absolutely no legal basis for
the Ministry of National Education to decide whether the children are
Armenian or not. The initiative on registration should belong to
schools. A commission formed of our School Heads, or our foundations
should make the decisions.’

There is an existing legal regulation on which students can study at
minority schools. The Special Educational Institutions Law No. 5580
defines minority schools as, `pre-schools, primary schools and
secondary schools founded by Greek, Armenian and Jewish minorities,
under the assurance of the Lausanne Treaty, and attended by students
who are citizens of the Republic of Turkey, and members of their own
minority’. The Ministry of National Education decides whether a
student can study at these schools.

Confusion reigns

This implementation of the Ministry of National Education has led to
confusion at Armenian schools as well. The criteria of the procedure
are neither clear nor open. The Ministry bears the authority to decide
who is Armenian, and who is not. There are students who have been
refused registry despite both families and students having been
baptized at Armenian churches. On the other hand, the registration of
some students whose birth certificate states their religion as Islam
has not faced rejection.

Ministry is committing a crime

Parents are now preparing to take the matter to court. Ä°smail Cem
Halavurt, lawyer of the families, reacts strongly against the
implementation of the Ministry of National Education. Halavurt, who
had also acted as the lawyer of the family whose child was barred from
registration on the grounds of the race code, said, `This procedure is
entirely against the law. It has no legal basis whatsoever. It is a
racist, discriminatory and arbitrary practice. The right to education
is being restricted. There are international conventions outlining the
right to education. In the previous case that we won, the court
clearly ruled that this was an illegal practice, stating that the
right to education was among the most fundamental rights that needed
to be protected. The administration had not only failed to make the
necessary legal arrangements following this decision, but it also
forces people to suffer at court. This is an illegal procedure and the
Ministry is committing a crime. This practice must be evoked
completely.’

Halavurt pointed out that a new system where the decision on
registrations is left to schools could be introduced: `The initiative
should be left to the school. School heads should decide which student
to accept, and this obstacle should be lifted. Students and their
parents must not be made to suffer at court houses.’

`The Government’s inner conflict is a good sign’

Gözde Kazaz 01.30.2015 10:24

Executive director of HRW Middle East and North Africa Division Sarah
Leah Whitson will be visiting Istanbul on April 24 as part of the
`Project 2015′ group to take part in the Armenian Genocide 100th
Anniversary Commemoration. We interviewed Whitson in Istanbul, where
she held meetings with civilian society organizations in Turkey, which
will participate in the organization of the commemoration event; and
asked her about Turkey’s position in 2015, the Diaspora’s expectations
and the impact of Armenian identity on her life.

Sarah Leah Whitson, Executive Director of Human Rights Watch’s (HRW)
Middle East and North Africa Division, is a legal expert who for many
years has worked as a human rights advocate.

After graduating from the Harvard Law School, Whitson worked for an
international law firm and then in investment banking; she also
volunteered in civil society organizations including the Center for
Economic and Social Rights and the American Arab Anti-Discrimination
Committee. Since 2004, when she started work at HRW, she has published
numerous reports and articles on conflict zones including
Israel-Palestine, Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon. Whitson’s mother is
Armenian, and her family originates from Diyarbakır; so this year, she
has another significant agenda. Whitson will be visiting Istanbul on
April 24 as part of the `Project 2015′ group to take part in the
Armenian Genocide 100th Anniversary Commemoration. We interviewed
Whitson in Istanbul, where she held meetings with civil society
organizations in Turkey, which will participate in the organization of
the commemoration event; and asked her about Turkey’s position in
2015, the Diaspora’s expectations and the impact of Armenian identity
on her life.

We can perhaps begin with `Project 2015′. What will be the core
message of the people who will come from the Diaspora to Istanbul on
April 24?

This is a commemoration event that civil society in Turkey is
organizing, and has been organizing for several years. They started
this extremely important process. Diaspora Armenians have come from
abroad to Istanbul to participate in this commemoration event in
previous years, too. It is a very significant step in terms of
recognizing the Genocide in public space, and creating a platform for
debate. The aim this year is to make sure a greater number of Diaspora
Armenians come to Istanbul for the centennial.

We have three main messages. The first is, a 100 years later, we are
still here, we have survived. 1915 is not only a story of death and
destruction, but also one of survival against tremendous odds. The
second message is, 100 years later, we have not forgotten, and this
issue is not going away. And our third and most important message, not
only to the government of Turkey, but to the world, is this: Yes, it
is true, the government of Turkey may not be ready to do the right
thing, but many people, a large part of society in Turkey, is ready to
do the right thing. This April 24 will set an example for that.
Although States may not be prepared to act honestly because of
political reasons, societies are prepared to have an honest and open
debate, they are ready to do and say the right thing. We hope it is an
important show of solidarity between Turks and Armenians.

How does the Diaspora perceive the special commemoration event in Istanbul?

I can say that the people we have talked to have been tremendously
excited. Many people recognize that the most important conversation we
can be having right now is the one between Turks and Armenians. In
Armenia, and in places like Los Angeles, where there is a high
Armenian population, the Genocide remains a very vivid reality and
memory, and it is important that Armenians throughout the world all
have the opportunity to participate in a commemoration. But the
commemoration event in Istanbul is extremely important, because this
is where everything started, and this is where the problem remains;
the problem is not with the Armenians in the Diaspora, the problem is
not in Paris or Washington, the problem is here in Turkey. So this is
where we have to move forward.

What scale of participation do you expect?

Many Armenians have still not overcome the trauma. Therefore, it is
not easy to return to a land that nearly destroyed your entire
population. There is a lot of anxiety, a lot of fear. The vast
majority of the Armenian Diaspora, even though they are refugees from
these lands, have never been to Turkey, and the idea of coming here is
still very frightening to them. We want to help push that fear aside
and demonstrate that there are people for us to connect to, and we are
part of these lands as well.

You just mentioned that the problem continues to exist in these lands.
I want to ask you about Turkey’s position regarding 2015. As you know,
President ErdoÄ?an has announced that the 100th Anniversary of the
Dardanelles War will be commemorated on April 24. On the one hand,
Prime Minister Ahmet DavutoÄ?lu issues a message of condolence on the
anniversary of Hrant Dink’s passing and speaks of `a mutual future’
for Armenian and Turkish people, while on the other hand, high-ranking
state officials and Ministers like ÇavuÅ?oÄ?lu and Çiçek issue
statements about Turkey’s `action plan’ for 2015. What do you make of
these mixed messages coming from the government?

These mixed messages are in fact very obvious. We have to ask the
government, why do they send these mixed messages? Why are they taking
such a cheap shot, organizing a commemoration on April 24 for
Gallipoli, for the Dardanelles War, when it is not even the real
anniversary? It opens them up to a lot of mockery, because it so
transparently aims to distort the agenda.

But at the same time it shows that the government is conflicted. They
know that something is wrong, and certain steps must be taken, and
that is why they are making these few, small gestures. The condolence
message issued by former Prime Minister on 24 April 2014 was an
advance from what has been said in previous years. But we must still
underline that it is not far enough. Therefore, I suppose it is a good
thing that they are conflicted, because it means they are grappling
with this issue.

Sadly, in terms of action, they have failed to go beyond political
tactics. ErdoÄ?an has now been saying for a very long time that he is a
leader for Turkey, that he speaks with the voice of moral authority;
and on many international platforms he has expressed a voice of
principle. We’d like to see him act as that voice of principle, to
take that step forward, to show that he is perhaps the leader who can
take the issue forward. We are looking forward to the government of
Turkey doing the right thing; and that does not mean just agreeing to
what the Armenian Diaspora, Armenia, France or the US expects. They
should be guided by their own moral compass about coming to terms with
the past. Because, after all, not only Armenians, but the people of
Turkey are also held up, and cannot move beyond the horrors of the
past.

`We are looking forward to the government of Turkey doing the right
thing; and that does not mean doing what the Armenian Diaspora,
Armenia, France or the US expects. They should be guided by their own
moral compass.’

`The magnificence of the Surp Giragos Church showed me that the fire
of justice has not been extinguished’

Your grandfather was born in Diyarbakır. You visited Diyarbakır a few
years ago with your family. How did you feel when you returned to the
homeland of your family?

Yes, that was my second visit. I first visited Diyarbakır in 1994. I
was passing through on my way to Iraq. The Surp Giragos Church was in
ruins back then. I had met an old woman in her 90s, and people told me
that she was the only Armenian here. She was very old, blind, and
deaf. Then, I felt that this was the end of everything, and that
everything related to the past was lost. My grandfather was orphaned
in Diyarbakır, during the 1915 Genocide in Diyarbakır, and missonaries
took him to an orphanage in Lebanon.

To return, a year and a half ago, in 2013, and to see this beautiful
church, magnificently restored, to hear Abdullah DemirbaÃ…?, the Mayor
of the Sur District, talking about efforts to build a centre for the
Armenian community and heritage, and that there were Islamized
Armenians coming back to Diyarbakır, it was a tremendously moving
moment.

Being there in the church where my grandfather was baptized, to be
there not in ruins, but glory, and to be there with my children `
because it was very important for them to know where they came from,
who they are and in what conditions their forefathers lived ` evoked
incredible emotions. It was also very inspiring, too, because it
showed me that the flame of justice has not died, the people there are
doing this because it is the right thing, that flame continues to live
on in the hearts of the people of Diyarbakır. It’s so triumphant for
the human spirit. Hats off to the people of Diyarbakır, the Armenian
Diaspora community and the visionaries that made that happen.

You have been working in the field of human rights for many years, and
you hold an important position at your insitution. How did you choose
this path?

In fact, the path chose me. As an Armenian, you have a very strong
sense of being an underdog and having a sense of injustice. I was
raised with the notion of injustice, and the need for justice. I got
to know the broader world during my university education, and it was
natural for me to extend that compassion and take sides with the
oppressed. The Middle East was a natural place for me to focus,
because I speak Arabic, I have spent a lot of time in the Middle East
and I became very concerned about the issues there. Another reason for
me to focus on the Middle East is that I feel responsibility as a US
citizen. The US has been deeply involved in the region, and in such
bad ways. One of the first major activist challenges I took on was the
first Iraq War in 1994. I felt that the human cost of that war was
being kept secret from the US public. The non-transparent policy of
the US played a role in my continuing work regarding human rights
issues in the Middle East.

What you said about Armenian identity reminds me of a recent debate in
the Diaspora. Journalist Meline Toumani, the author of the book `There
Was and There Was Not’ speaks of how being Armenian requires that one
assume a mission regarding the Genocide, of some kind of
responsibility. What is your view on that debate?

I bought a copy but I haven’t read it yet. So it wouldn’t be fair for
me to comment without knowing precisely what Toumani says in the book.
What I do believe, however, is that Armenians have a responsibility.
We lost 75% of our population, and we are involved in a struggle,
because no one else will take up that struggle on our behalf. Black
Americans also have a responsibility, they continue to fight racism,
and they cannot escape that responsibility even if they want to. I
wish I carried no responsibility because of my Armenian identity, I
wish we were a problem-free society, yet biology and fate have
rendered that impossible.

`I wish I carried no responsibility because of my Armenian identity, I
wish we were a problem-free society, yet biology and fate have
rendered that impossible.’

`Christian minorities are specifically targeted in the Middle East’

You have close contact with the region. What is the situation of
Christian minorities, and of Armenians, who are part of that group, in
the war in Syria?

The current situation in the Middle East involves death and
destruction at a level we have not witnessed in a long time. The most
significant outcome of the war in Syria is of course the death of
almost 200,000 Syrians. This number will probably exceed 200 thousand
in the near future. It is a massive tragedy. Sunnis, Shiites,
Armenians: everyone is suffering. We are talking about a devastating
war against diversity. If we can imagine that the ethnic, cultural and
religious diversity that forms the richness of the Middle East is
being destroyed, then we can understand the magnitude of the tragedy
we face. However, Christian minorities are specifically targeted in
the Middle East. Armenians, one of the ancient Christian minorities of
the region, are about to be wiped out completely. On the other hand,
this war made me understand the value of the existence of the Armenian
state in a way I had not considered before. Armenia is one of the most
significant destinations where Armenians fleeing Syria can seek
shelter. They no doubt live in difficult conditions there, too, but we
can say that they have better conditions than the refugee camps in
Jordan or Turkey.

24heures.ch, Suisse
14 fevr 2015

L’Arménie s’invite toute l’année à La Goulue

Musique Le lieu de concert situé Ã Saint-Légier accueillera plusieurs
soirées dédiées à l’ancienne république soviétique. L’enregistrement
d’un disque est en cours.

L’Arménie sera sous les projecteurs internationaux le 24 avril
prochain, Ã l’enseigne des commémorations du génocide perpétré il y a
tout juste cent ans.

A Saint-Légier, c’est tout au long de l’année que l’on célébrera les
compositeurs et les musiciens de l’ancienne république soviétique.
Lieu de concert connu et prisé des mélomanes de la région, La Goulue
ouvre en effet grand ses portes aux artistes du pays cher à Aznavour,
à l’enseigne d’une véritable «saison arménienne».

«Les musiciens de ce pays sont légion en Europe, et nous en avons déjÃ
accueilli plusieurs en dix-sept ans d’activité. Mais j’entretiens
aussi des relations étroites avec ce pays à la culture musicale très
riche», témoigne Pierre-Alain Beffa, propriétaire des lieux.

Sept des dix concerts de la saison auront donc une couleur arménienne.
A noter que celui agendé dimanche à 19?h?30 sera, lui, dédié aux
musiques italiennes et anglaises des XVIe et XVIIe siècles.

En parallèle, Pierre-Alain Beffa réunit les fonds nécessaires à la
production du nouveau disque des Little Singers of Armenia, chÃ…`ur
d’enfants et d’ados qu’il soutient activement et pour lequel il
éprouva un véritable coup de foudre il y a douze ans.

«Ce chÅ`ur pourrait entamer une carrière internationale incroyable,
mais il réside dans un pays pauvre¦ Ce disque, consacré Ã des Å`uvres
de Benjamin Britten, est en cours d’enregistrement sous l’égide de
VDE-Gallo.»

En mai 2016, Ã l’invitation du propriétaire de La Goulue et grce Ã
l’appui d’une mécène, le chÃ…`ur arménien effectuera une tournée suisse
qui emmènera les chanteurs du Victoria Hall de Genève jusqu’au Tessin,
en passant notamment par Saint-Légier et Vevey. (24 heures)

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Feb 14 2015

Officer arrested in the case of death of cadet Haykaz Barseghyan

14 February 2015 – 4:46pm

The Investigative Committee of Armenia reported today that new data
has appeared in the case of the death of the cadet Haykaz Barseghian,
rejecting the version of his suicide. Barseghyan was found hanged at a
training ground in Yerevan.

According to the Ministry, within the framework of the investigation,
officer Artem Avetisyan was arrested in the Yerevan military unit. The
officer is suspected of committing a criminal offense under Part 1 of
Article 375 of the RA Criminal Code “Abuse of authority, excess or
inactivity of authority.”

IRAN READY TO STRIKE AZERBAIJAN’S KEY CENTERS

Igor Muradyan, Political Analyst
Comments – 13 February 2015, 17:31

As is known, Iran went for a compromise with the Western community
in regard to its nuclear program and is punctually fulfilling its
technological and political commitments. Meanwhile, under the powerful
pressure of Israel and its friends in the United States, despite its
strategic defeat, the West has been able to force the great powers
to extend the talks which were practically finished by the end of 2014.

Nevertheless, Iran does not stop the talks and continues them
consistently. Interestingly, at this stage it turns out that the
United States and the West are interested in Iran’s nuclear program
more than Iran’s geopolitical position, regional political intentions.

After the revolutions in Arab states, especially after the
deteriorating relations with Turkey and Pakistan the United States and
NATO turned to Iran as a potential partner in several regions at once.

A Shiite country with a European culture and an Indo-European language
is viewed as a primary partner in the Near East.

Iran is trying to benefit from changes in the regions, take a better
position and a more important role in the regions. Besides nuclear
programs Iran designs modern weapons, primarily missiles and different
other firearms, as well as warships of different classes.

Iran is working on the improvement of Shahab-4 ballistic missiles. Now
Shahab-3 missile with a range of 1250-1300 km with a 1000 kg warhead
has been delivered to the armed forces. After tests on 25 May 2002
the missile was approved by the state commission, and 16 missiles
were supposed to be delivered to the armed forces on 1 February
2003. There is information that there is an upgraded Shahab-3 which
possesses the characteristics of Shahab-4, primarily its precision
and range. During the test of the state commission it was established
that its range reaches 1500 km.

Shahab-4 must have two modifications, with ranges of 1500 km
and 2000 km. Shahab-5 will have a range of 10,000 km, it will be
intercontinental. Shahab-4 will become a medium-range base missile
and will have modifications. For this purpose the Iranian military
state in conversations with military attaches of friendly countries
that Iran has practically created Shahab-4.

Iran also has Zelzal-2 and Fateh-110 rockets, is currently working on
Tow rocket. The missile program is an important component of Iran’s
foreign policy.

Iran has an objective to sell missiles. In May 2002 Iran proposed
Iraq to start negotiations on acquisition of missiles. Iran’s missile
program is under consideration in U.S.-Iran and UK-Iran negotiations.

Iran thereby puts pressure on the entire region and the Western
community.

There is no evidence whether Shahab-3 is already on duty. The Americans
were worried about Iran’s tactical missiles with which Iran could block
the Persian Gulf and the Caspian basin rather than Shahab-4. Formerly
it was Iran’s last attempt to use hostile Iraq’s military potential.

Iran was able to use the possibilities of neighbor countries setting
up relations with the countries of Central Asia. Pakistan did not
cooperate with Iran because it depends heavily on the United States
and Saudi Arabia.

Iran’s key achievement, however, is training of human resources,
which allowed creating self-sufficient complexes to design and produce
nuclear weapons, missiles, aviation, artillery, armored cars.

Of course, over the past 10 years the Arab states have acquired an
unprecedented quantity of arms under the impression of Iran’s success
in the sphere of defense.

Iran’s leadership announced that it does not intend to design Shahab-4
and thereby demonstrates its readiness to pay attention to the concerns
of regional states and the United States. In reality, Shahab-3 has
the characteristics and political importance of Shahab-4.

With a range of 1500 km it allows blackmailing the entire region, i.e.

the political purpose has been obtained.

Shahab-4 may not be created officially or the existing missile with
its characteristics will not be named so. There are scientific and
technical reasons. This family of missiles is not distinguished for
high precision and reliability. Perhaps, the Iranians need to upgrade
Shahab-3 to a certain level, which will require a lot of time (most
probably, 2-3 years), presenting technical issues as pacifism.

At the same time, depending on the foreign political situation, Iran
will create an intercontinental missile with a range of 2500 km. Iran
has more success in tactical missiles with a range of 150-200 km.

Missiles for navy were a particular success.

Recently Iran has launched works on the analogue of C-300 which
is still at the stage of designing. The goal has been set, and the
Iranians believe that they will achieve a similar solution, China
may have certain participation. The final decision on designing this
system was made after Russia refused to supply these systems. No
doubt, Iran has a historical lack of confidence in Russia. Iran has
given up cooperation with Russia in the defense and security spheres,
which used to exist quietly.

Iran does not give up and is using different means for filling the gaps
in the sphere of defense. In particular, Iran was shocked when Russia
refused to supply C-300 systems to it but send them to Azerbaijan.

Iran launched Fajir satellite on orbit with Safir launcher. It is
the fourth in Iran’s satellites and is equipped with GPS.

Iran’s political leadership intends to sell missiles at any price,
and it would be desirable to supply missiles to EU or NATO member
states, such as Greece, Albania, Cyprus, as well as Central Asia and
the Caucasus. It seems realistic for the part of Greece.

In December 2002 Iran received 15 warships from North Korea,
including 6 Peykaap fast patrol boats, 2 Tir fast attack boats,
5 Taedong submarines. Each of them is armed with 2 32 cm torpedoes.

In 2001-2002 Iran ordered 45 fast patrol boats, small submarines
and small class warships to North Korea which Iran has equipped
with missiles. The 38 ones received in 2002 are in the Caspian Sea,
including 29 fast boats.

In 2006 Iran created a diesel submarine which can launch ballistic
missiles. In 2011 Iran restructured its missile forces, standing
among the Western states by its level of development.

Iran has a dominant position in the Persian Gulf. Its navy has resolved
almost all the problems, including complete lift of blockade on the
gulf. Iran falls behind in air force but there are expectations from
cooperation with the United States and France, which is necessary to
fight such phenomena as the “Islamic State of Iraq and Levant”.

In 2003-2012 Iran’s defense industry leaped forward and resolved a
lot of complicated problems. All kinds of strategic and tactical
missiles have been created which can carry warheads of different
calibers and purpose.

While earlier the defense capability of Iran’s missiles was questions
by American and Russian experts, the latest tests and maneuvers have
left no room for doubts about the Iranian missiles.

Considering the advantages of Turkey and Saudi Arabia over Iran in
terms of air force, Iran’s missiles gain special importance and would
have a key role in any large-scale conflict.

Besides problems in the Persian Gulf problems occur in the Caspian Sea,
primarily relating to Azerbaijan. Iran is ready to strike Azerbaijan’s
key centers and forces, especially that all the issues relating to
location of forces and important communication hubs and airports have
been resolved.

THE RENAISSANCE OF AN OTTOMAN ARMENIAN FEMINIST

Hurriyet Daily news, Turkey
Feb 12 2015

William Armstrong – [email protected]

‘The Gardens of Silihdar’ by Zabel Yessayan (AIWA Press, 163 pages)

The late 19th century witnessed an extraordinary flourishing of
Ottoman Armenian culture that has since been described as an “Armenian
renaissance.” The rapid growth of schools, social organizations,
periodicals and European trends led to a transformation in the
language and intellectual landscape of the Ottoman Armenian community –
similar to elsewhere in the empire.

Along with this cultural ferment was a new emphasis on the advancement
of women in Armenian society, and a number of women intellectuals
reached positions of prominence previously unheard of in a rigidly
hierarchical community. Although her name was almost forgotten in the
decades after her death in the 1940s, Zabel Yessayan is currently
experiencing something of a mini-renaissance of her own thanks to
a couple of new translations of her work by Jennifer Manoukian,
commissioned by the Armenian International Women’s Association.

Yessayan’s pioneering proto-feminism and her descriptions of the
social details of a fascinating period make “The Gardens of Silihdar,”
her memoir of growing up in late 19th century Ottoman Istanbul,
a fascinating artefact.

Born in the Silihdar neighborhood of Uskudar, on the Asian side of
Istanbul, Yessayan provides a vivid portrait of an introverted, deeply
conservative Armenian community and its characters. What starts as a
fairly unremarkable memoir develops into a more sophisticated portrait
of the artist as a young woman, describing her coming of age from a
restless and tempestuous child to a melancholy, talented young woman.

French and American schools were proliferating at the time, and new
fashions and ideas were shaking traditional life in metropolitan areas
across the Ottoman Empire. Yessayan’s father was himself influenced,
keen not to create obstacles for his daughter, open-minded and
encouraging Zabel to develop her interests and get a sound education.

Her portrait of him is as sympathetic as anyone in the book (there
aren’t many sympathetic portraits), although his spendthriftiness
meant that the household was wracked by financial instability. “The
days my father needed to repay his debts did not just arrive; they
exploded like bombs,” Yessayan writes.

As for communal relations, she draws a familiar picture of a guarded
tolerance being gradually, inexorably overtaken by political tension.

At one point her family temporarily moves to a Turkish village a few
miles away for her mother’s health, and she reflects: “A few years
later, it would have been impossible for an Armenian family to live
safely in an entirely Turkish village, but in those days there were
still no traces of ethnic tension between Armenians and Turks, and the
two peoples treated each other with a calm sense of shared humanity.”

Yessayan was born in 1878, and came of age at a troubled time. A
cultural renaissance may have been going on, but it was also
an era of accelerating social turmoil, and there are plenty of
references in this book to the plight of suffering Armenians in
Anatolia. Her growing up was simultaneously a process of awakening
and disillusionment. Reflecting on her time at one of the Armenian
high schools, she gloomily describes it as “just a miniature version
of the adult world that I would come to know, complete with its dirty
dealings, narcissism, hypocrisy, lies and selfishness.” It was, she
writes, “as if there were a courtroom in my mind where the people
I encountered and the things I experienced were subject to harsh,
endless judgment.”

Yessayan’s developing feminism was sharpened by the stultifying
conservatism of the community. “Those young women could not leave the
house by themselves,” she writes angrily, “some were even forced to
marry men they despised. They were not free to dress as they pleased
or behave as they saw fit. Essentially, they were deprived of their
most basic freedoms and feared that, sooner or later, they would be
constrained by motherhood – a fate they wished to escape in order to
create the lives they had envisioned for themselves.” Dismissive of
these tendencies, she had no time as a writer for the “sentimental
romanticism” that was the literary fashion of the day, and her own
memoir formally remains quite straightforward and undemonstrative.

Years after the events described in “The Gardens of Silihdar,”
Yessayan was included as the only woman on the list of Istanbul
Armenian intellectuals targeted for arrest and deportation by the
Young Turk regime on April 24, 1915. She managed to flee the empire
and almost two decades later ended up in Soviet Armenia, where this
book was published in 1935. Despite Yessayan’s prominence in late
Ottoman Istanbul, her work was essentially ignored after her death in a
Siberian labor camp, as a victim of Stalin’s Great Purge. Hopefully it
is now beginning to attract the attention that it deserves once again.

February/12/2015