Bijoutier arménien abattu: le Parquet recourt

La Tribune de Geneve
04 février 2011 vendredi
Édition Tribune de Genève

Bijoutier arménien abattu: le Parquet recourt

Suspecté d’avoir organisé un attentat contre son beau-père, il avait
été acquitté l’an dernier

A. n’en a pas fini avec la justice. Suspecté d’avoir organisé un
attentat contre son beau-père en 2007, il avait été acquitté l’an
dernier «au bénéfice du doute». Mais le Parquet ne compte pas en
rester là.

Estimant la décision du jury arbitraire, il a saisi la Cour de
cassation qui devra trancher prochainement: «Le fait que A. n’aurait
pas agi seul n’exclut pas qu’il remplit bel et bien les conditions
d’instigation à assassinat», relève le Parquet, qui invite la Cour à
analyser également le dossier sous l’angle de la complicité. Avocat de
A. , Me Philippe Currat regrette ce pourvoi en cassation qui retarde
l’indemnisation des victimes.

L’automne dernier, l’auteur du coup de feu contre le bijoutier
arménien a été reconnu coupable de tentative de meurtre. Il a écopé de
six ans de prison. A. n’a jamais caché sa haine à l’égard de son
beau-père. Le 14 août 2004, ce dernier avait vidé son chargeur sur sa
propre fille, la laissant paraplégique. Mais en septembre, la Cour
d’assises n’a pas cru A. capable d’organiser cette agression. Sans
exclure cette hypothèse, le jury a conclu qu’un autre membre de la
communauté arménienne pouvait avoir convaincu le tueur de passer à
l’acte. Fedele

From: A. Papazian

CRD’s SEVAN Network Expands to India’s Jawaharlal Nehru University

PRESS RELEASE
Cosmic Ray Division
Joseph Dagdigian
42 Simon Atherton Row
Harvard, MA 01451
978 772-9417

CRD’s SEVAN Network Expands to India’s Jawaharlal Nehru University

The ability to forecast space weather storms is vital for the security
of space based electronic systems as well as the power grid delivering
power to homes and industry. Armenia’s Cosmic Ray Division is expanding
its network to monitor and forecast space weather events.

The Cosmic Ray Division (CRD) of Yerevan’s Alikhanyan Physics Institute
announced the expansion of its Space Environment Viewing and Analysis
Network (SEVAN) into India. The SEVAN system consists of an
internationally networked array of terrestrial cosmic ray detection
systems at middle to low latitudes. Data from these installations is
sent via internet to CRD’s research center in Yerevan where it is
analyzed and shared with international research partners throughout the
world.

The SEVAN network aims to improve fundamental research studying the
mechanisms of cosmic ray particle acceleration in the vicinity of the
sun and in other space environments to advance the Space Weather alert
systems. New types of particle detectors, invented by CRD scientists and
deployed within the SEVAN network, simultaneously measure changing
fluxes of most species of secondary cosmic ray particles. Piecing this
information together from world wide SEVAN installations, including
precise timing information, allows scientists to predict dangerous solar
radiation storms tens of minutes before their arrival from the sun.
SEVAN’s data also allows scientists to forecast damaging geomagnetic
storms hours before their arrival. These storms, resulting from huge
clouds of plasma traveling from the Sun towards the earth at speeds up
to 4.5 million miles per hour, can cause extensive damage to
communication systems, power grids, and pipelines.

The first four SEVAN modules became operational at CRD’s Aragats Space
Environmental Center on the slopes of Armenia’s Mount Aragats. In 2009
additional SEVAN installations were deployed in Croatia and Bulgaria. In
the fall of 2010 a SEVAN detector was installed in the Remote Sensing
Applications Laboratory, School of Environmental Sciences, Jawaharlal
Nehru University, New Delhi, India. This year’s plans call for a SEVAN
unit to be installed in Slovakia.

Reliable forecasts of the major geomagnetic and radiation storms are of
great importance due to the danger they pose to major space-based
systems such as the Global Positioning System (GPS) and communication
satellites. Radiation storms also pose a radiation hazard to astronauts
in space and crews and passengers aboard aircraft. For further
information please visit .

From: A. Papazian

www.crdfriends.org
www.crdfriends.org

Some facts on the origins of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk

Times.am, Armenia
Feb 13 2011

Some facts on the origins of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk

By Times.am at 13 February, 2011, 11:46 pm
By Ara Papyan
Head of the Modus Vivendi Centre

Information on Mustafa Kemal as a donmeh have always existed. Early
publications about Kemal always make mention of it. For example, the
very first serious work on the First World War – the landmark work
History of the War by the renowned British daily The Times, published
in 22 parts during 1915-1922 – did not circumvent that fact. It states
in particular: `Mustafa Kemal, reported by some to be of Salonika
Jewish descent, only joined the Nationalist movement openly in June,
1919′. Another well-known Western publication, the American Literary
Digest, describes Mustafa Kemal in 1922 as `[a] Spanish Jew by
ancestry, an orthodox Moslem by birth and breeding’.

The aforementioned do not reveal anything essentially new, but they
merely give an indication of the numerous such statements made in the
press at the time on Mustafa Kemal’s dönmeh origins. Let us add one or
two more.

The Associated Press news agency, citing the Grand Vizier of Turkey,
mentions in an item of the 3rd of July, 1920: `Mustafa Kemal, (the
Turkish nationalist leader) whom the great vizier presents as a Jew,
was born a Turk and his parents were from Saloniki and were Deonmes,
that is converts, as were the parents of Talat and Djavid’.

One more informed source – a high-ranking Ottoman officer (pasha), and
later author Achmed Abdullah, and also well-known businessman Leo
Anavi (both Turkish spies in the British army, having met with Kemal
on numerous occasions and very strong supporters of his) write that
Kemal had Spanish-Jewish ancestry and his origins, as they say, was
`not even of Osmanli blood’. This fact was so widespread in the 1920s
that no-one thought of questioning it. It is not without reason that
one of the greatest historians of the twentieth century, Arnold
Toynbee, likewise believed Mustafa Kemal to have dönmeh origins. The
donmeh roots of Mustafa Kemal are also to be found in the works of
such an informed figure when it comes to crypto-Jews as Joachim Prinze
(1902-1988), who was president of the American Jewish Congress from
1958 to 1966. He writes: `Among the leaders of the revolution which
resulted in a more modern government in Turkey were Djavid Bey and
Mustafa Kemal. Both were ardent doenmehs.

Djavid Bey became minister of finance; Mustafa Kemal became the leader
of the new regime and had adopted the name of Ataturk. His opponents
tried to use his doenmeh background to unseat him, but without
success. Too many of the Young Turks in the newly formed revolutionary
Cabinet prayed to Allah, but had as their real prophet Shabtai Zvi,
the Messiah of Smyrna’.

That Mustafa Kemal was of Jewish descent was a widespread belief among
the people of Turkey as well. Jews of Salonika (Thessaloniki) always
held to the opinion that Mustafa Kemal was a dönmeh. The Jews think so
to this day. An entry on Mustafa Kemal can be found on the Jewish
Virtual Library online, a website which lists information on
celebrated Jewish figures or those of Jewish background.

The Turkish public had and continues to have this same opinion. An
interesting report from 1933 of the US Embassy in Ankara has been
preserved. A survey concluded that a majority of those asked believed
that the cause of the natural disasters punishing the country had been
its leader’s Jewish roots. One in particular said, `It is that Jew
(meaning the President) who is pushing us into the abyss’. It is
evident that such talk went so far in Turkey that the authorities
passed a `Law on Crimes Committed Against Atatürk’ (#5816, 31 July,
1951) to punish as a crime any public insult or dishonour on the
memory of Ataturk.

According to the law, such a `crime’ would be punishable by one to
three years imprisonment, up to five years in some cases. Let us
recall that such racist attitudes prevail in Turkey to this day;
Armenians and Jews are considered to be second-class beings. People
are even punished in that country for calling anyone an Armenian or a
Jew, as that is considered to be an insult.

It can be concluded from the above that it has always been well-known
that the Father of the Turks – Atatürk – was not a Turk, even though
such information has always been glossed over. Now let us see what
basis there is in considering Mustafa Kemal to be a dönmeh. First the
arguments, that is, indirect facts, which indicate the probability of
Mustafa Kemal’s dönmeh background.

Scholars have firstly pointed out the fact that Mustafa was born and
raised in a city, Salonika, the majority of the population of which
was Jewish in the mid-nineteenth century. Actually, Salonika was the
only city in the world at the time (until Tel-Aviv was founded in
1909) with a majority Jewish population. If we add to the city’s Jews
the donmeh population, who were traditionally counted among the
Muslims, then the Jews and converted Jews (the dönmeh) would make up
an absolute majority of the population. This is why Salonika was
called the Jerusalem of the Balkans then.

The British Ambassador in Constantinople, Sir Gerard Lowther
(1858-1916), shares the information in his communiqué to the Foreign
Office of the 29th of May, 1910, that Salonika has a `population of
about 140,000, of whom 80,000 are Jews, and 20,000 of the sect of
Sabatai Levi or Crypto-Jews, who externally profess Islam’. Greeks,
Bulgarians, and Vlachs (Romanians) were also prominent communities in
the city. There were at least 13,000 Christian. There were very few
Armenians, only about 45 individuals. That is, in the time when
Mustafa was born, only one out of seven of the inhabitants of Salonika
was Muslim (and not just Turkish), while the Jews or the dönmeh
comprised three-fourths of the population. The Turks, as a Turkish
politician who lived in Salonika at the time said, were not many,
simply `more than a few’.

It is also very significant to note that Mustafa’s family lived in a
non-Muslim district of Salonika: `Mustafa Kemal lived [during his
childhood in Salonika] in a quarter in which [non-Muslim] minorities
lived’.

Considering the community-based millet system of the Ottoman Empire,
where each member of a community would live alongside his
co-religionists and fellow community members, then this fact certainly
becomes very important indeed.

The next fact to which we shall turn also has to do with the Ottoman
community system. Each community of the Empire had its own schools and
other educational establishments, maintained by the community’s means.
The sole exception was the dominant Turkish element, for which there
were state-sponsored schools. It is a well-known fact that Mustafa was
first briefly sent to the Turkish Hafiz Mehmet school, and then to the
Shemsi Effendi (or Chemsi Effendi) school.

The Shemsi Effendi (the real name being `Shimon Zwi’) school was one
of the schools of Salonika’s dönmeh community. In Ottoman society, the
schools were established not just according to community, but also to
sub-communal divisions. As the dönmehs of Salonika were divided into
three groups – Yakubi, Karakash, Kapanchi – according to the question
of who would succeed Sabata, each had its own school: the Fryz-i Ati
for the Yakubi, the Feyziye for the Karakash (established in 1883-84),
and the Yadigar-i Terakki for the Kapanchi (established in 1879). As
we know for sure that Mustafa Kemal attended the Feyziye school, about
which he himself spoke in a 1922 interview, then we can likely surmise
that he was a Karakash dönmeh. Also, Mehmed Djavid Bey (Mehmet Cavit
Bey) was a Karakash as well; he was the principal of the Feyziye
school until he became the Finance Minister of the Ottoman Empire in
1908.

It is very unlikely that Mustafa (later Kemal, and then, Ataturk)
would have attended a donmeh school as a Turk. Ottoman society, as has
already been mentioned, was structured on its communities and the
distinctions among them were strictly maintained. Thus, the families
of each community would send their children to their community’s
schools alone.

For example, although among the hundreds of Armenian schools of the
Ottoman Empire there must have been at least a few of high renown, we
do not have an example of even a single child of a Turkish family to
have attended any one. As some would try to demonstrate nowadays, even
if we admit to how progressive Mustafa’s father Ali Riza may have
been, wishing for a European education for his child – an assumption
for which we have no basis – then consider that Salonika had more
prominent French and Italian schools at the time.

It must be emphasised at the same time that the donmeh community was
very self-contained. Aliens could not be a part of that community. The
code of conduct of the donmeh demanded that they not have any
relations with other Muslims. That is, if Mustafa were not donmeh,
then his attendance of a donmeh school would have been unacceptable
both for orthodox Muslims as well as for donmehs.

It must also be borne in mind that the schools of the Ottoman Empire
did not have a single curriculum and that the children would not just
receive a regular education in their community schools, but also be
taught national or religious subjects. It is important to note that in
the Ottoman Empire, as with elsewhere at the time, there were no
secular schools as we would call them today. All schools, no matter
how progressive they may have been, would include elements of
religious education.

The classes would begin, for the most part, with the chief prayers of
the given religion or denomination. As the best scholars of the issue
have stated, `The Semsi Efendi school continued to teach and practice
Donme religious rituals’. The school simultaneously aimed at
establishing relations among the dönmeh: `Unlike other Muslims, the
Donme maintained a belief that Shabtai Tzvi was the messiah, practiced
kabalistic rituals, and recited prayers in Ladino, the language of
Ottoman Jewry’.

Mustafa Kemal’s belief in kabbalistic signs, in the power of the
occult, was maintained throughout his life. According to one account,
a green square cloth was to be found on his desk, with esoteric
markings. The same account indicates that Kemal, an infidel from the
Islamic point of view, believed in the virtue of those signs.
Ultimately, men believe in the things which they have been taught to
believe since their childhood.

Accordingly, we may note that Mustafa Kemal received not just a
general education at the Shemsi Effendi school, but also received
religious upbringing. The education ran so deep that even decades
later he would still recall the prayers he had learnt.

It is not without reason that the tombstone of Shemsi Effendi himself
is marked as `Muallim Semsi Ef.[fendi] Ataturkun hocasi’, that is,
`the teacher of Ataturk’. What is noteworthy as well is that Shemsi
Effendi (Shimon Zwi) is being referred to not just as Ataturk’s
`muallim’, teacher, but his `hoca’, mentor or preceptor, a religious
guide.

Doubtless all of the aforementioned are serious arguments in favour of
Mustafa Kemal being a donmeh. Now let us see if there are records of
direct facts supporting the claim. Strange as though it may seem, some
do indeed exist.

Among such accounts, the most important is, of course, that of the
memoirs of Itamar Ben-Avi, who described a meeting with Mustafa Kemal
in 1911 in the Hotel Kamenitz, as the latter was en route to Libya to
take part in the Italo-Turkish War. Itamar Ben-Avi (1882-1943) was the
son of the Father of Modern Hebrew, Eliezer Ben-Yehuda, being the
first child to in modern times to speak Hebrew. He cites the following
from what Mustafa Kemal said: ` `… At home I have a very old Tenakh
printed in Venice, and if I remember correctly my father sent me to a
Karaiti teacher who thought me to read it: a few words have remained
with me, like …’. At that point he paused for a moment and his eyes
[looked as if he was] searching the air.

Then, just as suddenly, he remembered: `Shma’a Israel, Adonai
Eloheinu, Adonai Echad!’ `That’s our greatest prayer, Captain Sir.’
`And also my secret prayer, Cher Monsieur,’ he answered and poured us
both another drink’.

Some, with political implications in mind, have doubted the veracity
of this account. As a main argument, they say that Captain Mustafa
Kemal travelled by sea from Istanbul to Alexandria in Egypt to take
part in the Italo-Turkish War (18 December, 1911 – to 24 October,
1912), and so could not have been in Jerusalem at the time. This is a
distortion of the facts, if not an outright falsification. The facts
undeniably state that Mustafa Kemal took a land route to Libya,
passing through Syria and Palestine.

The following statement comes from the British spy Harold Armstrong,
who was well aware of issues pertaining to the Middle East at the
time: `Except by the long route through Syria and Egypt, Turkey was
cut off from North Africa. The Italians had control of the sea and had
closed the Dardanelles. […] With two friends Mustafa Kemal took the
land route. They traveled across Asia Minor and down by Syria and
Palestine, using the railway where it existed, but doing the rest on
horseback or with carriage’.

It is completely unreasonable to believe that Itamar Ben-Avi would
have made up such a story in his memoirs, especially as the motivation
for it would be unclear. Ben-Avi did not even know in writing his
memoirs whether or not they would even be published. He died in 1943
and his memoirs were not published until 1961; the aforementioned
section remained unnoticed for a very long time.

Mustafa Kemal himself once gave a very interesting answer to an almost
direct question from one of his close friends, Nuri Conker, about his
roots. Kemal replied, `For me as well as some people want to say that
I’m a Jew – because I was born in Salonica. But it must not be
forgotten that Napoleon was an Italian from Corsica, yet he died a
Frenchman and has passed into history as such’.

It is with confidence that one may say that, apart from his origins,
Mustafa Kemal lived and died as a Turk, a real Turk. In the Armenian
sense of the word – a Turk. In that case, a question may arise: what
difference does it make where Mustafa Kemal’s roots lay? For me, none
whatsoever. However, as it is an important point for racist Turkish
society, therefore it is for them that all of these facts have been
put forth on display. Enjoy.

/Times.am/

From: A. Papazian

Armenian Question Today

This is a slightly expanded English version of the article, which was
first published in Armenian and
Russian in the `Sobesednik Armenii/Hayastani Zrutsakits’ weekly
(Yerevan), #1 (164), January 14, 2011.

ARMENIAN QUESTION TODAY

II. International Legal Level

For the earlier parts of this series,
see `Sobesednik Armenii/Hayastani Zrutsakits’, 2010 г., ?-
41 (159), ?- 45 (163)

2. The Case of Armenocide and Ethnic Cleansing In Azerbaijan
(1918-2010)

The first Republic of Armenia (1918-1920) had neither the time, nor
the possibility to conduct an open trial of the organizers and
perpetrators of the Armenian Genocide. Despite that, the decision to
punish them was made during this short period, in October of 1919 and
precisely in Yerevan, at the IX Congress of ARF Dashnaktsutyun, the
ruling party at the time. In contrast the leadership of the “Third”
Republic of Armenia (1991 to present) ` absolutely failing to
comprehend the essence of the Armenian Question and pinning their
hopes on a speedy settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh and the
Turkish-Armenian conflicts via international mediation ` has simply
decided to discard the effective and available means for self-defense
and retribution, namely, the exclusive right of a sovereign state to
pursue national and international prosecution of the organizers and
perpetrators of Armenocide and ethnic cleansing in Azerbaijan that
partially took place during the existence of the “Third” republic.

Hopeless attempts by all three presidents of RoA to appease the
Armenian-hating regime in Baku and its patrons in Ankara have led only
to an acceleration of Azerbaijan’s comprehensive preparation for a new
war against Armenia, as well as intensification of the anti-Armenian
propaganda both within that country and internationally. Therefore at
present, much like before, it is possible to respond adequately to the
genocidal plans of the Azerbaijani state-sponsored fascism by
instigating legal proceedings against it, exposing it in the courtroom
and finding it guilty of Armenocide (genocide), starting from the
massacres of Armenians in the newly created Azerbaijani (Musavatist)
Republic, particularly in Baku (September 1918) and Shushi (March
1920), to ethnic cleansings in Nakhichevan (1918-1988), Sumgait,
Kirovabad, Baku again, then in Lowland and Mountainous (Nagorno)
Karabakh (1988- 1994). These proceedings should have been instituted
in Yerevan long ago, case by case and in their minute details, within
the framework of a special tribunal instituted in the Republic of
Armenia. Additionally, the relevant structures in RoA and Armenian
Diaspora should have been actively ` legally, financially, and
organizationally `

contributing to the initiation of a series of separate cases against
Armenocide and ethnic cleansing in Azerbaijan in the national courts
of foreign states by the exiled victims of these crimes, who are now
refugees in different parts of the world. All this remains undone, but
there can be no more delay, especially since Azerbaijan is preparing a
proactive international legal offensive of its own, based on
trumped-up fraudulent charges. Ð? special fact-finding team must
be urgently established by a competent investigative body in RoA,
which will take on all the work of collecting and analyzing the facts
of crimes against Armenians in Artsakh, Nakhichevan, districts and
towns of pre-Soviet, Soviet and post-Soviet Azerbaijan, and prepare
this vast case for legal proceedings. Nakhichevan is a special case,
since under the Treaty of Kars, Art. V., it is under the protectorate
of Azerbaijan, by agreement of Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan, so
Armenia has even more standing to investigate and condemn Soviet and
Azerbaijani misrule of this predominantly Armenian territory and to
withdraw its consent to the protectorate on the grounds that
Azerbaijan has violated its duties under international law. An
auxiliary fact-finding team should be established in the
Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR). Finally, trials must be conducted, in
the RoA and NKR, based on the entire range of modern international
laws on crimes against humanity. In addition, international
world-class experts should be involved in preparing and conducting the
trial.

Defending the right of Armenians in Artsakh to self-determination and,
at the same time, omitting to give a legal assessment to Azerbaijan’s
crimes against humanity in a courtroom was a mistake that greatly
weakened the position of RoA and NKR on the diplomatic front. A
separate inquiry needs to be made into Azerbaijan’s failure to fulfill
its sovereign obligations toward the Armenian populations of NKR and
Nakhichevan throughout the Soviet era, in order to demonstrate that in
addition to its criminal record, Azerbaijan is unfit to act in any
sovereign capacity with respect to Armenian populations and
lands. Azerbaijan’s crimes against humanity must be prosecuted in a
court of law and at the state level, first of all in the independent
Republic of Armenia, regardless of any possible future international
proceedings and verdicts. If the independent Armenian state does not
endeavor to convict the organizers and perpetrators of massacres,
pogroms and forced deportations of its own countrymen, that is, it is
not trying to pursue legal means of defense against the genocidal
policies towards its own people, then serious questions arise
regarding the degree of sovereignty of this state, as well as on the
level of professionalism and system of values of its political elite.

A relatively fresh example of an acute deficit of political will and
international legal competence of the authorities of RoA transpired
when they failed to give an adequate response to Azerbaijan’s barbaric
anti-Armenian criminality, namely the murder of the Armenian officer
in Budapest in February of 2004 and the destruction in Julfa (in

Nakhijevan) of thousands of irreplaceable monuments of world cultural
heritage and Armenian medieval architecture ` cross-stones
(khachqars), the fact of their barbaric demolition caught on tape
during one of the regular episodes of vandalism in December of 2005.

Further, the injured party (Republic of Armenia) should have
categorized the crime in Budapest not simply as “aggravated murder”
based on unspecified “despicable motives,” as it was put by the
Budapest court under Article 166 of Hungarian Penal Code (and readily
accepted by the Armenian side), but as an act of state terrorism
motivated by racial hatred and prepared by Azeri special forces, with
the possible complicity of their Turkish counterparts (let us recall
that the murderer was a graduate of two Turkish elite military
schools: from 1992 to 1996 he studied in Istanbul Military College,
then from 1996 to 2000 in Turkish Military Academy). Only a month
after the murder of Gurgen Markaryan and long before the beginning of
the Budapest process, I proposed to demand the consideration of strong
evidence on the basis of which the offender could be indicted on these
very charges, stressing that the available evidence “provides a solid
ground to the Armenian party at the forthcoming court hearings in
Budapest to explore this version of the murder, implying a
premeditated and thoroughly planned action by the Azerbaijani special
services, in other words, making a case for a state crime” (see
, 03/29/2004; “Novoye Vremya”, 3/30/ 2004, in
Russian). The inadequacy of Budapest’s verdict, as well as the
impunity of Azerbaijani vandalism in Julfa are fully sufficient
reasons for separate trials to be conducted in Armenia and verdicts
handed down in absentia to the organizers and executors of these
crimes. On a related note, I would like to point out that RoA
authorities did not properly respond to these barbaric displays of
Armenophobia even on a purely political level, continuing their
meetings and negotiations with the fascist leaders of the Baku regime
as if nothing had happened, instead of — at least temporarily `
suspending all relations and contacts with them! Termination of
negotiations, necessary if only to maintain national and state
dignity, would have been, among other things, a powerful tool to
inform the international public opinion about the impossibility of
Artsakh’s return under the rule of Azerbaijan, which raised the
anti-Armenian racism to the level of state ideology.

Of course, trials in absentia are a relatively rare form of bringing
justice in international jurisprudence, because, occurring in the
absence of the accused, they limit the chances for his/her
defence. But such courts аre quite typical when it comes to
serious and very serious crimes, and, for whatever reason, the
perpetrators do not get caught or brought to justice. This was how in
1919 many of the leaders of Young Turks were sentenced in absentia by
the Military Tribunals in Istanbul. Also, numerous trials in absentia
of Nazi criminals have been held in various countries of the world. In
the years 2009-2010 alone, five individuals were convicted of Nazi war
crimes, three in absentia in Italy and two in Germany. Based on the
uniquely specific challenges of the national security of Armenia,
expressed principally in the ongoing genocidal policy against the
Armenian people, a lack of international legal assessment of this
policy, as well as the impunity of

its perpetrators, Turkey and Azerbaijan, the legislation of the
Republic of Armenia must be fundamentally reassessed both in terms of
punishment for crimes against humanity, and in terms of organizing and
conducting effective trials of such crimes.

Further, the materials of the trials in absentia held in Armenia
should be, in parts or in their entirety, be transferred to the
international courts, and, first of all, to the UN International Court
of Justice or a specially created International Tribunal in the Hague
on Armenocide and ethnic cleansing in Azerbaijan. Armenia will demand
a verdict against Azerbaijan for material and financial reparations,
moral, cultural and territorial compensation, and the return of the
occupied territories of RoA and NKR.

3. The Case of Ethnic Discrimination of Georgia’s Armenian Population
And the Rights of Armenians of Javakhk

It is high time that the protection of undermined national interests
and rights of Armenians in Georgia took the form of international
legal pressure on Georgian authorities. This applies especially to the
inherent right of Javakhk Armenians to self-rule and
administrative-cultural autonomy within Georgia. Numerous instances of
discriminatory policies of official Tbilisi in the linguistic,
cultural-educational, demographic, religious, and administrative
aspects of life of this Armenian region may serve as basis for Javakhk
Armenians to initiate legal proceedings in Georgia and in
international courts on their own. In the struggle for national
self-preservation, Javakhk Armenians are experiencing a critical
shortage of professional, financial and organizational resources. RoA
and organizations of the Armenian Diaspora must support Javakhk
Armenians in legal matters now, to avoid being forced to engage in
firefighting an open conflict in the near future or facing the fact of
`Nakhichevanization’ (de-Armenization) of this strategically important
territory. There are also opportunities for direct international legal
intervention of the Republic of Armenia to protect the rights and
interests of its compatriots in Javakhk. The basis for such pressure
on Georgian authorities can be the international treaties within the
framework of UN and the Council of Europe, signed and ratified by
Georgia, including (the years of accession by Georgia are given in
parenthesis) the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1991), the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1994), the
Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of
National Minorities (2005), and so on. At the same time, it should be
noted that Javakhk Armenians are not a national minority in the
conventional sense, since they live in their homeland, the northern
part of the historical Armenian province of Gugark.

The loss of Javakhk, its de-Armenianization according to the
Nakhichevan scenario (moving along, by the way, at full speed) must be
excluded, or it would entail catastrophic complications in the
geostrategic situation of Armenia, comparable only to that of the loss
of Artsakh. Javakhk Armenians are completely within their rights to
proclaim autonomy without looking back at official Tbilisi, as well as
to bestow upon the Armenian the status of official language at the
regional level.

It is useful to note that there are recent precedents in Europe: for
example, on September 5th of 2009, a congress of representatives from
local governments in the Hungarian-populated Transylvanian region of
Romania, declared the establishment of Székely Land Autonomy (
“Székely” is the endonym for Transylvanian Hungarians). The
main decision of the participants in the second congress of this newly
formed Autonomy, held on March 12th of 2010, was to recognize the
Hungarian as the official language at the regional level. And although
the central government of Romania does not recognize the legality of
decisions for either of the two Hungarian congresses, the
self-organization of Transylvanian Hungarians through the
establishment of an autonomy and raising the status of the Hungarian
language substantially strengthened their position in Transylvania and
was a successful example of Hungary’s resolute policy to protect the
rights and interests of their compatriots abroad.

Armen AYVAZYAN
Doctor of Political Sciences

From: A. Papazian

www.defacto.am

Karabakh talks go positively – int’l mediators

ITAR-TASS, Russia
February 12, 2011 Saturday 6:20 PM EST

Karabakh talks go positively – int’l mediators

BAKU February 12

The Karabakh peace talks are proceeding positively, the co-chairmen of
the OSCE Minsk Group said after their trips to Baku and Yerevan on
February 8-11.

The Russian, American and French co-chairmen believe that “there has
been positive movement as a result of the work that has been done
since the October 2010 Astrakhan Summit” held by the presidents of
Azerbaijan, Armenia and Russia, initiated by Russia President Dmitry
Medvedev.

The international mediators urged the sides “to make further progress
to allow the peace process to proceed to its next phase” and pledged
“their support for the sides as they make the necessary decisions to
reach a peaceful settlement”.

In their opinion, “the time has arrived for decisive action on behalf
of peace to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.”

In order to promote a climate conducive to peace, the co-chairmen
“urged the sides to show restraint both on the ground and in their
public statements”.

This is the first visit by the Minsk Group co-chairmen to the region
in 2011. In Yerevan, they met with President Serzh Sargsyan, Foreign
Minister Edward Nalbandyan, and Defence Minister Seyran Ohanyan. In
Baku, they met with President Ilham Aliyev, Foreign Minister Elmar
Mammadyarov, and Defence Minister Safar Abiyev.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict began on February 22, 1988. On November
29, 1989 direct rule in Nagorno-Karabakh was ended and Azerbaijan
regained control of the region. However later a joint session of the
Armenian parliament and the top legislative body of Nagorno-Karabakh
proclaimed the unification of Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia.

On December 10, 1991, Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh held a referendum,
boycotted by local Azeris, that approved the creation of an
independent state.

The struggle over Nagorno-Karabakh escalated after both Armenia and
Azerbaijan obtained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. By the
end of 1993, the conflict had caused thousands of casualties and
created hundreds of thousands of refugees on both sides. An unofficial
ceasefire was reached on May 12, 1994.

As of August, 2008, the co-chairmen of the OSCE Minsk Group were
attempting to negotiate a full settlement of the conflict. On August
2, 2008, Aliyev and Sargsyan travelled to Moscow for talks with
Medvedev. As a result, the three presidents signed an agreement that
calls for talks on a political settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict.

From: A. Papazian

OSCE mediators urge "resolute actions" in Karabakh settlement

Mediamax, Armenia
Feb 12 2011

OSCE mediators urge “resolute actions” in Karabakh settlement

Yerevan, 12 February: The co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group [MG]
emphasized that “time has come for resolute actions aimed at the
peaceful settlement of the Nagornyy Karabakh conflict” during meetings
in [Armenia’s capital] Yerevan and [Azerbaijani capital] Baku in the
week of 7-13 February. The Mediamax news agency quoted a statement of
the Russian, French and the US co-chairs of the OSCE MG, made on the
basis of the results of their visit to the region.

“At meetings in Yerevan and Baku the co-chairs emphasized that time
has come for resolute actions aimed at the peaceful settlement of the
Nagornyy Karabakh conflict. The co-chairs believe that positive shifts
have emerged as a result of work carried out after meeting of the
[Armenian, Azerbaijani and Russian] presidents in Astrakhan in October
2010. In this context they have called upon the sides to achieve
further progress, which will allow the peace process to shift to the
next stage. The co-chairs have stated support to the sides in search
for solutions necessary for a peace settlement. The co-chairs called
upon the sides to display moderation in public statements in order to
form an adequate environment,” the statement said.

From: A. Papazian

Armenia taking "large-scale measures" to counter Azeri sniper fire

Public Television of Armenia
Feb 9 2011

Armenia taking “large-scale measures” to counter Azeri sniper fire

[Presenter] The Armenian army is preparing large-scale measures
against Azerbaijani snipers.

According to information provided by the Armenian Ministry of Defence,
the opponent has procured a large batch of sniper weapons and is
setting up sniper groups consisting of foreign contractors. The press
secretary of the Ministry of Defence gave some explanations at the
request of “Haylur” [news bulletin of the state-owned Armenian Public
TV].

[Davit Karapetyan, the press secretary of the Armenian minister of
defence, interviewed] Expansion and development of the defence
capacities of the Armenian army is the day-to-day work of the Ministry
of Defence. Expert assessments of the probable and less probable
actions of the opponent and scenarios of neutralizing the threat are
being prepared. Our actions are commensurate with the existing
threats.

[Mediamax news agency, Yerevan, in Russian 1249 gmt 10 Feb 11 quoted
Armenian Defence Minister Seyran Ohanyan as saying at his meeting with
the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairmen that Armenia was concerned about the
recent intensification of the sniper fire from the Azerbaijani side on
the Nagornyy Karabakh front line. The minister told the Karabakh
mediators that Armenia was taking appropriate measures to “neutralize”
Azerbaijan’s actions, Mediamax said.]

From: A. Papazian

Oasis in the bedlam of Venice

The Times (London)
February 12, 2011 Saturday
Edition 1;
National Edition

Oasis in the bedlam of Venice;
City break Take a tip from Byron and head for two of the city’s
lesser-known islands, writes Nigel Richardson

by Nigel Richardson

In the early 19th century a Venetian called Mattio Lovat crucified
himself, an act that got him committed to the local mental hospital on
the island of San Servolo. These days you don’t have to go to such
lengths to gain admittance to San Servolo. You just hop across from
Venice on a waterbus – a ten-minute ride – and buy a ticket.

The old hospital, which closed in 1978, houses the Museo del
Manicomio, the Museum of the Insane Asylum, which tells the story of
Lovat and the other unfortunates incarcerated here over a period of
250 years. Surrounding the old buildings are former convent gardens
that make the perfect spot to have a picnic.

You can do San Servolo in a couple of hours, a brief but brilliant
antidote to the tourist bedlam that is Venice, but I’d recommend that
you prolong the adventure.

For San Servolo is next to another fascinating lagoon island, San
Lazzaro, the site of an Armenian monastery where Lord Byron stayed in
1816 that offers guided tours in the afternoons.

The islands lie five minutes apart on the No 20 waterbus line and it
is amazing that the Venice tourist office has not thought to market
San Servolo and San Lazzaro as a double-whammy of offbeat excursions.
But they haven’t, and visitors have the islands pretty much to
themselves.

Since Venice was first settled, the islands of the lagoon have lent
themselves to religious, punitive or medical uses. Some were refuges
for lepers and plague victims. San Servolo itself was a convent, then
a military hospital, before taking in the deranged of Venice and
northern Italy.

Its first mentally ill patient, admitted in 1725, was a Venetian
nobleman, “the most illustrious Mr Lorenzo Stefani”, but the strangest
case was surely that of Mattio Lovat. A diagram in the museum, which
is housed in a portion of the old hospital premises, shows lots of
ropes and pulleys to illustrate how he may have pulled off the
difficult feat of autocrocifissione.

These were unenlightened times and the treatment of the San Servolo
patients seems to have been confined to containment and subjugation.
Objects on display include “Patrizi’s volumetric papier-mché gloves”,
which were something like prototype lie-detector devices, a shower
cage that spurted cold water to “calm the fury” and a Convulsor
machine for administering electric shocks. More benignly, the
apothecary’s shop, dating from 1719, supplied the hospitals of the
Venetian Republic and provided low-cost medicines for the poor of the
city.

Lord Byron would doubtless have been fascinated by San Servolo, and by
the case of Mattio Lovat in particular, but they just missed each
other. Lovat died in the Manicomio in 1806. Ten years later Byron
turned up at the monastery on San Lazzaro, 200 yards south across the
lagoon, to study the fiendishly difficult Armenian language. The room
where he worked, which now contains an Egyptian mummy complete with
head and extracted brain, is included in a guided tour of the
cloisters, church, refectory and libraries.

Byron said that his trips to the Armenian monastery were a
“divertissement” from Venice itself, where the poor man had trouble
keeping his trousers on. Together with San Servolo, San Lazzaro still
makes the perfect divertissement – an afternoon out with the mad, bad
and dangerous to know, and back in time for Bellinis.

Need to know

Take waterbus line 20 from the stop at San Zaccaria (Monumento) on the
Riva degli Schiavoni. The Museo del Manicomio must be booked in
advance by calling 0039 041 524 0119; a guide will meet you there;
admission ¤3 per person for minimum group size of five (ie, just two
people would pay ¤7.5 each). Daily tours of the Armenian Monastery
start at 3.30pm, no booking required; admission ¤6. Waterbus times may
be subject to change, so check, but I would suggest taking the 13.10
to San Servolo, picking up the 15.20 from there to San Lazzaro and
returning to San Zaccaria on the 16.45 or 17.25. For the monastery
only, take the 15.10 from San Zaccaria.

From: A. Papazian

Can Armenians Be Like Egyptians?

Can Armenians Be Like Egyptians?

HETQ
[ 2011/02/13 | 14:49 ]
society
The Egyptians did it. They dispelled a regime that they knew to be
oppressive and corrupt, which limited their freedom of expression and
movement and held them hostage to failed opportunity and poverty.

For over two weeks they struggled against all odds to bring about the
change they expected and they eventually reached their main goal-to
push Mubarak out of office. And it was all because of the youth, a
dedicated corps of individuals who decided that enough was enough.
Through social networking they got the message out and people took to
the streets, refusing to relent until their demands were met. Mission
accomplished.

From: A. Papazian

BAKU: Nagorno-Karabakh: Time arrived for decisive actions

Trend, Azerbaijan
Feb 12 2011

Nagorno-Karabakh: Time arrived for decisive actions

Elmira Tariverdiyeva, commentator of Trend’s European desk

The next visit of OSCE Minsk Group on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict
settlement ended. According to the mediators, the first trip in the
new year was aimed at defining an action program for 2011.

After meetings in Yerevan with Armenian president, foreign minister
and defence minister, the co-chairs refused to comment on the talks,
without saying anything concrete upon arrival in Baku as well. French
co-chair Bernard Fassier said only that the current MG mission is to
promote the going efforts to advance the basic principles on peaceful
resolution of the conflict.
After the visit, the OSCE Minsk Group published a traditional
statement that again urged the parties to the peaceful resolution of
territorial dispute. All these would be not so important, if there
would not be several events around the Nagorno-Karabakh, which have
occurred over recent period.

In the statement, co-chairs finally made some specificity. According
to them, the time has arrived for decisive action on behalf of peace
to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

It is possible that the OSCE Minsk Group has real preconditions for
such statements. After the disappointment from the OSCE Astana summit
in December, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflicting sides and the mediators
did not slow down the negotiations, continuing to work to find
solutions.

Moscow hosted talks between Azerbaijani, Armenian and Russian foreign
ministers Elmar Mammadyarov, Edward Nalbandian and Sergei Lavrov on
the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on Jan. 25.

Intensive consultations are underway among the foreign ministers of
Azerbaijan, Armenia and Russia, Russian Permanent Representative to
the OSCE Anvar Azimov said on Thursday. The frequency of such meetings
shows the seriousness of the work carried out in this format and the
focus of the parties on specific and practical results.

“Thus, a proper basis is being developed for a new meeting of the
Azerbaijani, Armenian and Russian leaders,” Azimov said at a meeting
of the OSCE Permanent Council in Vienna.

In the near future, it is also possible to expect the involvement of
EU in the negotiation process around Nagorno-Karabakh.

“The unresolved conflicts in the South Caucasus continue to represent
the primary threats to the region’s stability,” EU Special
Representative for the South Caucasus Peter Semneby said at a meeting
of the OSCE Permanent Council in Viennatoday, emphasizingthat the
security situation in Nagorno-Karabakh was of particular concern.

It is really time for mediators to think about that the status-quo in
the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict settlement threatens to destabilize the
entire region that will impact on foreign players as well. Tensions in
the region significantly increases, which is supported by statements
from both sides. Azerbaijan is losing patience because of the
prolonged occupation of its lands on the backdrop of provocative
actions by the Armenian side, which threatens with the recognition of
independence of Nagorno-Karabakh, calls for the recognition of another
“Armenian genocide” by Azerbaijan, and speculates the example of a
referendum in Southern Sudan.

At a meeting with the co-chairs, the defence minister of Azerbaijan
Safar Abiyev said that the country would resort to any methods to
liberate its territories, including through the force component.

In this case, Baku, who has so long hoped for progress in the peace
process, now looks forward to the international community and requires
a direct pressure on Yerevan to withdraw from seven occupied
Azerbaijani districts. Otherwise, Azerbaijan does not see the effect
of talks on the need for a speedy resolution of the conflict.

In addition, on the eve of the OSCE Minsk Group’s visit, the
International Crisis Group, which consists of leading experts and
analysts, issued a report “Azerbaijan and Armenia: Preventing War”.

The report noted that the tensions in the region are growing on the
backdrop of deteriorated situation on the line of contact and the
failure of peace talks, which would make a new armed conflict in the
South Caucasus far more deadly than the 1992-1994 one that ended with
a shaky truce, the report said.

According to Crisis Group experts, Regional alliances could pull in
Russia, Turkey and Iran. Vital oil and gas pipelines near the front
lines would be threatened.

Given the above-mentioned, the mediators must understand that in this
situation Baku has every reason to be impatient, while Armenia has no
right to delay the negotiations, continue finding more and more absurd
pretexts to maintain the status quo.

From: A. Papazian