Armenia’s Temple of Garni in list of world’s best monuments built during Roman Empire

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 11:05,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 17, ARMENPRESS. Belgian Le Vif Weekend online journal has published the list of the best architectural monuments relating to the heritage of the Ancient Roman Period (754/753 BC – 476 AD).

The Armenian Temple of Garni is included in the list of the top 51 most beautiful monuments. It is the 37th in the list. The Temple of Garni is the only standing Greco-Roman colonnaded building in Armenia and the former Soviet Union. Built in the Ionic order in the village of Garni, in central Armenia, it is the best-known structure and symbol of pre-Christian Armenia. The structure was built by king Tiridates I in the first century AD as a temple to the sun god Mihr.

Rome’s Colosseum tops the list of the most beautiful monuments in the world. The Colosseum is an oval amphitheatre in the centre of the city of Rome, Italy, just east of the Roman Forum. It is the largest ancient amphitheatre ever built, and is still the largest standing amphitheatre in the world today, despite its age.

CivilNet: UAE to implement a new solar project in Armenia

CIVILNET.AM

17 Jan, 2022 10:01

  • The United Arab Emirates- owned renewable energy company Masdar will implement another 200 MW solar plant project.
  • Wizz Air will start flights from Abu Dhabi to Yerevan in the near future.
  • Armenia will create a working group for the construction of the Yeraskh and Meghri railway sections.
  • Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s fake news debunked by the CivilNet Fact checking team.

Credits: Ruptly

Russia Is Worried About Challenges in the Caucasus

FP – Foreign Policy
Jan 14 2022

By Eugene Chausovsky, a nonresident fellow at the Newlines Institute.
Volunteers and reservists take part in a military training course in Yerevan, Armenia, 
on Oct. 22, 2020. KAREN MINASYAN/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES

The first two weeks of 2022 have been eventful and consequential ones for Russia and its neighbors. Last week, Russia sent troops into Kazakhstan via the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in response to widespread unrest, while this week Russian officials have been engaged in a series of high-stakes talks with U.S. and NATO officials over Ukraine. However, there is another region that has been overlooked but that may prove to be just as dynamic in the coming weeks and months: the Caucasus.

Already, there has been an uptick in military hostilities between Armenia and Azerbaijan along their shared border in recent days, more than a year after large-scale fighting between the two ceased, just as envoys from Armenia and Turkey held their first round of talks on political normalization in Moscow on Jan. 14. Both of these developments can be seen as ripple effects from the brief war that broke out over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh in late 2020, a conflict that led to the deployment of Russian peacekeeping forces to the region and to a recalibration of the political and security landscape of the area. In turn, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has served as both a strategic backdrop to, and important precursor of, the events currently unfolding in Ukraine and Kazakhstan.

Russian military deployments in the post-Soviet space may have various causes and motivations, but each has at its root a fairly straightforward objective for Moscow: to entrench its influence as the dominant external power in the region and to prevent or limit the influence of other external powers. For example, in the case of Russia’s intervention in Ukraine in 2014, it was to limit the influence of the West, including the European Union and especially NATO, following a pro-Western revolution in Kyiv. The same was the case for Russia’s intervention in Georgia in 2008, coming just months after Georgian and Ukrainian membership aspirations were recognized by the bloc at the Bucharest summit.

Moscow’s intervention in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in 2020 was intended to stem the tide of territorial losses by Russia’s ally and fellow CSTO member Armenia at the hands of Azerbaijan, which was more independent and not an institutional ally. But the manner and timing of Russia’s intervention also had elements of self-interest, enabling Moscow to maintain ties with both Baku and Yerevan.

Stepping in was meant also to limit the influence of Turkey, whose security support for Azerbaijan via weaponry including TB2 drones proved pivotal in helping the country’s forces break through Armenian defenses. Thus, Russia intervened as a mediator to oversee a cease-fire and transfer of territory in and around Nagorno-Karabakh from Armenia to Azerbaijan, which was painful to accept for Yerevan but at the same time was much less than what Armenian forces would have otherwise likely lost on the battlefield. Armenia and Azerbaijan both agreed to the Moscow-brokered armistice, with its implementation consisting of the deployment of 2,000 Russian peacekeepers in November 2020.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict highlighted Russia’s regional power status and Moscow’s continued ability to shape events, but it also revealed that Moscow’s influence has limitations. After all, Russia’s preferred outcome would have been the prewar status quo, but Azerbaijan, along with its own ally in Turkey, was able to forcefully challenge this status quo. This challenge substantially raised the profile of Ankara in the region, with Moscow agreeing to a joint Russian-Turkish monitoring center to oversee the cease-fire implementation and Russia having no choice but to acknowledge the important regional power role played by Turkey.

The year since has also revealed key constraints to Russia’s influence in the region. Despite the presence of Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh, both Armenian and Azerbaijani forces have violated the cease-fire on a periodic and sometimes deadly basis. And Turkey has been able to leverage its increased influence for its own political and economic gains, most notably in its support for Azerbaijan’s regional transport and infrastructure initiatives and its diplomatic outreach to Armenia to resume trade and flights, and to revive the long-dormant process of political normalization.

To be sure, Russia has played an important part in all of these discussions, but Moscow is no longer the only major actor in shaping the geopolitics of the Caucasus. While Russia’s military presence in the region mitigated the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, it has not been enough to prevent eruptions of violence or to bring about a sustainable peace. In the meantime, Turkey has proved its willingness and ability to directly challenge Russia in the region, even as the two countries cooperate in other spheres such as energy and weapons sales. The world is becoming more multipolar, which can serve as both a benefit and a challenge to entrenched powers—including Moscow.

This brings us back to the unfolding events in Ukraine and Kazakhstan. In the Ukrainian case, Russia is still trying to push back against the political, economic, and security influence of the West, while seeking guarantees against the prospects of NATO enlargement it has fought to avoid. In Kazakhstan, Russia is less worried about the West, but it could see its position as the dominant external power giving way to others, including China and perhaps even Turkey. While Russia has established a pragmatic division of labor of sorts with China in Central Asia, Moscow cannot be sure this working arrangement will last forever. And Russia can be even less sure of Turkey’s intentions, considering that the two have been on opposing sides of conflicts in such areas as Syria and Libya, and that Turkish TB2 drones are now being sold to the likes of Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan.

Thus, there is a broader connection between what is happening in the Caucasus and the events that are unfolding in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. The Kremlin finds its dominant power status in the former Soviet periphery being challenged from numerous directions, and Russia’s CSTO deployment in Kazakhstan and its military maneuvers along the Ukrainian border are intended to show that Moscow is both able and willing to use military force to maintain its position as the dominant regional power in the post-Soviet space.

However, such military actions may only take Russia so far, and they have their own risk of blowback. For example, Russia has to consider that its CSTO deployment to Kazakhstan may set a dangerous precedent, as other member states like Armenia are no strangers to mass protests and unrest. For example, if violent demonstrations were to erupt in Armenia in the future, would Russia have to intervene again? And if so, could it be certain such an intervention will succeed? Such questions could become increasingly relevant as Armenia and Azerbaijan continue to stare each other down and Turkey and others look to expand their position in the region. The Caucasus may soon prove to be no less dynamic and consequential than Eastern Europe or Central Asia, both for Russia and the powers with which it contends.

Eugene Chausovsky is a nonresident fellow at the Newlines Institute. Chausovsky previously served as senior Eurasia analyst at the geopolitical analysis firm Stratfor for more than 10 years. His work focuses on political, economic, and security issues pertaining to Russia, Eurasia, and the Middle East.

https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/01/14/russia-csto-caucasus-nagorno-karabakh/

CSTO Secretary General discusses Kazakhstan with Armenian PM

TASS, Russia
Jan 6 2022
CSTO press secretary Vladimir Zainetdinov recalled that the main goal of the Collective Peacekeeping Forces is to protect important state and military facilities

MOSCOW, January 6. /TASS/. Secretary General of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) Stanislav Zas discussed the situation in Kazakhstan with Chairman of the CSTO Collective Security Council, Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan, as well as sending of the organization’s peacekeeping forces to this country, CSTO press secretary Vladimir Zainetdinov told reporters.

“Zas talked about the situation in Kazakhstan and the implementation of the decision of the Collective Security Council on sending the Collective Peacekeeping Forces of the CSTO to the country to normalize the situation,” Zainetdinov said.

The press secretary recalled that the main goal of the Collective Peacekeeping Forces of the CSTO is to protect important state and military facilities, to assist the law enforcement forces of Kazakhstan in stabilizing the situation.

On January 2, crowds took to the streets in the cities of Zhanaozen and Aktau in the Mangystau Region, in southwestern Kazakhstan, protesting against high fuel prices. Two days later, the protests engulfed Almaty, in the country’s southeast, where the police used flashbangs to disperse the crowd, as well as other cities, including Atyrau, Aktobe (in the west), Uralsk (in the northwest), Taraz, Shymkent, Kyzylorda (in the south), Karaganda (in the northeast) and even Kazakhstan’s capital Nur-Sultan. The president imposed a two-week state of emergency in the Mangystau Region and in the Almaty Region, as well as the republic’s largest city of Almaty and the capital Nur-Sultan. On January 5, the head of the state also accepted the government’s resignation. Its members will continue to perform their tasks until a new cabinet is formed.

Parents of captives in Azerbaijan holding sit-in outside Armenia government building

 News.am 
Dec 30 2021

A group of parents of the Armenian captives in Azerbaijan are staging a sit-in in front of the main building of the government of Armenia.

The Armenian News-NEWS.am correspondent reports from the scene that they demand the return of their sons from captivity.

They are standing in silence, holding banners in Armenian and English.

According to unconfirmed data, there are still more than 80 Armenian captives in Azerbaijan.

Carpet production drops sharply in Armenia in ten months

Panorama, Armenia
Dec 29 2021

The production of carpets continues declining in Armenia, the latest official statistics show.

The country manufactured a total of 2.6 tons of carpets and carpet products in January-October 2021, which was a drop of 59.4% compared to the same period of 2020, the Statistical Committee said.

Incidentally, 6.4 tons of carpets were manufactured in Armenia in January-October last year and 26.2 tons of carpets in the same months of 2019.

Kocharyan: Armenia has washed its hands of Karabakh

 NEWS.am 
Dec 27 2021

We have received a clarity on Armenia’s position on the status of Nagorno-Karabakh. The second president of Armenia, leader of the opposition “Armenia” Bloc Robert Kocharyan stated this during his year-end press conference Monday.

“It is already clear that if the [Armenian] prime minister [Nikol Pashinyan] says that since 2016 there was not even a theoretical possibility for Karabakh to have a status outside Azerbaijan, this is Armenia’s position. This means that Armenia has washed its hands of Karabakh. With these recent statements, the prime minister, in fact, questioned the September 2 [1991] declaration of Artsakh, which has been put on the basis for the existence, formation of Karabakh. Either they do not understand what they are doing or they are doing it in a planned way, a puppet program is being implemented in Armenia.

In fact, we have a complete failure in all important domains. The most interesting thing is that when you go down from the first person, it is not clear who to ask. No one works long enough to ask something. It seems it is a deck of cards, they shuffle, divide, shuffle again,” Kocharyan stated.


Putin thanks Russian peacekeepers in Karabakh

Vestnik Kavkaza
Dec 21 2021
 21 Dec in 16:40

Russian President Vladimir Putin thanked the Russian peacekeepers in the Karabakh region for professionalism, endurance, and persistence.

“Our peacekeepers have been assisting to maintain stability in the Karabakh region for more than a year,” Putin said at an expanded meeting of the Defense Ministry on December 21.

“The humanitarian situation has been improved, the territory of a number of districts has been cleared of mines, social infrastructure has been restored, historical and cultural monuments have been preserved thanks to the efforts of our peacekeepers,” he noted.

“I would like to thank the personnel performing peacekeeping tasks for professionalism, endurance, and persistence,” Putin added.

Launch of Persian Gulf-Black Sea route could boost economic cooperation – Armenian PM

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 12:13, 21 December, 2021

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 21, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan says that the implementation of the Persian Gulf-Black Sea international transportation corridor project could boost the economic cooperation.

Pashinyan delivered speech at the 11th session of the Armenian-Georgian inter-governmental commission on economic cooperation in Tbilisi, stating in particular: “The bilateral cooperation between Armenia and Georgia in the transportation sector is a priority for us. We are cooperating within a number of international transportation organizations, are attaching great importance to the implementation of the Persian Gulf-Black Sea international transportation corridor and other initiatives in the field. I would like to note that the route connecting Persian Gulf with the Black Sea can truly boost the economic cooperation. Moreover, I want to highlight one more important fact that Prime Minister Garibashvili said that we view the relations with Georgia not only in the bilateral, but also within the regional cooperation domain. This is highly important in the context of our relations. Yes, Armenia and Georgia have quite a serious field of cooperation, and we can mutually assist one another”.

He said that there are two projects by the Persian Gulf-Black Sea route – automobile route and railway route. “For the development of the automobile route, we are implementing the construction of North-South highway which connects the Armenian-Georgian border with the Armenian-Iranian border. For the further effective work of the road we are holding active discussions with our Iranian and Georgian partners, and it’s very important that we reach a complete mutual understanding here. Moreover, I want to draw your attention to the fact that if we manage to reach an agreement with Azerbaijan over the Armenia-Azerbaijan automobile communication, this project will significantly change, becoming North-South, East-West route”, the Armenian PM said. “As for the restoration of railway communication, we have already reached a principled agreement with Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev. The talk is about the restoration of Yerevan-Julfa-Ordubad-Meghri-Horadiz railway, and we hope to end that works within the next 2-3 years. Of course, we need to work so that our agreements are clearly recorded as they are”, Nikol Pashinyan said.

Azerbaijan requested Google to remove historical Armenian toponyms from Artsakh map

Panorama, Armenia
Dec 23 2021

The Azerbaijani foreign ministry has reached out to Google through diplomatic channels and requested to remove the historical Armenian toponyms from the Artsakh Republic map, the country’s MFA Spokesperson has told local media. 

According to reports, the request concerns the geographic names of settlements in Artsakh territories which have been taken control by Azerbaijani forces during the third Nagorno-Karabakh war. 

To note, Google Maps, which is a user generated platform, currently displays the names of settlements in both Armenian and Azerbaijani languages.