Armenian Coaches In Netherlands

ARMENIAN COACHES IN NETHERLANDS

news.am
March 26

Armenian football coaches and instructors of Armenia’s Football
Federation visited a seminar in the Netherlands organized in the
framework of UEFA’s Study Group Scheme in March 19-22. Youth football
was the main theme of the seminar.

The delegates listened to a lecture by the head coach of Netherland’s
youth football team Wim van Zwam, visited the training base of Ajax,
the academies of Willem II and Waalwijk clubs, and got acquainted
with Johan Cruyff’s youth football development program.

Armenian Football Federation instructors Albert Safaryan, Armen
Sanamyan and Ashot Avetisyan, coaches Arthur Asoyan (Ulis), Slava
Gabrileyan (Gandzasar), Mamikon Gharibjanyan (Mika), Aram Danielyan
(Pyunik), Abraham Khashmanyan (Gandzasar), Varazdat Avetisyan
(Armenia’s Youth National Football Team), Felix Khojoyan (Shirak),
Roman Simonyan (Banants) were among members of Armenia’s delegation.

Reincarnation Of Rotten System

Reincarnation Of Rotten System

Story from Lragir.am News:

Published: 12:59:14 – 22/03/2012

Ashot Manucharyan told reporters today there are two common
falsehoods. First, the bad ones will go and the good ones will come
and everything will change. Second, the system in the U.S. is good
while the one here is not. According to Manucharyan, the system in the
U.S. and in the whole world is dying and people are looking for a new
system, while here they are trying to build up the rotten system.

Manucharyan says these two falsehoods need to be overcome. As to the
movement Occupy Wall Street in the U.S. and Europe, he thinks it is
one of the attempts to destroy the current system.

Manucharyan notes that the world will have a major role and for this
reason everything can change in one second. Parties have entered into
deals so often that they depend on the outside because the money is
outside. Currently, a competition is on to see which party will deal
with robbery.

Manucharyan notes that the important question is how we will get out
of this situation. `We saw a different system in 1988, harmonic human
relations when no one was going home from the square. We can restore
this situation, we have better possibilities now.’

http://www.lragir.am/engsrc/country25542.html

Le Jérusalem Arménien dans les Limbes

ISRAËL
Le Jérusalem Arménien dans les Limbes

The Armenian Mirror-Spectator
8 mars 2012
Par Edmond Y. Azadian

Deux Patriarches arméniens dans un état végétatif – l’un à Istanbul et
l’autre à Jérusalem – voilà qui n’est pas de bonne augure pour
l’Eglise Arménienne dans son ensemble. Ces deux patriarches occupent
dans la hiérarchie de l’église arménienne deux sièges importants, et
ils sont tous deux impotents par un coup tragique de la nature. Mais
ce qui est plus tragique encore, c’est le silence oppressant envers
ces deux situations qui règne dans le monde arménien. Les deux
patriarcats sont situés dans des pays où ne règne pas un amour éperdu
envers les Arméniens.

Pour ce qui concerne le patriarcat d’Istanbul, la communauté s’est
avérée incapable de prendre les décisions qui s’imposaient dès lors
qu’on a su que le Patriarche Mesrop Mutafian était atteint d’un mal
incurable. Deux propositions différentes avaient été soumises aux
autorités turques : élire un nouveau patriarche ou élire un patriarche
coadjuteur pour diriger les affaires du Patriarcat. Les autorités
préférèrent une troisième solution, en faveur de l’évêque Aram
Ateshian, relativement peu connu de la communauté mais bien placé pour
mener à bien l’agenda politique de la Turquie.

S’agissant du Patriarcat de Jérusalem, la gravité de la situation
était prévisible. A plusieurs reprises, le Patriarche vieillissant
Torkom Manoogian avait montré son incapacité à défendre les intérêts
du patriarcat dans certaines affaires immobilières, et il était tout à
fait évident qu’il pourrait exposer encore plus le patrimoine du
patriarcat aux appétits des requins lorgnant sur ces biens immobiliers
de grande valeur.

Les Arméniens vivent à Jérusalem depuis des temps immémoriaux. En 95
avant Jésus Christ, Jérusalem faisait partie de l’empire de Tigrane
II. Mais le patriarcat ne s’y était établi qu’au septième siècle,
quand le calife Umar Ibn Khattab proclama Abraham I, évêque haut placé
dans la hiérarchie de l’Eglise Arménienne, comme patriarche de
l’Eglise Arménienne et chef des confessions orthodoxes d’Orient
(Assyriens, Coptes et Abyssiniens) pour neutraliser l’autorité du
Patriarcat Orthodoxe Grec Sophronius. Ce n’est pas un hasard si un
autre dirigeant musulman, Fatih Sultan Mohammed, contribua à a
fondation du Patriarchat d’Istanbul, après la conquête de cette ville
en 1453, sur les mêmes motivations politiques, c’est-à-dire la
neutralisation de l’église byzantine. Evidemment, les Arméniens
tirèrent profit de ces rivalités, mais ils s’attirèrent de ce fait
l’hostilité perpétuelle de l’Eglise Orthodoxe Grecque, jusqu’à
aujourd’hui. A ce propos, le rapprochement récent d’Israël et de
Chypre (et par extension, la Grèce) peut amener de l’eau au moulin de
la rivalité entre les églises du patriarcat grec et les Arméniens dans
la Ville Sainte.

Mais les Arméniens n’ont nul besoin d’ennemis étrangers. Ils sont
parfaitement capables de se détruire eux-mêmes et de détruire leurs
propres institutions. On estime généralement à 16 000 le nombre
d’Arméniens vivant à Jérusalem au moment de la partition de 1948. Ce
nombre a atteint 25 000 au plus haut. Aujourd’hui, ils sont moins de 1
000. On peut à bon droit se demander pourquoi ces gens, se sentant en
sécurité et ayant des perspectives de prospérité dans ‘le seul pays
démocratique du Moyen Orient`, iraient rechercher des opportunités
dans des terres lointaines. La réponse à cette question est donnée
dans l’un des journaux de la presse israélienne, Ha’aretz, par un
journaliste nommé Nir Hossan qui écrit : `La communauté chrétienne de
Jérusalem se sent comme prise d’assaut, et c’est le cas en particulier
des Chrétiens qui vivent au voisinage des Juifs. Les prêtres de la
Vieille Ville, les prêtres arméniens en particulier, qui doivent
souvent traverser le Quartier Juif, disent qu’on leur crache dessus
tous les jours`.

Le crachat pourrait encore ne pas être l’acte le plus offensant à
l’encontre des Arméniens, qui sont assis sur une mine d’or. L’appétit
ravageur des colons et développeurs juifs finira par exproprier le
patriarcat de ses possessions immobilières, avec l’assentiment
bienveillant des autorités israéliennes.

Et cependant, en face de ces gros appétits, nous avons un patriarche
comateux et moribond et une Confrérie divisée, incapable de gérer ses
affaires. Bien que le moins étendu des quartiers de Jérusalem, comparé
aux quartiers juif, chrétien et musulman, le quartier arménien couvre
un sixième de la Vieille Ville. Mais le patriarcat possède des
propriétés en dehors des limites de la Vieille Ville, qu’elle a
notoirement géré en dépit du bon sens à travers les siècles.

Les Arméniens ont traversé sporadiquement les `Crises de Jérusalem` en
ne faisant qu’alerter la communauté mondiale pour qu’elle vienne à son
secours, mais en même temps, la transparence et la tenue des comptes
ne sont pas dans le vocabulaire du Patriarche.

Les trésors et les biens accumulés au cours des siècles sont les
présents des Arméniens confiés à la Fraternité, supposée de n’agir
qu’en temps que dépositaire de ces richesses. Mais rares sont les
chefs spirituels qui ont bien compris ce rôle ; la plupart d’entre eux
se sont comportés comme s’ils étaient propriétaires du lieu saint.
Cela n’est certainement pas une critique dirigée contre un patriarche
en particulier ou tel membre de la Confrérie.

Un cas typique de crise historique s’est produit en 1914, juste avant
la Première Guerre Mondiale et le Génocide des Arméniens. A cette
époque, le Patriarcat de Jérusalem était sous la tutelle du Conseil
National Central à Istanbul, qui décida de dépêcher une délégation
dirigée par deux chefs réputés pour résoudre la crise. L’un de ces
deux chefs était l’Archevêque Malachian Ormanian, lui-même un
personnage de dimension historique en tant qu’ancien patriarche et
historien par ses études approfondies sur l’histoire de l’église
arménienne et sa théologie. L’autre chef était Vahan Tekeyan, un poète
de classe internationale et une personnalité publique parfaitement
intègre.

Dès l’arrivée de la délégation à Jérusalem, l’Archevêque Ormanian
man`uvra avec les membres de la Confrérie pour rendre discréditer la
participation de Tekeyan. La guerre éclata par la suite et tout cela
sombra dans une confusion encore plus grande. C’est un problème
endémique ; à chaque fois qu’un corps de rang plus élevé s’emploie à
exercer son autorité pour remettre la maison de Jérusalem en ordre, le
clergé se ligue et déclare sa fière indépendance, avec l’arrogance de
`ceux qui savent mieux que les autres`. Mais cette bravoure ne
s’exerce que contre l’autorité arménienne, laïque ou spirituelle. Dès
lors qu’il s’agit d’une autorité quelle qu’elle soit, la Confrérie est
docile et malléable. C’est là que se perd la partie.

L’Eglise russe de Jérusalem recevait énormément de Moscou, même à
l’époqie soviétique. Mais notre clergé rencle à demander la
protection du Gouvernement arménien ou même celle du Chef Spirituel de
l’Eglise arménienne ou de toute autre institution. Cette réaction
excessive à tout avis extérieur ou aide extérieure est protégée par le
droit des les lieux saints. Ce droit est issu d’un décret du Sultan
ottoman Abdul Majid pris en 1852, connu sous le nom de Status Quo, qui
régit les droits, privilèges et l’autorité des différentes religions.
Ce droit a été appliqué par le pouvoir ottoman, le pouvoir colonial
britannique, jordanien et israélien.

D’une part, il protège les diverses religions et sociétés contre
l’ingérence du pouvoir en place et d’autre part, il préserve le sort
des richesses considérables détenues par telle Confrérie à qui elles
ont été confiées.

Les années précédentes ont été consacrées à des discussions avec la
Confrérie de Saint Jacques pour prévoir une succession en douceur,
tandis que la santé du Patriarche se dégradait. L’an passé, une
convocation de la Confrérie été annulée à deux reprises. A son ordre
du jour figurait principalement l’élection d’un nouveau Patriarche.
Cette délicate succession exige un avenant au règlement intérieur du
Patriarcat, et il en a été préparé un. Cependant, la procrastination
du Patriarche a conduit à l’impasse actuelle. A ce jour, le Grand
Sacristain du Patriarcat, l’Archevêque Nourhan Manoukian, a assuré la
responsabilité de la gestion des affaires courantes du Patriarcat.

Malheureusement, il n’y a que peu de chances que la santé du
Patriarche s’améliore. Autour de ce problème, règne un silence
mondial, ce qui est très dangereux. Les candidats qui pourraient y
succéder et améliorer la situation n` semblent pas intéressés. Mais
d’un autre côté, les candidats qui sont prêts à accéder au siège et à
imiter le style de vie de l’extravagant Patriarche Yeghishe Derderian
se tiennent prêts à saisir cette opportunité.

Ce n’est pas seulement le patrimoine matériel du Patriarcat qui est en
cause, ce sont également les richesses culturelles et historiques. La
tentative de vente de 28 manuscrits enluminés chez Sotheby à Londres
est encore dans les esprits. Les autorités turques et israéliennes
gardent elles aussi un `il intéressé sur les archives du Patriarcat
d’Istanbul transférées pour leur préservation à Jérusalem pendant la
Première Guerre Mondiale. Elles recèlent des documents accusateurs sur
le Génocide des Arméniens.

Jérusalem est un souci pour tous, et oui, l’affaire de chaque
Arménien. La Confrérie doit se mettre à la portée de la communauté
arménienne du monde, dépasser les dispositions du Status Quo, et élire
un digne successeur et aussi recourir à la coopération d’experts
immobiliers et financiers pour sauver notre héritage en Terre Sainte.

Prions pour le rétablissement de notre Patriarche malade mais avant
tout, prions pour préserver le futur plein de menaces du Patriarcat de
Jérusalem, aujourd’hui dans les limbes.

Commentaire et traduction de Gilbert Béguian

Un appel très convaincant d’Edmond Azadian aux Arméniens du monde sur
le sort des Patriarcats de Constantinople et de Jérusalem. Un texte
plein d’informations et d’explications historiques et sociologiques
(les sources de l’hostilité de l’Eglise orthodoxe en particulier
Grecque contre l’Eglise Arménienne, ou le transfert des archives à
Jérusalem ). En moins de trois pages, sans jamais accuser, mettant
l’accent sur les travers du comportement des chefs arméniens qu’ils
soient religieux ou politiques, l’auteur en tire des leçons que les
Arméniens du monde devraient méditer ; sur les ravages de la désunion.

GB

dimanche 25 mars 2012,
Jean Eckian ©armenews.com

Tuvalu to recognize NKR independence?

Tuvalu to recognize NKR independence?

08:16 pm | March 24, 2012 | Politics

“Armenia has established diplomatic relations with the state of Tuvalu
of the Pacific Ocean in order to reach international recognition of
the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic,” writes the Hurriyet.

We remind that on March 16, UN Permanent Representatives of Armenia
and Tuvalu Karen Nazaryan and Falema Pitan signed a Joint Declaration
on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of
Armenia and Tuvalu.

According to the author of the article, Armenia, on the one hand, is
taking steps to include Armenian Genocide recognition on the political
agenda of several countries ahead of April 24th, and on the other
hand, to reach international recognition of Nagorno-Karabakh. The
author of the article writes that Ankara is “closely following up on
the strengthening of relations between Armenia and Tuvalu” because
last year, Tuvalu recognized the independence of the breakaway regions
of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in exchange for Russia’s $3.4 million.

“To not hurt relations with the West, Armenia, which itself doesn’t
recognize the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh, can follow Russia’s
example and offer money to the Pacific Ocean state; otherwise, what is
the meaning of establishing relations with a country that is located
at a 15,000 kilometer distance from Yerevan?” notes the author of the
article. According to the author, what’s also interesting is the fact
that a day after that, on March 17, RA Foreign Minister Edward
Nalbandyan left for Georgia “to clarify the situation with his
Georgian counterpart”.

The author also doesn’t exclude that Russia is aware of this step.
Russia is “discontent with NATO placing anti-missile systems in the
territory of Turkey and Ankara’s position on Syria”.

http://www.a1plus.am/en/politics/2012/03/24/tuvalu

ANKARA: France Obsessing Over Turkey’s Rising Regional Profile

Journal of Turkish Weekly
March 24 2012

France Obsessing Over Turkey’s Rising Regional Profile, Scholar

Saturday, 24 March 2012

France is having difficulty grappling with a Turkey that is
increasingly moving into areas that Paris has long viewed as its
sphere of influence, according to a French scholar of international
relations. `The French Foreign Ministry is obsessed by Turkey’s rising
profile in the region,’ said Dorothée Schmid of the Institut français
des relations internationales (IFRI).

`Turkey is an indispensable country, but one that we don’t know how to
cope with,’ she recently told the Hürriyet Daily News, noting that it
had been `unbearable’ for France to see Turkey calling itself a
natural player in Syria and Lebanon amid the tumult of the Arab
Spring.

Does French President Nicolas Sarkozy have a personal obsession with Turkey?

Many in Turkey believe that French President Nicolas Sarkozy has a
personal obsession with Turkey.
He is not obsessed with Turkey, but he is negative; he does not want
to change his mind. This is one of the fixed points in his political
concepts: Turkey is not a European country, it is not exactly an easy
partner, and it is not always a friendly country.

I think it is very much to do with the relationship of competition
between the two countries and between the two leaders as well. The two
[Sarkozy and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip ErdoÄ?an] have met
very rarely but don’t like each other. They both have this sort of
authoritarian type. They like to show that they are the boss, and they
want to show that they can be in command.

Where do Turkey and France compete?

In terms of diplomacy, in the Middle East. Sarkozy is not obsessed
with Turkey. But the French Foreign Ministry is obsessed by Turkey’s
rising profile in the region. That’s for sure. French diplomats [are
more likely] to work with the Turks; they take Turkey seriously. They
see Turkey as an indispensable partner but also a potential spoiler in
the region. For the French, [Turkey] is a spoiler because they are in
the French backyard. It has become increasingly popular among Arab
people and part of the Arab elite, while France is sort of a declining
figure and has had to face few incidents during the Arab Spring. Our
first reactions did not exactly assess the importance of the course of
the Arab revolts in due time.

Turks sided with the people quite firmly, and they have been [engaging
in] communication quite well ever since. But the French were not that
brave. In an effort to rehabilitate the image of France in the region,
France had to go to Libya to sort of make up for past mistakes like
getting closer to [former Libyan leader Moammar] Gadhafi and for not
understanding what was going on in Tunisia.

But France is still an important player in the Middle East and Turkey
is seen as a spoiler because it interferes with French affairs. To say
that Turkey is a natural player in Syria and Lebanon is really
unbearable for the French. But also in multilateral frames, when you
have to make up solutions with NATO or as in the case of Syria with
the Arab League, Turkey seems to be working ¦ to play its own line and
does not seem to be extremely eager to find an agreement with its
partners.

France does not consider Turkey as a reliable ally in terms of crises
in the Middle East. Turkey is an indispensable country, but one that
we don’t know how to cope with.

What do you mean when you said Turkey interferes in French affairs?

An example would be when ErdoÄ?an did his Middle East tour last
September and when Sarkozy managed to go to Libya before him.

The French view was that ErdoÄ?an’s initiative was misplaced. He wanted
to reap the benefits of the whole operation when he was not in a
leading position.

Turkey was not a combatant in the Libyan crisis; it was unfair for
Turkey to reap the political profit of the whole Libya operation.

I think there was an agreement actually on this particular issue
between the French and British that the leading profile would be a
Franco-British [coalition] with the U.S. in the background; Turks
would not have the right to show off too much.

We should actually question the idea that Turkey is that wanted in the
Middle East. What we see from France is that there is a blurred vision
of what Turks have in mind on Syria at the moment.
The French believe that Turks are not ready to be fully in charge and
have difficulties living up to expectations.

Is there a change in French public opinion toward Turkey?

The French public is not anti-Turkish. When you look at the polls,
Turkey has a better image in France that it has in Germany. The French
have sympathy for Turkish culture and history. So in a way, Sarkozy is
a bit at odds with the public. I was amazed to see how Turks receive
the negative signals emitted by Sarkozy and how strongly they reacted
to it. Reaction to the Armenian law [which would have criminalized
denials of the 1915 events as genocide until it was recently struck
down by the country’s Constitutional Council] was massive. Turkey is a
hot-blooded country. This is something our diplomats have difficulty
[in understanding]. They think this is a phase, that Turks are
experimenting, that it is searching for a style and a place where it
has leverage, but that it is sometimes overplaying its hand.

The Turks, however, think that it was their strong reaction that led
to the cancelation of the law. What do you think about this whole
controversy about the motion?

I was amazed to see how the whole thing backfired on the president. He
was not in control of his majority. There were divergences. What looks
strange to me is how Turks managed to appear to look like victims.
It’s paradoxical; the objective was to bring up the Armenian issue and
have it discussed publicly, even if it was in an awkward way. This is
not the best way to raise the debate on the issue. It was interesting
to see that Turks showed their weaknesses more than their strengths.
They appeared as a victim of the Armenian lobby, which is a very small
community [in which few of the associations are radical]. But the
mainstream is not anti-Turkish. There is a lot to be done for Turks to
understand what goes on in the mind of the Armenian diaspora.

There is more evolution in the diaspora toward dialogue, but you also
have organizations that think the right tactic is to hit the Turks
hard. But [the latest developments] have shown the limits of the
tactic inside France.

What will happen to bilateral ties if Sarkozy is re-elected?

It will go through a new period of strain. It will have the same
background: flourishing economic relations with lots of French
investment in Turkey ` this [French] business community is becoming
more vocal. Even if the president remains anti-Turkish, French
diplomats and business elite are pro-Turkish and the public is rather
sympathetic to Turkey. That context should normally prevent big damage
from happening, except if Turks turn anti-French themselves.

And what will happen if Socialist challenger François Hollande becomes
president?

Hollande is a very consensual type. He has been delivering rather
contradictory messages on Turkey. He said he would deal with the
Armenian issue in a spirit of appeasement, but he made promises to
Armenians saying he would go for the law again. He says he is not
against Turkish accession in the EU but there are conditions. The
community-based constituents who are biased against Turkey, Kurds and
Armenians, have had traditionally good relations with the Socialist
Party, and they are marginally affecting the Socialists’ discourse.

Hollande would do more team work. Other Socialists who are more
favorable to Turkey will also have a say.

Will diplomatic issues remain a challenging area in the future, too?

It will be difficult for Turkey and the EU to carve out common
positions. I don’t see easy cooperation between the EU and Turkey on
Middle Eastern affairs. Turks have a veto psychology. When they come
together with allies, they say, `I want to have a say because I can
say `no.”
This is a big problem when you have difficulties in building a large
consensus. Turkey prefers being in the leading position rather than
adopting [itself to the larger] consensus.

Saturday, 24 March 2012

HDN

Azerbaijan can’t exclude Stepanakert from Karabakh talks – expert

Azerbaijan can’t exclude Stepanakert from Karabakh talks – expert

March 24, 2012 – 15:52 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – Azerbaijan’s attempts to reduce or dismiss the role
of official Stepanakert in Nagorno Karabakh conflict settlement are
doomed to fail, according to Armenian political analyst.

`Nagorno Karabakh Republic is a direct party to the conflict and there
can be no advancement in the resolution process without it. Though
authorities of Karabakh don’t partake in the high-level meetings
between Presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan, OSCE Minsk Group
co-chairs conduct negotiations with them and de-facto confirm the role
of Artsakh as a direct conflict side as a part of their visits to the
South Caucasus,’ Alexander Manasyan said.

Birth rate decreases, child death increases in Armenia

Birth rate decreases, child death increases in Armenia

news.am
March 24, 2012 | 03:51

Year by year the birth rate decreases in Armenia and the numbers of
child deaths increases, the statistics of the National Statistics
Service shows.

In 2010, 44,825 babies were born in Armenia. In 2011, 43,447 babies
were born. In 2010, 27,921 people died in Armenia, in 2011 that number
reached to 28,030.

In 2010, 804 stillbirth cases have been registered in Armenia. In
2010, there were 344 death cases of new born (0-27 days old).

Statistics show, that Armenia’s Kotayk region has the highest number
of stillbirth while Shirak region is number one in regard of new born
deaths.

Cyngerdd I Gefnogi Armenia – Concert To Support Armenia

CYNGERDD I GEFNOGI ARMENIA – CONCERT TO SUPPORT ARMENIA
TUDUR H JONES

Daily Post (Liverpool)
March 21, 2012 Wednesday
North Wales Edition

WNES i erioed ddychmygu y byddwn yn sgwennu’r geiriau Llysgennad
Armenia, Nant Peris a’r ddeuawd canu gwlad Iona ac Andy yn yr un
frawddeg. Ond mae ‘na achos difrifol yn cysylltu’r tri.

Fe fydd Llysgennad Armenia ac Esgob yr Armeniaid ym Mhrydain yn
mynychu cyngerdd arbennig yng Nghapel Rehoboth, Nant Peris ddiwedd
y mis, lle bydd Iona ac Andy’n cymryd rhan.

Bwriad y cyngerdd yw coffau hil-laddiad yr Armeniaid dan law’r
Ymerodraeth Ottoman ym mlynyddoedd cynnar yr Ugeinfed Ganrif.

Mae Twrci’n dal i wadu mai hil-laddiad oedd yr hyn a ddigwyddodd. Ond
mae mwy a mwy o wledydd y byd bellach yn cydnabod hynny.

Dechreuodd y lladd ar Ebrill 24 1915, pan arestiwyd 250 o Armeniaid
ym mhrifddinas Twrci, Constantinople (Istanbul heddiw).

Yna gorfododd milwyr Twrci bobl o dras Armenaidd i adael eu cartrefi,
a’u cymhell i gerdded gannoedd o filltiroedd i’r anialwch (yng ngogledd
Syria heddiw), gan eu hamddifadu o fwyd a diod gyda’r bwriad o’u lladd.

Rhwng hyn ac ymgyrchoedd gwaedlyd tebyg yn eu herbyn, credir fod
rhwng 1m a 1.5m wedi marw. Cafodd nifer o Asyriaid a Groegwyr eu
herlid hefyd, a chred rhai fod hwn yn rhan o’r un polisi.

Mae nifer o wledydd y byd yn parhau i osgoi ei alw’n hil-laddiad,
rhag pechu Twrci – un o wledydd Nato.

Ond yr wythnos hon mae mwyafrif o aelodau Cynulliad Cenedlaethol
Cymru wedi arwyddo deiseb yn cefnogi dynodi Ebrill 24 yn Ddydd Coffa
Hil-laddiad yr Armeniaid.

Cynhelir y cyngerdd yng Nghapel Rehoboth, Nant Peris, sydd dan
fygythiad o orfod cau ei ddrysau.

Bydd Llysgennad Armenia yn diolch am y gefnogaeth ac yn sôn am
drafferthion y wlad heddiw, yn enwedig oherwydd fod y ffin gyda Thwrci
wedi ei chau ers 20 mlynedd.

Bydd y noson yn cynnwys gwasanaeth o emynau Armenaidd, a pherfformiad
gan Iona ac Andy.

Capel Rehoboth, Nant Peris, 7pm, nos Wener, Mawrth 30ain. Am ddim.

Hrant Dink Trial: Sentence For Ogun Samast Approved

HRANT DİNK TRIAL: SENTENCE FOR OGUN SAMAST APPROVED

BIAnet.org
March 22 2012
Turkey

The Court of Appeals approved the prison sentence of 22 years and
10 months handed down to Ogun Samast, murder of Turkish-Armenian
journalist Hrant Dink. Samast was sentenced on charges of “premeditated
murder” and “unlicensed possession of weapons”.

Istanbul – BİA News Center22 March 2012, Thursday On 25 July 2011,
the Istanbul 2nd Juvenile High Criminal Court sentenced Ogun Samast to
imprisonment of 22 years and ten months on charges of “premeditated
murder” and “unlicensed possession of weapons” in the context of the
murder trial regarding Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink.

Samast’s lawyer Levent Yıldırım had previously announced that
they expected the Court of Appeals to overturn the ruling. However,
the Court of Appeals 1st Criminal Chamber upheld the verdict.

In accordance with the Law on Criminal Execution, Samast has to
serve two thirds of the sentence. This would mean that he remained in
prison for 14 years and eight months. The period of four years when
Samast was detained after his arrest and during the trial procedures
is going to be subtracted.

Consequently, Ogun Samast is going to stay in prison for ten years
and eight months. (IC/VK)

Football: Long, Cold Winter Dalays Armenian League Start

FOOTBALL: LONG, COLD WINTER DALAYS ARMENIAN LEAGUE START

Agence France Presse
March 21, 2012 Wednesday 10:12 AM GMT

Armenia’s football federation announced Wednesday the decision to
delay the start of the country’s football league because of the
adverse weather and poor pitch conditions at the country’s venues.

This year’s prolonged and extremely cold winter in the country gave
the technical services of the stadiums no chance to prepare the pitches
for the matches of the domestic league’s opening day on Saturday.

The federation said the decision about the new date of the league’s
start would be taken at the executive committee special meeting in
the near future.