Author: Andres-Papazian

RUSSIAN FRONTIER GUARDS MUST PROVE TURKISH SHEPHERD WAS ARMED – ARMENIAN EXPERT

09:39 09.08.13

Head of the Modus Vivendi center Ara Papyan believes Armenia’s Ministry
of Foreign Affairs must demand that Russian frontier guards produce
proofs that the Turkish shepherd crossed the Armenian-Turkish border
armed and was the first to shoot.

The proofs must be provided to Turkey. Otherwise, the incident gives
rise to speculations.

The 35-year-old shepherd Mustafa Ulker crossed the Armenian border
on the evening of July 31. Armenian and Turkish sources offered
contradictory versions of the incident. According to the Turkish
sources, “Armenian guards” opened fire on him when he was searching
for his lost cow that had wandered across the border. According to
the Russian frontier guards, two young Turks crossed over into Armenia
to steal sheep.

After being warned by the Russian frontier guards, the young men
laughed at them. The frontier guards fired two shots into the air,
but one of the Turks allegedly opened fire on them. The Armenia Border
Department of the Russian Federal Security Service reported that one
of the Turks was shot dead.

“I think that the Russian frontier guards took much more radical steps
that they normally take. If the shepherd turns to have not been armed,
it gives rise to speculations,” Papayan told Tert.am.

“If it is proved that the Russian frontier guards were the first
to open fire, I suppose that it was done to build up tension between
Armenia and Turkey. But if it was an armed attack, the Russian frontier
guards had no alternative,” he said.

Armenia’s foreign office must demand clear proofs from the Russian
side that the Turkish shepherd was armed and was the first to open
fire. “A gun is the best proof and the Russian frontier guards must
produce it to the Turkish side. So we must, first of all, cooperate
with the Russian side,” Papyan said.

“Turkey has not missed its chance to shape negative sentiments against
Armenia. Of course, it was a Russian frontier guard that shot the
Turkish shepherd dead. However, Turkey is justly stating that this
is Armenia’s territory and is taking advantage of the incident to
tarnish our reputation throughout the world,” he said.

According to him, the incident may prove a decisive factor in the
Armenia-EU association agreement.

Armenian News – Tert.am

From: A. Papazian

MOVIEMAKING IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS REJUVENATED

Variety Magazine
Aug 8 2013

Locarno Opens Doors for filmmakers in Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan

Leo Barraclough

Georgia – the nation in the South Caucasus – has been a rising star in
world cinema in the past few years, and at the Locarno Film Festival
it is the focus of the Open Doors co-production forum, along with
neighboring states Armenia and Azerbaijan. Variety speaks to Martina
Malacrida, head of Open Doors, about the strength of moviemaking in
the region.

“In the last 10-15 years, we can see the filmography (in the South
Caucasus) reborn and renewing,” Malacrida says. “The strength of the
selected projects lies exactly in this point: in the will to be able
to face and work on ‘important’ themes like memory and the identity
of their own countries.

“The young generation has started believing again in the possibility
to live and express themselves through culture and cinema.”

Although on the face of it, these countries are quite distinct,
there are common themes to be found in the 12 Open Doors projects.

“We noticed themes relating to the post-Soviet conflicts in the region,
and the relationship between past and present through the folkloristic
traditions,” Malacrida says.

“Amongst Armenian filmmakers the genocide is a leading theme (looking
towards the anniversary in 2015).

“In all countries we see a particular attention is given to women
and their (changing) role in society. Other important themes are
the precariousness of society, issues related to identity, sexuality
(and homosexuality as well), and youth,” she says.

Of the three countries, Georgia leads the way in its interaction with
the international filmmaking community.

“Georgia, for sure, has an important role in the international panorama
right now – the selection of two films at the Berlinale this year is
a clear sign in this sense,” Malacrida says.

“This said, Armenia’s cinema is also renewing itself with its new
generation of filmmakers. Azerbaijan can be noticed less on the
international scene, although the selection of ‘Chameleon’ by Elvin
Adigozal and Ru Hasanov in the Cineasti del Presente is a very good
sign,” she says.

Apart from financing, there are other benefits for filmmakers in
co-producing with established producers from other countries.

“Co-producing with other countries is the sine qua non condition in
order to be able to access international distribution, which, as we
know, remains a difficult task,” Malacrida says.

The Open Doors projects include a number of Georgian filmmakers who
have already made waves on the fest circuit. These are led by George
Ovashvili, whose 2009 pic “The Other Bank” played in Berlin. Ovashvili
will present “Khibula,” about the leader of a former Soviet state who
flees to the mountains when a rebel army invades his capital city. He
soon discovers that those he thought were loyal followers are all
too willing to desert or betray him. Ovashvili cites Julius Caesar,
King Lear and the passion of Christ as points of reference.

“‘Khibula’ will tell a visual story of sacrifice, betrayal, power
and decline. Although the story is based on the life (and death)
of Zviad Gamsakhurdia – the first president of Georgia – there are
human archetypes buried in the story,” he says.

Another Georgian filmmakers who has made her mark is Rusudan Pirveli,
whose first fiction feature, “Susa,” was selected for Berlin and
Rotterdam. She presents “Sleeping Lessons,” which follows a 19-year-old
guy who, after robbing a woman, is persuaded to meet her again,
from which springs an unexpected love affair.

Pirveli says, “The story is full of strong emotions, unexpected plot
twists and strong characters with distinctive features.”

She adds that casting will be crucial. “The success of this film lies
in the natural charisma and features of the leading actors.”

The other Georgian projects are both docus: Nino Gogua’s “Madona,”
about the only female public bus driver in Georgia, and Alexander
Kvatashidze’s “See You in Chechnya,” about war photographers.

Armenia projects include Levon Minasian’s comedy “The Second Journey,”
which follows a father and son who discover a bundle of undelivered
love letters written by their wife/mother, written to a mysterious
Frenchman. The discovery forces both to rethink their lives.

Another Armenian project is Narine Lazarian and Arsen Azatyan’s
psychological drama “The Valley,” about a German officer who witnesses
the massacre of Armenians by Turkish forces during WWI.

Three of the projects from Armenia are by younger femme helmers, two
of whom are based outside the country: U.S.-based Oksana Mirzoyan’s
“Abysm” is about the effect of a young soldier’s death on his mother
and twin sister; while France-based Nora Martirosyan’s “Territoria”
is about a young boy, a teenage girl and a stranger whose paths cross
in a mountainous no-man’s land; and Nika Shek’s “Long Gardens” is a
docu with two strands: one about two villages on either side of the
Armenia-Azerbaijan border, and the other about attempts by filmmakers
to bridge the divide between the two countries.

Azerbaijan’s Arzu Gulijeva pitches “Naked in Baku,” a docu about
the love life of a male nude model in a Muslim society. “The central
theme is freedom and the way it relates to mentality and sexuality,”
Gulijeva says.

Another Azerbaijan project, Asif Rustamov’s “Pipeline,” is about a
poor shepherd who is caught up in a conflict between a businessman
and some gangsters.

Recent editions of Open Doors have delivered a number of successes,
including Li Hongqi’s “Winter Vacation” (Han Jia), which participated
in Open Doors in 2009, and won Locarno’s Pardo d’Oro in 2010, and
“Jean Gentil” by Israel Cardenas and Laura Amelia Guzman, which
participated in Open Doors in 2008, and received the jury’s special
mention in the Horizons section of the 67th Venice Film Festival.

Another success was “Harmony Lessons” by Emir Baigazin (Open Doors
2010), which was selected for the competition of the Berlin Film
Festival this year.

“Char the No-Man’s Land” by Sourav Sarangi, which participated in
Open Doors 2011, was selected at the Busan Film Festival in 2012 in
the docu competition, and in the Forum section of the Berlin Film
Festival this year.

Proving a link between the Open Doors co-production forum, which runs
Aug. 10-13, and the rest of Locarno, 22 films from Georgia, Armenia and
Azerbaijan will screen during the festival, including Zaza Rusadze’s
“Chemi sabnis naketsi” (A Fold in My Blanket) from Georgia (pictured).

From: A. Papazian

ARMENIA WITHDRAWS PROPOSED RUSSIAN-LIKE ANTI-GAY PROPAGANDA LAW

LGBTQ Nation
Aug 8 2013

DAN LITTAUER | LGBTQ Nation

YEREVAN, Armenia – Armenian police on Thursday withdrew a proposal
that would have banned any public promotion of “non-traditional sexual
relationships” in the country, similar to anti-gay laws in Russia.

The proposed amendments to Armenia’s administrative offenses would
have fined citizens, legal entities, and officials up to $4,000 for
propagating “non-traditional sexual relationships,” but were withdrawn
just days after posting it on their website.

Police initially stated that the bill was needed to protect “the
model of the traditional Armenian family” against “phenomena alien
to national Armenian mentality.”

The bill prompted concern from some civil rights activists after
being posted on the police website earlier this week, reported Radio
Free Europe.

Armenian authorities also faced potential strong reaction from Western
governments and human rights groups. The latter powerfully criticized
similar legislation that was recently enacted in Russia.

Ashot Aharonian, a police spokesman said the Armenian police chief,
Vladimir Gasparian, withdrew the bill due to “shortcomings” exposed
by critics, and for not being a pressing “priority” for the police
at the moment.

Aharonian claimed that a legal department at the national police
service drafted the amendments in response to letters from many
Armenians worried about they see as growing “public manifestations
of homosexuality,” but that authorities never intended to crack down
on sexual minorities.

He insisted that the bill was not withdrawn under domestic or foreign
pressure.

Mamikon Hovsepian, the head of the Karik, an Armenian LGBT rights
advocacy group, suggested that the proposed bill was “definitely the
shadow of Russia.”

LGBT activist Sevak Kirakosian said the proposed ban on gay
“propaganda” might have also been a government attempt to deflect
the public’s attention from socioeconomic problems that have blighted
Aremenia.

Several Armenian organizations had openly voiced support for the
police initiative.

One of them, the Armenian Organization for Constitutional Rights
Defense, said the bill does not violate human rights. “Nobody wants to
prevent anybody from having such a lifestyle,” it said in a statement.

“But there are many people who do not want this lifestyle to be
imposed on them and their children watching television.”

Armenia and the majority of other former Soviet republics
decriminalized homosexuality in the early 1990s, but hostility in
the region toward LGBT people remains high.

From: A. Papazian

TURKEY’S SECRET ‘ANCESTRY CODES’ TRACK NON-MUSLIM MINORITIES

Assyrian International News Agency AINA
Aug 8 2013

It all started when a mother in Istanbul tried to enroll her child at
an Armenian school. Like so many other Armenians who wanted to save
themselves from the 1915 massacre, this woman’s family had converted
to Islam. Now she wanted to assume the identity of her ancestors. She
underwent baptism, and her identity card was changed to show she is
a Christian.

She thought her identity as a Christian would be enough to enroll
her child at an Armenian school, but she soon found that it would not
be so easy. There were bureaucratic steps to be taken. She was told,
“You must get an official certification from the National Education
Office attesting that there is no impediment to your [child’s]
enrollment in this school.”

The family went to the local National Education Office and requested a
document allowing the child to be enrolled at the Armenian school. The
written response of the Istanbul-Sisli District National Education
Office was a shocker: “It is required to know whether the parent of
the student to be enrolled had changed religion, name and sect by
a court decision. Therefore her confidential ancestry code must be
extracted from the population register [maintained] since 1923. The
said student can be registered if his parent’s confidential code is
2 at the relevant population and citizenship directorate register.”

Research by the daily Radikal and interviews with officials following
the news reports confirmed a century-long saga of discrimination.

Registering populations using “ancestry codes” dates back to the
1923 Lausanne Treaty. According to Radikal’s findings, the Population
Directorate codes Greeks using the number 1, Armenians 2 and Jews 3.

Officials told Radikal that the ancestry codes are only for regulating
who will be allowed to enroll in the educational institutions of
minorities. Further research by Radikal, however, revealed that this
pretext is false. This became evident when it was discovered that the
Syriacs [Assyrians] were coded as number 4 and other non-Muslims as
number 5. The minorities coded 1, 2, and 3, indeed, have their own
schools, but Syriacs and other minorities do not.

This is obviously a scandal that should shake Turkey to its core,
but the country is so busy with its own agenda. Given Turkey’s
history, which is full of unfair practices toward non-Muslims,
perhaps the significance of this scandal can best be understood
through comparison. For a moment, imagine that Jews in Germany today
were secretly being identified through coding by the German government
and that this was exposed. It would register as a political earthquake
big enough to shake the German political system down to its roots. In
contrast, the scandal in Turkey remained in the news only for a few
days in a few newspapers.

What has been exposed is a practice that some suspected of existing,
but could not prove. For instance, there is not a single non-Muslim in
the Turkish military or security services today. Turkey has not had a
Jewish colonel, a police chief of Greek origin or a judge of Armenian
extraction. It appears that the confidential coding of ancestry has
been used to ensure that should non-Muslims change their identities,
they still can be excluded from public service.

This ongoing practice will perhaps initiate a fresh review of a
number of events in Turkish history. For example, was the 1946
Wealth Tax, essentially aimed at non-Muslims, enabled by coding
ancestry? Did the coding play a part in the 1934 pogroms against
Jews in Thrace and in 1955 when homes and residences of ethnic Greek
citizens were ransacked? Further, does this practice confirm that
all the policies of the Union and Progress regime that ethnically
cleansed Turkey of Armenians in 1915 were adopted in their entirety
by the Turkish Republic established in 1923? Is population coding
institutionalized racism? What kind of invisible walls were erected
around the non-Muslims of Turkey with these codes? How did (and does)
it restrict their lives?

There so many questions we must ask about the sufferings of the
non-Muslims. These newly discovered ancestry codes might also indicate
how important and urgent it is for Turkey to deal with its past.

We are now waiting with great interest to see whether Turkey’s
non-Muslim minorities will take legal action after learning about
the coding. According to the law, the government is required to pay
compensation for “service faults” it has committed. Because of this
legislation, Turkey’s non-Muslims can sue for such discriminatory
practices at administrative courts and then at the Constitutional
Court. If no satisfactory outcome is derived from domestic legal
recourses, then there is the possibility of taking the matter to the
European Court of Human Rights and UN bodies.

This ancestry coding scandal is actually a golden opportunity to take a
fresh look at the history of modern Turkey, the hardships non-Muslins
have endured and Turkey’s discrimination issues. Perhaps the country
will make use of this opportunity.

By Orhan Kemal Cengiz AL Monitor

From: A. Papazian

ARMENIAN MAN SEIZURE-FREE FOR FIRST TIME SINCE CHILDHOOD

CBS News, NY
Aug 8 2013

Returns To North Shore University Hospital 23 Years After Heart Surgery

August 8, 2013 4:16 PM

NEW YORK (CBSNewYork) – Gagik Hovanessian, just 7 years old at the
time, returned to Armenia in 1990 with his heart newly repaired, but
he had contracted a severe A surgery has cured a man of an epileptic
disorder he developed as a child. as a result of the surgery. He
regularly experienced intense seizures several times a day.

In May, Hovanessian returned to North Shore University Hospital in
Manhasset – where he underwent his heart surgery 23 years before –
to have two more operations performed on him. Now, for the first time
since he was a child, Hovanessian is seizure-free.

“Gagik is free of neurological deficit, and he has not had any seizures
in two months,” Dr. Ashesh Mehta, director or epilepsy surgery at
North Shore, told reporters, including 1010 WINS’ Mona Rivera, on
Thursday. “Great success story. I’m very proud of how he has done.”

Hovanessian first came to North Shore with the help of the Russian Gift
of Life charity and the Rotary International service organization,
after being diagnosed with a congenital heart condition known as
Tetralogy of Fallot, which occurs in about five out of every 10,000
babies.

After the surgery, an infection and scar tissue led to the seizures.

Hovanessian returned to North Shore at age 16, when doctors urged him
to have brain surgery after he was fully grown. In May, Hovanessian
and his mother made the trek once again from Armenia to Manhasset,
where he has undergone two more surgeries – one to implant electrodes
to pinpoint where the seizures began and what areas were affected,
and one to remove the area of brain that produced the seizures.

Since his latest surgery, Hovanessian has not experienced any
headaches, impairment or memory loss, his doctors said. He was
discharged June 14 and will soon return home to Armenia, where he
can finally learn to drive a car.

“As a mother, I gave birth to him,” his mother, Jasmin, said at
Thursday’s news conference through a translator. “But America gave
him a life.”

From: A. Papazian

PUTTING THE MI IN MIG

National Review Online
Aug 8 2013

By Mark Krikorian
August 8, 2013 4:46 PM

When you’re member of a small tribe, every appearance by a paisano is
notable. Did you know the Delta faucet was invented by Alex Manoogian?

Or that the newborn Prince George Alexander Louis is 1/512th Armenian?

(His great-great-great-great-great-great grandmother, Eliza Kewark,
was half Armenian, half Indian.) And that Principal Skinner’s real
name is Armin Tamzarian?

Anyway, I just went through the slide show on MiG monuments on
NRO’s home page (no link, you just have to scroll down) and saw to
my consternation that it missed the most notable such monument. In
Sanahin, in northern Armenia, there’s one at the museum to the Mikoyan
brothers, one of whom, Artyom, was an aircraft designer who’s the
“Mi” in MiG (Mikhail Gurevich provided the “G”). Some pictures of
the museum are here, including this one:

(The other Mikoyan brother, Anastas, was a wily SOB who was the only
old Boshevik to outlive Lenin, Stalin, and Khrushchev and die in bed.)

From: A. Papazian

RUSSIA-GEORGIA WAR THE HIGH-WATER MARK FOR MOSCOW’S BLACK SEA RESURGENCE

World Politics Review
Aug 8 2013

By Michael Cecire, on 08 Aug 2013, Briefing

Five years ago, Georgian forces crossed into the Moscow-backed
separatist territory of South Ossetia, seeking to clamp down on attacks
against ethnic Georgian villages along the de facto boundaries and
re-establish authority over the breakaway region. Russia’s response
was swift: Its troops poured into South Ossetia, pushing out Georgia’s
overmatched military. When the guns were finally silenced after the
short but fierce war, hundreds had been killed or wounded and tens
of thousands of civilians were displaced.

Although the global community refused to follow Moscow’s lead in
recognizing the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, Georgia’s
other separatist province, the war nonetheless buried what little
hopes remained for peaceful reconciliation between Tbilisi and the
breakaway regions. And to many, the war seemed to mark the end of
one era and the beginning of another. For the first time since the
end of the Cold War, Russian troops had invaded another state.

Moscow’s decision to unilaterally prosecute its objectives in
Georgia, at Europe’s edge, called into question the very fabric of
the prevailing Euro-Atlantic security architecture, which enshrined
a rules-based order underwritten and policed by NATO’s unquestioned
dominance. While a diplomatic blitz by Europe, led by French President
Nicolas Sarkozy, seemed to save Georgia from a possibly worse fate,
the peace deal’s final tally underlined which side held the cards:
Moscow won exceedingly favorable language in the six-point plan
(.pdf), which it continues to contravene at will.

The Russian invasion of Georgia not only exposed the apparent
frailties of the Euro-Atlantic security architecture, which was
genuinely unable to formulate an effective response to the war’s
outbreak, but also appeared to directly challenge it. While the debates
still rage over blame for the war-Swiss diplomat Heidi Tagliavini’s
European Union-commissioned probe framed the conflict as a natural
outgrowth of Russian provocations but said the “first shot” was fired
by Georgian forces-Moscow’s actions signaled a “re-imperialization”
of its foreign policy. This strategy seeks to deny the West standing
within Moscow’s so-called near abroad through the use of economic
leverage, zero-sum diplomacy, transnational institutions and even
war-as 2008 well illustrated.

But while many at the time feared a resurgence of Russian influence in
the region and beyond, August 2008 may instead come to be seen as the
high-water mark of Russia’s re-imperialization project. While the war
was calibrated by Moscow to signal its return to great power status,
the past five years have not seen a burgeoning of Russian power and
influence. Indeed, the Black Sea region, the focal point of Russia’s
aspirations for hegemony, has not become noticeably more pro-Russian
or submissive to Moscow. Instead, Moscow actually exercises less sway
in the region now than it did five years ago.

In Georgia, Russia squandered its most potent leverage by recognizing
the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, leaving it little
influence save for the occasional border provocation. And despite
Georgian voters’ strong repudiation of the now-opposition United
National Movement in last October’s parliamentary elections, the new
government in Tbilisi appears more tactically pragmatic but ultimately
opposed to Russia’s aims in the region.

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan, which has long characterized the textbook
definition of an interests-based relationship with Russia, is entering
a period of cooler relations with Moscow as the two states come to
terms with the divergence of their foreign policy visions. For Baku,
Moscow’s bid for regional supremacy is a threatening proposition;
Baku knows that a hegemonic Russia would have little patience for
Azerbaijan’s multivector foreign policy and competing energy exports.

Closer to home, Azerbaijan sees no good precedents in either Russia’s
backing for the Georgian separatist regions or Russia’s close
relationship with Armenia, which continues to occupy Azerbaijani
territory.

Yet even Armenia is having second thoughts about its dependence on
Russia, which dominates the landlocked Caucasian state geopolitically
as well as economically. Russian troops patrol Armenia’s borders
with Turkey and Iran; the Armenian economy greatly relies on
remittances from its diaspora in Russia; and Armenia’s critical energy
infrastructure is overwhelmingly dominated by Russian interests. This
Russian dominance is increasingly rubbing Armenia’s citizens the
wrong way on the heels of a prearranged arms sale to Azerbaijan,
rising energy prices and the recent humiliation of an ethnic Armenian
on trial for a fatal car accident in Russia.

Ukraine’s pro-Western government was shown the door by the electorate
in 2010, which brought President Viktor Yanukovich’s Russia-leaning
Party of Regions to power. As expected, the new government reversed
many of the policies of its predecessor, and went so far as to jail
opposition leader Yulia Tymoshenka on trumped-up charges. Yet even the
Ukrainian government has chafed at Russia’s heavy-handedness; Moscow’s
hard line over energy issues has prompted Kiev to seek alternatives to
ease its crushing dependence. And in November, Ukraine is expected to
sign an association agreement at the EU Eastern Partnership summit
in Vilnius, which would dramatically deepen its integration with
the Euro-Atlantic space. Georgia and Armenia are expected to initial
agreements at the same summit, followed by signings once technical
benchmarks are met.

The Vilnius summit-should Ukraine’s signing and Georgia and Armenia’s
initialing occur as planned-highlights the failure of the Russian
re-imperialization initiative. With Georgia and two of Russia’s
ostensibly closest allies essentially rejecting its customs union and
Eurasian Union projects in favor of EU integration, the rudiments of a
post-Russia system are emerging in the Black Sea region. The Eastern
Partnership is beginning to yield fruit just as the Eurasian Union
flounders. Turkey, though not without its own problems, is establishing
an arc of influence from the Black Sea through Georgia and Azerbaijan
to the Caspian. And the Russian pipeline energy paradigm, long the key
to economic stability and geopolitical leverage, is rapidly coming
undone as Black Sea states look to reduce dependence on Moscow’s
fickle spigot.

With the initial shock and alarm not borne out by subsequent events,
the fuller legacy of the 2008 South Ossetia war becomes clearer:
Rather than illustrating Russian authority in its near abroad, the
2008 war may be better remembered as the apex heralding decline.

Michael Hikari Cecire is a Black Sea and Eurasia regional analyst and
an associate scholar at the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He is
also a member of the Georgian Institute of Politics.

From: A. Papazian

ARMENIA ABOLISHES VISA REGIME FOR CROATIANS AND CONSIDERS IRAQ

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Aug 8 2013

8 August 2013 – 7:42pm

At today’s cabinet meeting, Prime Minister of Armenia Tigran Sargsyan
instructed the Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of Economy to consider
the potential of facilitating the visa regime with Iraq. The ministries
should submit a draft for discussion at the ministerial committee
within a week.

“It is clear that in Iraq today there is quite a big tourist potential,
and it is necessary to establish a system whereby the citizens of
this country are able to visit Armenia. Iraq today is a country that
has large solvent and dynamic tourism potential. And we see that,
in our region, neighboring countries introduce such regimes to be
able to attract tourists,” Sargsyan said.

Also today the visa regime with Croatia, which recently became a
member of the European Union, has been canceled.

From: A. Papazian

IFC HELPS EXPAND MICROFINANCE LENDING IN ARMENIA TO SUPPORT EMPLOYMENT AND REDUCE POVERTY

Web newswire
August 4, 2013 Sunday

Aug. 4 — Yerevan, Armenia – IFC, a member of the World Bank Group,
is helping increase the lending capacity of a top microfinance
institution in Armenia, to help it finance micro, small and medium
enterprises (MSMEs) so they can expand, create jobs, and reduce
poverty.IFC will provide FINCA UCO CJSC with a loan of $4 million
in local currency, which will be lent to MSMEs and entrepreneurs
throughout the country. Increasing access to finance for small
businesses gives a significant boost to economic growth and IFC’s
local currency funding will also help FINCA reduce foreign exchange
risks.”FINCA aims to bring more opportunities to disenfranchised
communities in the region by offering them financial services, in an
effort to empower them to take charge of their lives,” said Yervand
Barseghyan, CEO, FINCA UCO CJSC.FINCA UCO CJSC is a subsidiary of FINCA
Microfinance Holding Company, owned and managed by FINCA International,
one of the world’s largest microfinance organizations.

IFC is an anchor investor in FINCA Microfinance Holding
Company.”Microfinance provides financial services to the lowest income
entrepreneurs who lack access to finance,” said Thomas Lubeck, IFC
Regional Manager for the South Caucasus. “Through our cooperation with
FINCA, we support the expansion of financial services to entrepreneurs,
helping their businesses to grow and employ more people from local
communities, especially in the regions.”Armenia became a member and a
shareholder of IFC in 1995. Since then, IFC has invested $244 million
in 40 projects across a range of sectors, including financial markets,
manufacturing, and mining. IFC advisory services provide advice on
the financial sector, sustainable energy, business regulations,
and food safety. About IFCIFC, a member of the World Bank Group,
is the largest global development institution focused exclusively on
the private sector. We help developing countries achieve sustainable
growth by financing investment, mobilizing capital in international
financial markets, and providing advisory services to businesses and
governments. In FY12, our investments reached an all-time high of
more than $20 billion, leveraging the power of the private sector to
create jobs, spark innovation, and tackle the world’s most pressing
development challenges. For more information, visit

From: A. Papazian

CHIEF OF ARMENIAN POLICE WITHDRAWS BANNING PROMOTION OF NON-TRADITIONAL SEXUAL RELATIONS

YEREVAN, August 8. / ARKA /. Chief of Armenian Police, Vladimir
Gasparyan, has withdrawn a bill drafted to make amendments to the
Code of Administrative Offences, envisaging, particularly a ban on the
promotion of non-traditional sexual relations, the Police said today.

The text of the bill had been posted on the official website of
the Police.

“The draft law was developed by the legal department of the Police
on the basis of appeals and complaints of dozens of intellectuals,”
the agency said in a statement.

However, the Chief of Police has withdrawn the bill, “given its
shortcomings and deficiencies identified during a public discussion,
as well as because this problem is not among the priorities of the
police,” it said.

Under the bill, the promotion of non-traditional sexual relations
envisaged a penalty in the amount of from 50 to 100 minimum wages
for ordinary citizens (U.S. $122-244). The penalty for officials was
set in the amount of 100 to 150 minimum wages ($244-366s) and 200-250
minimum wages for representatives of legal entities ($488-610).

Police proposed more stringent measures against promotion of
non-traditional sexual relations through the media. The maximum
penalty was set in the amount of 300 minimum wages. -0-

– See more at:

From: A. Papazian