Month: November 2023

Following Armenia’s defeat in the 2020 Artsakh War, and the Armenian government’s concessions under the sham banner of “democracy,” came the “peace” narrative – peace at any cost, even if it meant recognizing Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan and abandoning its population to ethnic cleansing, which has been swiftly followed by the willingness to give away the enclaves (eight villages demanded by Azerbaijan) and the Syunik province.

Prime Minister Pashinyan presents the “Crossroads of Peace” project at the Tbilisi International Forum in October (Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia)

This has now been elevated to new heights by the “crossroads of peace,” a plan for regional interconnectivity that was introduced by the European Union and mimicked by Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan as if it is the genius invention of his administration. While presenting the project at an international conference in Tbilisi on October 26, PM Pashinyan said it would enhance communication between Armenia, Turkey, Azerbaijan and Russia through infrastructure development.

But what does it really mean? 

The current government has admitted that Azerbaijan’s appetite for more territory was not satisfied by the fall of Artsakh, and a peace agreement might not end Azerbaijani aggression towards Armenia. It also says that Armenia has no security guarantor, as Russia has stopped its role. Instead of offering a substantial policy to fill the security vacuum, Armenia feels it has no choice but to offer the “crossroads of peace” for the sake of the economic wellbeing of the region, which is supposed to bring a hypothetical peace.

Instead, the “crossroads of peace” is an extension of appeasement, a foreign policy of pacifying an aggrieved country through negotiation in order to prevent war. It compels Armenia to submit and concede, to become useful to aggressive neighbors through realism.

The concept of regional connectivity through transit routes is not new, as it has been considered by previous administrations. However, it is unrealistic at this stage, as alternative trade routes already exist that bypass what is offered under the “crossroads of peace” plan. Rather, the project would further benefit Azerbaijan. Through soft power, Azerbaijan would control Syunik and the enclaves and disrupt other infrastructure. The peace agreement that PM Pashinyan is so keen to carry out, even though he does not have the legitimacy to do so, is a pretense for capitulation that would bring further losses and see the creation of Azerbaijani settlements on Armenian territory.

To participate in this project and create a route connecting Armenia and Turkey, the latter would demand that Armenia end claims to historic lands, stop pursuing Armenian Genocide recognition and change the wording of Armenia’s constitution. This is actively being discussed in the ruling Civil Contract party circles and has been mentioned a few times by the Prime Minister. All nationalist, “revanchist” elements of society would be banished, followed by a change in the education system to implement internationalism and globalism as opposed to national values. Armenia would become a society void of any identity, where nationality does not matter and only money and commercial benefits are prioritized.

But is the concept of “peace” realistic in an environment where Armenia is surrounded by aggressive, fascist states that only want to see Armenia’s demise? In such an environment, Armenia could be wiped off the map, as its survival would not be tolerated. 

Moreover, the “crossroads of peace” will not serve the independence and sovereignty of Armenian statehood. The operating license of Armenia would be handed over from Russia to Turkey and Azerbaijan. 

One must fight for sovereignty, independence and freedom, as was the case during the world wars, after the Armenian Genocide and during the 1990s. A country must build an army that is not afraid to die for liberty and form alliances with powers that can guarantee the strengthening of military capacities.

Pashinyan is not capable of creating a sovereign state or strengthening the army. In fact, he has done the opposite and has become a symbol of defeat and capitulation. The bar has been lowered to the point that no red lines remain. 

It has been three years since the end of the 2020 war, and no alternative narrative has been put forward to create an army and foreign policy that will strengthen Armenian statehood. Instead, a defeatist narrative has penetrated the opposition mindset as well. . 

We have heard endless messages about how Armenia is facing an existential danger. However, for three wasted years, Armenia has waited for Russia to come to its rescue while it has repeatedly betrayed Artsakh. We must accept that Russian interests have changed, and while it no longer sees Armenia as a useful slave, it has forged deep alliances with Turkey and Azerbaijan. Russia greenlit the war in 2020, the blockade and the genocide carried out by Azerbaijan in Artsakh. 

Yet, the opposition still has not accepted this reality. It does not openly criticize Russia and still believes that negotiation can win Russia over. The opposition has made several mistakes:

1. It never openly rejected the November 9, 2020 ceasefire agreement.
2. It trusted Russia’s promises that it would come to power in the near future, made periodically over the last three years, which gave the opposition a false hope and only cemented Pashinyan’s power.
3. During the blockade, it never expressed dissatisfaction towards the peacekeepers’ inability to keep the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor unobstructed and avoid the massacres of September 19. It never demanded an international peacekeeping presence.
4. To this day, it has not demanded answers from Russia regarding why it assisted the genocide and forced displacement of Artsakh’s Armenian population. Artsakh’s Armenians, unlike Pashinyan’s Armenia, stayed loyal to Russia until the end. They entrusted Russians with their safety and returned to Artsakh after the 2020 war, where large billboards were raised featuring Putin’s images.
5. It did not demand to know why the security and dignity of Artsakh’s Armenians were not protected. Rather, they were subjected to humiliation by the abduction of civilians at Azerbaijan’s checkpoint along the Berdzor Corridor and of Artsakh officials from Stepanakert.

The longevity of statehood is ensured by creating policies and offering solutions to survive in a complex geopolitical environment and evolving world order. It is not ensured by repeating that we are in crisis.

Instead, some of the opposition members have come up with the defeatist solution of joining  the union state with Russia. The so-called nationalists prefer to forsake sovereignty and join a union that is not accepted by the world for the sake of saving what we have left.

Some of the opposition is prepared to offer a shrunken country to Russia rather than keeping the current territories intact. It provides parallels to 1920, when Armenia became Sovietized to deter more bloodshed. However, Russia is not the same as it was then. The Soviet Union and the Cold War no longer exist. Russia is weak, rejected by the world, isolated and in a deep strategic cooperation with Turkey and Azerbaijan. One cannot trust the security guarantees that Russia offers but is incapable of or willing to implement.

Our current political elite has presented two scenarios: to submit to Azerbaijan, concede to their demands and end up with a Yerevan city-state with no national identity, or join the union state. Both are equally flawed and equally dangerous for the survival of Armenian statehood. 

What are some alternatives?

Although we have lost precious time and territories with the loss of Artsakh and the war, national values can be reinvigorated by contributing our global nation’s collective resources to create the ideal state. The time to act is now. We cannot wait until the traitorous “peace” agreement is signed. We did not resist when Berdzor was handed over without a fight, which was followed by the blockade and depopulation of Artsakh. We must organize to stop the shrinking of our land bit by bit and uphold our territorial integrity. We must rebuild the army and form alliances that will strengthen our security. We must reach a consensus for a national agenda that will protect our statehood and reject the two remedies that do not serve national interests. All the concerned and caring groups who want to see an independent state must unite to determine what we want as a nation.

Armenians made the impossible, possible after the Armenian Genocide, when we had no state institutions and no external help. We achieved this once again in the 1990s, when we created an independent state based on the ideology of Artsakh’s independence, with no army or assistance. History demonstrates that when Armenians unite in times of adverse danger, they create victorious resistance movements.

This is not an easy task. It requires leadership with the right mindset, dedication, sacrifice, conviction and determination to succeed. If we do not fight for our survival, no one else will do it for us. We will only gain our integrity and respect from the international community when we stand for our just cause. If we don’t, we deserve to be stateless. After all, romanticism brought us victories, not realism.

My wife and I traveled to Florida this past week to attend the funeral of my uncle, who lived in northern Florida for the better part of the last 30 years. After my paternal grandparents migrated from Sepastia and Adana (with grandpa’s three-year stint in the Armenian Legion), they settled in Massachusetts, where our extended family established roots. Most of our greater family originated from either Indian Orchard (“the Orchard”) or Franklin, Massachusetts. Spending my summers on my grandparents’ poultry farm in Franklin afforded us a unique perspective of Camp Haiastan—attending as a camper and visiting as a “local.” Eventually, a branch of our family moved to California, to Los Angeles and San Jose. Another branch of the family from my parents’ generation moved to Florida. 

Uncle George and Aunt Rose Torosian

The primary purpose of our visit was to attend my dear uncle’s funeral, but we also had the opportunity to see several relatives who are all in their 90’s. Uncle Charlie, my father’s youngest brother, moved to Florida to retire. He was 91 and had served on the Camp board for many years during his time residing in Franklin. Uncle George and Auntie Rose, also poultry farmers from Franklin and remarkable individuals with keen insight and vigor for life, retired to the same area many years ago. One of their sons and his wife live close by to provide family support. Aunt Vivian lives in the area and is the senior member of the clan at 98. Her daughter and husband also live in the same town. We commonly refer to them as “Armenian aunts and uncles,” although they are technically my father’s first cousins. They have always been aunts and uncles to us and were indispensable parts of our upbringing. 

During times of loss, it is natural to seek the comfort of those we trust and love. The loss of a close relative is a time to grieve, mourn, remember and be thankful for the impact they had on our lives. A loss within a nation is very similar. Each generation of Armenians has suffered terrible losses and has mourned those tragedies before recovery can begin. For our grandparents, it was the Armenian Genocide with its human and territorial theft. My parents’ generation experienced losses associated with a world war, when many went to serve and not all returned. Most of our elders never discussed the pain of their survival in the horror of war. Today’s generation is reliving the losses of our survivor generation with the vivid observation of the atrocities in Artsakh. As the injustice was unfolding, the pain was heightened by our feelings of helplessness. 

While the wheels of justice move slowly or may not exist, we have but one outlet to mourn and recover. We are sustained by the power of our familial and community relationships. After the Genocide, many compatriotic unions were established from their villages of origin in western Armenia. They were a bonding force to bring some level of transitional comfort during those horrific times. Armenians still get excited when they have chance encounters on campuses or through professional experiences. During my business travels, while my colleagues would go to the hotel bar or tourist sights, I would often explore the local Armenian community. It was not a unique practice. Many Armenians have had similar experiences. It is odd that a people plagued with division instinctively have an affinity for each other. It is our relationships at various levels that sustain us, replenish our approach and take us to new levels. We continue to rely on each other for identity. 

I recently read the address by Noubar Afeyan at the Mirror-Spectator celebration, sharing his thoughts on our unjustly imprisoned former Artsakh State Minister Ruben Vardanyan. The original visionaries of the Aurora Initiative, including the late Vartan Gregorian, created a synergy of unprecedented thinking and mutual respect. I could feel the concern for Ruben in Noubar’s address. Projects like these require resources and vision, but relationships give us the courage to expand our thinking. Noubar is here, and Ruben is jailed in Baku, but the relationship endures. It is the same for the thousands of relatives, organizational colleagues and personal friends who we call the global Armenian nation. 

When I was in Florida, I thought a great deal about the family relationships that have made us who we are today. Our extended family placed a very high value on respect for our elders. In my youth, our family came together frequently, but we were never allowed to run off with our cousins until we had given proper attention to our older relatives. Over the years, it has become clear to me that this was not a move for control by our parents and grandparents. They gave us a gift of learning and gaining wisdom from these people. We would spend countless hours listening to them and watching their every move. In my hyphenated Armenian life, I played with my buddies in the neighborhood during the week. My friends knew, however, that I was rarely available on weekends, since we would either visit relatives or host them in our numerous backyard kebab picnics. These relationships developed because our parents believed, based on their inherited values, that family bonds are essential in receiving the joy of life and managing adversity. It was difficult to maintain this lifestyle alongside work and local community activities, but it resulted in a sustained Armenian identity and family relationships that have guided our lives for decades. I watched how the family came together in times of loss but also to share moments of happiness. 

Stepan Piligian’s Uncle Garo Yergatian and Uncle Paul Piligian

It is a daunting thought that my peers and I are separated from becoming the elder generation by just these six individuals. My entire life, I have had the privilege of receiving guidance from my elders in a nurturing environment we call the Armenian family. My relatives in Boston, San Jose and Florida are between 95-98 years old. Auntie Dot is 96 and anchors the family in Boston, along with our Uncle Garo at 95 in Franklin. It is truly a blessing to be in their midst. This trip was special, given the substantial time with each of them to catch up, laugh and reminisce.

My cousins recently observed that growing up, we had the benefit of mentoring from aunts and uncles in moments when our parents would have been less effective. It was not a threatening experience but rather gave us advice and made us feel more secure. Were there moments when we may have been less than gracious? Sure, but the long-term impact has influenced how we choose to parent. The role of grandparents has always been very important in our family model. Many Armenians grow up adoring their grandparents. Many of our childhood experiences were under duress due to societal changes and geographic proximity, but the emergence of two income households has increased the supporting role of grandparents and added depth to the relationship. Grandparents are capable of communicating and supporting children in unique ways that can bolster the values that will guide our youth. Will this cultural norm continue to fuel our Armenian identity? It will take continued commitment by all of us.

Our trip to say goodbye to our uncle was a reminder that our time is finite but full of blessings. My Uncle Paul in California is 96 and very active. He moved in 1963, settling in San Jose in 1968. He vowed not to let geography impact our relationships. He and my aunt have spent the last 55 years illustrating that point, with countless trips east for weddings, anniversaries and other events. This summer, he and his family came to the east coast three times for weddings. The beauty of this commitment is that his nieces and nephews have visited him many times in California. It is role modeling at its best. Our identity is seeded in what we hold in common. Uncle Paul has spent many of his visits documenting our family history. He wrote a genealogical history a few years back, which he now teaches to our younger generations. It was a picture of beauty at the end of our daughter’s wedding to see Uncle Paul “holding court” with our emerging generation, filling in the blanks for them and motivating them to seek answers. This generation has a wealth of knowledge, as children of Genocide survivors, who were born into an economic depression, served to save the free world and provided a safety net for succeeding generations.

Most people spend the majority of their lives establishing and developing relationships. Family, professional and community relationships form the essence of human outreach. We also strive for a personal relationship with our Lord Jesus Christ, which takes us beyond our earthly existence and introduces us to the importance of salvation and eternity. It is these relationships that open the path for our identity. We must utilize our relationships to work through the sense of loss. We must stay active in our communities, support the efforts to assist those deported from our Artsakh and stay informed so we can add value. Building and maintaining these relationships should be a very personal matter. Maintain important relations, encourage your children to be involved with peer relatives and heal the wounds that keep us apart. There has been a recent surge in our pan-Armenian thinking, as more Armenians recognize the importance of collaboration. I can’t think of a better enabler for pan-Armenian behavior than investing in meaningful relationships.