AW: Echoes of vanishing spirituality

My latest visits to Armenia showed me a face of the country where I was born and spent the first 17 years of my life that I had not noticed in the past. Had that face been there forever and I hadn’t seen it because I had been living with it every day, or was I noticing it because I had seen something more positive elsewhere and had a benchmark to compare it to? The face I am talking about is that of aggression – persistent, dangerous aggression, in the most unimportant and minor situations, where a simple smile could solve the issue. 

An accidental bumping of shoulders gives rise to a cycle of, “Look in front of you,” and “Watch how you talk to me,” whereas, in many other countries and cultures, such a scenario would result not in mutual blaming but in mutual apologies, each side taking responsibility for its unintentional carelessness and peacefully resolving the situation. Even worse than when we Armenians walk is what happens when we drive. An endless cycle of loud, repetitive car horns, accompanied by, “Why are you honking at me?” and a series of other exchanges, which sometimes end in swear words and violent remarks, disrupting all traffic for the restoration of the glory of one’s ego. 

I witnessed these examples in Armenia, but the virtual world of our social media platforms is even more mind-blowing than this. Aggressive comments, hate speech and profanity are widespread when someone shares different political views than ours, belongs to a political party that we are against, or simply does not share our way of doing, thinking or saying things. This phenomenon of widespread aggression found both in the offline and online worlds of Armenia is unsuitable for a culture that does not allow swearing when women are present and treats foreign visitors to Armenia with such hospitality and warmheartedness, like long-lost sisters and brothers. So why would we treat our very own compatriot sisters and brothers with an attitude that is in no way comparable to how we treat and even praise foreigners? Why do we take each other for granted? 

I’ve reflected on several potential factors and causes behind this phenomenon. An obvious one for me is the trauma that we as a nation have lived through over the past few years. The wounds of the 1915 Genocide still unhealed, we witnessed numerous other wars and massacres, which left our population in a physically and psychologically devastated state. Parents who lost their sons, children who lost their fathers, men who lost their body parts, thousands who lost their homes, almost everyone lost something: a brother, a sister, a friend, a loved one. We all lost a homeland. And with all those losses stacked up on top of each other, it’s hard not to lose some percentage of sanity. 

That being said, however, I would assume that the shared struggle and suffering would lead us not to aggression but to compassion and mutual support, enhanced care and respect, and unwavering solidarity and unity in the face of a common enemy who is diligently getting ready for another attack. Instead of uniting and preparing to fight the enemy, we are looking for enemies among us, in each others’ eyes, trying to exact revenge on each other. 

Psychological trauma may be one of the reasons behind this aggression, and anger is, oftentimes, a fear response, but there is something happening in our hearts and minds on a much deeper level that does not involve our external circumstances as much as our inherent, unchangeable spiritual nature. There has been a shift, both in Armenia and around the world, away from spirituality. As a result, values of humility, forgiveness, kindness, compassion, patience and peace have been overshadowed by arrogance, resentment, cruelty, indifference, impatience and turmoil.

Armenians so often boast that we were the first nation to adopt Christianity as a state religion, yet we so rarely act according to the Christian values of humility, forgiveness, patience, compassion and love. Many go to church only on special holidays and put effort into cooking the right foods for Christmas and Easter without understanding the real, spiritual significance of these events. Many of us remember God and pray only when we are in need, in the same way that we appreciate water when we are thirsty, that we appreciate our health when we get sick, and, unfortunately, that we appreciate our spiritual sites when they are no longer in the scope of our reach. 

Dadivank, 2017 (Photo: Eric Nazarian)

There are numerous instances when we started to appreciate our geographic, cultural and spiritual gifts only after we lost them, examples both from the past, such as Mount Ararat or Ani (the City of 1,001 Churches), and from the present, such as Dadivank or Holy Savior  Ghazanchetsots Cathedral. I remember in the days after the 2020 Artsakh “ceasefire” agreement, so many buses traveled from all regions of Armenia to Dadivank. For many, it was the first time seeing Dadivank, the first time hearing about it, or the first time understanding the historical, cultural and spiritual significance of the monastery. It was a wake-up call of what we had and what we were losing. The visits were an attempt to see and touch the treasure before it was gone, as if trying to catch the last rays of sun before a cold and gloomy winter. 

Dadivank was, in fact, an astonishing ray of sunshine. Many sources mention that the church was founded as early as at the end of the first century, on top of the burial site of Saint Dadi, who was one of the 70 disciples of the apostle Thaddeus (traditionally one of the two first apostles to Armenia). In total, the site comprises ten buildings, making it one of the most sizable and substantial monastic complexes in medieval Armenia. Many constructions in Dadivank date back to the 5th, 13th and 18th centuries, and feature remarkable pieces of medieval Armenian architecture, bas-relief sculpture and frescoes, as well as over 100 Armenian inscriptions. The exterior arcades – mind-blowing pieces of art – remind the visitor of Ani Cathedral and other 10th-11th century monuments. The whole monument is covered in engraved and painted inscriptions that share the history of the monastery and inform the visitor about the aesthetic aspects and choices of the space. Inscriptions can also be found on the numerous khachkars in and around the monastery and often include powerful prayers for salvation. The foundation inscription of the main Cathedral dates its construction to as early as 1214. 

In the 12th century, Mkhitar Gosh, a prominent Armenian scholar, writer and priest, lived in Dadivank, where he wrote part of his Datastanagirk (Book of Law), which was the first Armenian legal text to cover secular and ecclesiastical matters and became the basis for the legal systems of many other countries around the world. Moreover, according to Arara, during excavations in 2007, the relics of St. Dadi were found in Dadivank. This event, coupled with the information that Dadivank was one of the birthplaces of Datastanagirk and home to numerous important inscriptions and architectural treasures, gives Dadivank a significance not only for Armenians but also for the rest of the Christian world.

The loss of sites such as Dadivank mirrors humanity’s loss of spirituality, or rather our loss of appreciation thereof. But since we, as humans, are spiritual in nature, we cannot afford to lose our spirituality completely.  

The fate of Dadivank and the other Armenian churches and monasteries is alarming and worthy of immediate attention. Some of these sites will be intentionally modified and presented as the heritage of the obscure Albanian-Udi religious community, some will be vandalized and desecrated, and some may be turned into mosques, in a similar fashion in which Hagia Sophia was converted. As alarming and critical as the issue is, the response from the international community in no way aligns with this sense of urgency. While there are wide-ranging reasons for this indifference and inaction, one thing is certain. The loss of sites such as Dadivank mirrors humanity’s loss of spirituality, or rather our loss of appreciation thereof. But since we, as humans, are spiritual in nature, we cannot afford to lose our spirituality completely. 

As much as I am (self-)critical of Armenia, pinpoint its weaknesses and identify pathways for growth, I need to acknowledge that the issue of lost spirituality is not limited to Armenia alone and is now a widespread phenomenon covering much of the world. The results are clear in the loss of thousands of lives around the world. Twenty first-century aggressors have unique preferences for targeting the most vulnerable with the most advanced and cruel equipment of modern science. As aggressive as Armenians can be to each other during day-to-day encounters, we have still preserved the principle of not targeting children and the elderly even in the most heated moments of war. Against the backdrop of Azerbaijan’s violence toward the Armenian POWs, the Armenian side still chose to provide necessary medical treatment to the Azeri soldiers detained by Artsakh’s military. We kept our humanity in some of the most inhumane of situations, and to some degree preserved our sanity even after witnessing the worst possible of scenes. 

Reuniting with spirituality would offer many treasures to humankind. One gift of Christianity is that of prayer. A 2009 research on the effects of prayer on mental health found that “members of a group had lower rates of depression and anxiety and were more optimistic after sessions in which they prayed for one another, compared to the control group (which had no prayer sessions).” The liturgy ceremonies offered in Armenian churches are a great opportunity for the Armenian community to gather (both in Armenia and abroad), pray and move closer to our true origins, to our real nature made in the image of God.

Interestingly, many of us have heard this short part of the Latin proverb “Homo homini lupus” (i.e. “A man is a wolf to another man”), yet very few know the whole phrase, which says, “Lupus est homo homini, non homo, quom qualis sit non novit,” which translates to, “One man to another is a wolf, not a man, when he doesn’t know what sort he is.” We should relearn what sort we really belong to, and, when we do, we will no longer be wolves to each other. We will reconnect with the values of love, peace, patience, forgiveness, kindness and compassion. Then there will be hope, for Armenians and for the rest of the world.

Milena Baghdasaryan is a graduate from UWC Changshu China. Since the age of 11, she has been writing articles for a local newspaper named Kanch ('Call'). At the age of 18, she published her first novel on Granish.org and created her own blog, Taghandi Hetqerov ('In the Pursuit of Talent')—a portal devoted to interviewing young and talented Armenians all around the world. Baghdasaryan considers storytelling, traveling and learning new languages to be critical in helping one explore the world, connect with others, and discover oneself. Milena currently studies Film and New Media at New York University in Abu Dhabi.


“Who She Left Behind” captures the soul and strength of the Armenian woman

Victoria Atamian Waterman’s debut novel Who She Left Behind has captured the soul and strength of the women who survived the atrocities and brutality inflicted on the Armenian people by the Ottoman Turks in 1915. The author further exposes the stain of guilt for those who survived and began their lives in the diaspora. 

Beautifully crafted in this vibrant historical fiction is the description of how exiles established roots in America. The Armenian communities in Worcester and Providence offered a wall of protection and a sense of comfort to the survivors. These enclaves were also a beacon of opportunity – a chance for the new arrivals to reinvent their fractured lives. To survive in the new land, each immigrant bears a story that, in their mind and for their healing, must remain hidden from the American public. The silence is deafening, but also, as the story’s main character Aunt Vicky explains, necessary: 

“No one spoke of what she’d been through. After a few months, the physical pain was mostly  gone, though she was often weak and tired easily. It was easier for her family to show support than to speak of it. With the advantage of distance and time, Vicky saw that their silence was a legacy of the march through the desert and the horrors around that time. She couldn’t blame them. Mayrig set the tone all the way back to Hamidieh Camp: there was nothing to go back to, so why speak of it?” (160)

Waterman’s affinity and advocacy for women and girls, as displayed through her career and her TEDx talk titled “Today’s Girls are Tomorrow’s Leaders,” is on full display in her novel. Growing up in a multicultural and multilingual household in Rhode Island with her Armenian Genocide survivor grandparents served as the foundation for the novel. She described how a visit to her Aunt Vicky’s gravesite in the North Burial Ground in Providence, Rhode Island, and the mysterious flowers she discovered there one day in May, served as the starting point for Who She Left Behind. Through the novel, Waterman “aims to shed light on the often-overlooked stories of courageous women who not only survived but resisted the atrocities of the Armenian Genocide, becoming the pillars of reconstructed communities after the war.”

Who She Left Behind weaves a generational exploration of the strength the female characters of the novel don’t even know they possess. The heroine in this expressive historical fiction imparts on the reader that love triumphs over tragedy, and ancestral ties, even though severed, are never extinguished. Aunt Vicky, like all Armenian ancestors, faced immeasurable suffering, but the overarching theme of this literary work is hope and healing for future generations.

Esther Kalajian is an Academic English Language professor at Bryant University and is its ESL Specialist. She is currently co-chair of the Genocide Education Project, RI Branch and serves as a professional development committee member of the Rhode Island Holocaust and Genocide Education Commission.


Genocide Education in the 21st Century: “Rebuilding the Ship While Sailing on the Water”

“Where Do We Go From Here? Genocide Education in the 21st Century” Symposium at Rowan University, New Jersey

TORONTO—On November 10, 2023, the International Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies (A Division of the Zoryan Institute) and the Rowan Center for the Study of Holocaust, Genocide, and Human Rights, hosted the symposium, Where Do We Go From Here? Genocide Education in the 21st Century at Rowan University in New Jersey.

Over the past few years, the editors of Genocide Studies International (GSI), an academic journal owned, operated and sponsored by the Zoryan Institute and published by the University of Toronto Press (UTP), started questioning the effectiveness of genocide education today, given the prevalence of human rights abuses, the polarization of societies, and the global rise in hate-based violence, authoritarianism, and a general apathy from the international community. To address this question, the editors conceptualized a symposium to bring together leading scholars and educators of North America in the field of Genocide Studies to discuss the shortcomings of genocide education, what “good” genocide education means, and how we can begin to chart a path forward.

From l-r: Dr. Alex Alvarez, Dr. Arthur Anyaduba, Dr. Joyce Apsel, Dr. Deborah Dwork (front), Dr. Jim Waller, Dr. Jennifer Rich (front), Dr. Björn Krondorfer, Kate Simola, Megan Reid, Dr. Khatchig Mouradian and Dr. Henry Theriault

With the troubling times we face globally today, including the invasion of Ukraine, the blockade of the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor and dissolution of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), the Gaza conflict, the civil war in Libya and the mass killings in Darfur, just to name a few, the timing for this symposium could not have been any more poignant. The ability to be able to make sense of, understand and critically analyze the world around us has never been more crucial.

Quality education is at the center of this, and this symposium acted as a starting point to opening important discussions surrounding these issues in a closed, safe space with some of the leading voices in genocide education.

The primary objective of genocide education has been commonly perceived as a means of raising awareness about the heinous crime in order to mobilize masses to help prevent genocides and atrocities of the future. Yet, despite the efforts of scholars, educators and academic institutions like the Zoryan Institute, the famous saying of “never again” has proven to be an empty slogan.

“Learning about genocide doesn’t have a moral or political advantage, it rather helps us understand the world around us differently.”

Prof. Deborah Dwork, Director of the Center for the Study of the Holocaust, Genocide, and Crimes Against Humanity at the Graduate Center at CUNY, opened the day’s discussion by situating the symposium and the conversation in a post-October 7 world. She highlighted the need to explore and perhaps redefine what the actual goals of genocide education are, noting that if the objective with this education thus far has been prevention, then education is clearly failing. Dr. Dwork commented: “Learning about genocide doesn’t have a moral or political advantage, it rather helps us understand the world around us differently.”

Dr. Joyce Apsel, Academic Board Member of the Zoryan Institute, Course Director of the Institute’s Genocide and Human Rights University Program (GHRUP), and Professor of Humanities in Liberal Studies at New York University, discussed the need for genocide education to be studied through a human rights lens, which she framed as “human rights” and “human rights wrongs.” Prof. Apsel also raised the need to avoid framing genocide as a singular event, but as a process that continues to impact societies long after the height of the violence ends.

Dr. Jim Waller, a faculty member of GHRUP and the Dodd Chair in Human Rights Practice at the University of Connecticut, cemented this notion by stating that the word “post-genocide” should be removed from the academic vocabulary, as there is no clear end date to the impacts of genocide.

Other key takeaways from the symposium included the importance of considering the positionality of the educator, the significance of introducing genocide education across various disciplines, and ways to garner empathy from students and make genocide education hit closer to home.

Prof. Jennifer Rich, Academic Board Member of the Zoryan Institute and co-editor of GSI, and the Director of the Masters of Arts in Holocaust and Genocide Education, was the lead coordinator and the moderator for the symposium. When asked about the key take-aways of the symposium, she said: “The rich exchange of ideas that took place at the symposium was an important, exciting first step. I am certain that there will be any number of followup conversations as we grapple with our core question of, ‘Where do we go from here?’”

Reflecting on the discussions had and the daunting task ahead of improving the future of genocide education, Dr. Adam Muller, co-editor of GSI and the Director of the Peace and Conflict Studies graduate programs at the University of Manitoba, quoted notable author Willard Van Orman Quine, stating that we are “rebuilding the ship while sailing on the water.” This quote seems to perfectly summarize the position we are in today, addressing present day turmoil while simultaneously needing to repair genocide education, or “the ship,” without being able to fully tear it down and start anew.

In reflecting on the symposium, the Zoryan Institute is currently confronting the following foundational questions for its own work: How do we effectively address major conflicts within classrooms and public forums while navigating the complexities of censorship and potential repercussions for open discourse? How has the failure of the international community to prevent human rights atrocities, and the indifference for these crimes, shaped how we approach genocide education going forward? How are we able to rebuild the ship, while keeping the boat afloat during turbulent waters?

From l-r: Dr. Henry Theriault, Dr. Deborah Dwork, Dr. Arthur Anyaduba, Dr. Joyce Apsel, Dr. Jennifer Rich, Dr. Jim Waller, Dr. Björn Krondorfer, Dr. Khatchig Mouradian

This symposium will act as the first of many discussions on this topic as we grapple with the big overarching questions that were left unanswered. While exploring these fundamental questions, and others raised during the symposium, the Institute questions whether it should redirect its objectives for its work from prevention, towards promoting equity, tolerance, understanding and reconciliation through education, scholarship and research.

All eight panelists will prepare academic papers to be featured in an upcoming special issue of GSI, which is expected to be released in Fall 2024.

Zoryan Institute and its subsidiary, the International Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies, is a non-profit organization that serves the cause of scholarship and public awareness relating to issues of universal human rights, genocide, and diaspora-homeland relations. This is done through the systematic continued efforts of scholars and specialists using a comparative and multidisciplinary approach and in accordance with the highest academic standards.


Providence raises nearly $40,000 at “Together for Artsakh”

Providence Homenetmen Scouts opening the evening

The Providence, Rhode Island Armenian community came “Together for Artsakh” last Saturday, November 18, for an unforgettable evening of collective generosity highlighted by the exceptional musical stylings of vocalist Tro Krikorian and guitarist Ara Dabandjian. By the end of the night, almost $40,000 was raised, thanks to the continuous donations throughout the event and an anonymous donor who pledged to match funds up to $10,000.

A packed house “Together for Artsakh”

Organized and underwritten by the Providence Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Kristapor Gomideh and its family of organizations, including the Armenian Relief Society (ARS), Armenian Youth Federation (AYF), Hamazkayin and Homenetmen, the evening featured dinner by Sonia’s Near East Market & Deli and desserts made by the local ARS Ani and Arax chapter members.

Nareg (left) and Rosdom Mkrtschjan during the singing of the Artsakh national anthem

The Providence Homenetmen Scouts brought everyone to their feet as they marched into the hall at Sts. Sahag and Mesrob Armenian Apostolic Church with drums and cymbals, carrying the flags of the United States, the state of Rhode Island, Armenia, Artsakh and the ARF. Providence “Varantian” AYF Senior member Rosdom Mkrtschjan sang the American and Armenian national anthems to open the evening, followed by an emotional rendition of the Artsakh national anthem, in which he was joined by fellow AYF Junior and Senior members. Rev. Fr. Shnork Souin of Sts. Sahag and Mesrob Armenian Apostolic Church and Rev. Fr. Kapriel Nazarian of Sts. Vartanantz Armenian Apostolic Church offered the opening prayers.

Providence AYF and ARF member, Nareg Mkrtschjan, who also serves as chair of the AYF-YOARF Eastern Region Central Executive, served as emcee for the evening. “Your dedication goes beyond words…In times of crisis, our diasporan community of organizations serve as a reminder that we will never stop fighting for our cause,” Mkrtschjan said, noting the capacity crowd of more than 170 community members. He went on to stress that the goal of the evening was “to raise as much money as possibly for our Artsakhtsis.” Throughout the event, Artsakh flags were placed at the front of the stage, indicating the progress of fundraising efforts, with the intent to fill the stage – a goal that was reached well before the end of the night.

Providence ARF Kristapor Gomideh chair Hrag Arakelian

ARF Providence Kristapor Gomideh chair Hrag Arakelian took the opportunity to thank the sister organizations for coming together for Artsakh. “It’s an honor to be Armenian,” he said, “but it also comes with responsibilities.” Arakelian stressed that all the funds raised from the event will be delivered to the ARS of Eastern USA to assist ARS members on the ground who are already aiding the displaced families of Artsakh. This ensures that the funds will go directly to the “120,000 people who were ethnically cleansed from Artsakh – they escaped a massacre – and all they have is the clothes on their back,” he said, reinforcing the goal to help Artsakhtsis to stay in Armenia, and thereby strengthen Armenia.

“What’s magnificent about the Providence community is that when the church does an Artsakh event, everybody supports it. When the ARF does an Artsakh event, everybody supports it,” Arakelian said. “Whether it’s ARS, AYF, whoever does it, we show up, because Providence works together. We know that there’s strength in numbers and in community.” 

ARF Bureau member Khajag Mgrdichian and former ARS Central Executive Board member Taline Mkrtschjan served as keynote speakers for the event.

ARF Bureau member Khajag Mgrdichian

Mgrdichian acknowledged the grief felt by everyone in the room over the loss of Artsakh, underscoring that “Artsakh, liberated with the blood of our heroes, is in the hands of the enemy.” He said that Armenians cannot accept the defeat of today or allow grief to become eternal by losing the will to fight and reverse the losses. The so-called peace deals being forced upon the Armenian people can only be achieved under one condition, “if they are in preparation for the next war, because no Armenian who abides by a national ideology can be reconciled with the loss of Artsakh or with the solution that they are trying to impose on us today.”

Mgrdichian noted two phenomena in Armenian politics. First, Armenia has become a site for geopolitical competition between international actors, namely the West, Russia, Iran and China. Second, in Armenia there is a fight to eradicate national ideologies.

“These leaders have ruined our relations with our allies, without the possibility or capability to create new allies in the West,” Mgrdichian said in reference to Armenian PM Nikol Pashinyan’s administration. “Unfortunately, Armenia’s foreign policy, having lost its compass, does not have any clear direction. The evils and dangers of this have fallen on Artsakh, and probably tomorrow we will say on Armenia.” 

Mgrdichian concluded his remarks by outlining six principles that every Armenian must strive to fight for: all legal and international means must be used to free the Artsakh leadership imprisoned in Baku; the depopulation of Artsakh must clearly be called an act of genocide and presented to international actors as a genocide; every effort must be made to keep Armenians’ right of return to Artsakh alive; the humanitarian needs of the displaced people of Artsakh in Armenia must be met; the institutions of the Republic of Artsakh must be preserved, including its government structures, whose members are now in Armenia; and finally, Armenians can only return to Artsakh if international security guarantees are offered to create an environment where Armenians can live safely in their homes. 

Former ARS Central Executive Board member Taline Mkrtschjan

Mkrtschjan likewise addressed Armenians’ collective grief in her remarks, as well as the important work of the ARS. “Today, I stand before you with a heavy heart as we reflect on the recent attacks on Artsakh and the dire consequences faced by our fellow Artsakh families. In times of crisis, it is essential to recognize the resilience of our people and the indispensable role played by organizations such as the Armenian Relief Society,” she said.

The ARS acted swiftly to meet the immediate needs of the forcibly displaced Armenians of Artsakh. Working together with ARF, Homenetmen and AYF members, the organization compiled 1,000 boxes of supplies to distribute to those in need. Thus far, the ARS has distributed more than five tons of essential goods to the Artsakhtsis, Mkrtschjan noted.

While its members were springing into action and gathering goods for the displaced people of Artsakh, the organization was holding its 73rd international convention. With Artsakh as its focus and true to the ARS mission, since its inception in 1910, of being “with the people, for the people,” within a span of 30 minutes, the regions and observers who were present at the convention pledged over $440,000 to jumpstart the fundraising initiatives for Artsakh. 

Mkrtschjan said that in the short-term, securing housing and employment are the priorities. In the long-term, “the ARS, in collaboration with the sister organizations, is planning for the integration of the families into daily life in Armenia, focusing on education, healthcare, social services and mental health support,” she said. She encouraged everyone to be generous with their financial support so these programs can be fulfilled.

“With every donation, we offer a future for a young orphan whose father sacrificed his life for our homeland. With every donation, we can save a family from hunger and despair,” Mkrtschjan said. “Through our collective efforts, we can provide some dignity to these families who have lost their loved ones, their homes, their jobs, their memories, but most importantly, they have lost their homeland, our beloved Artsakh.”

Musical duo Tro Krikorian (left) and Ara Dabandjian captivating the crowd

As the line of Artsakh flags continued to grow, the musical duo of Krikorian and Dabandjian took the stage. Krikorian began singing folk and patriotic music at a young age, collaborating with many seasoned artists and musicians, including the exceptionally skilled Dabandjian, who is a well-known member of the Element Band. Krikorian explained that the duo’s idea was to arrange acoustic versions of the songs, deftly done by Dabandjian, with the aim of appealing to the younger generation.

Based on the overwhelming response of the audience, they have succeeded in spanning the generations with the arrangements. They captivated the crowd from the very beginning with the first song, “Lerner Hayreni,” which holds a special place in Krikorian’s heart as he has sung it as a lullaby for his children, right up until the end with their renditions of the revolutionary songs as the flags waved – a fitting end to a successful and memorable evening.

Revolutionary songs at the end of the night with Tro Krikorian and Ara Dabandjian

Editor
Pauline Getzoyan is editor of the Armenian Weekly and an active member of the Rhode Island Armenian community. A longtime member of the Providence ARF and ARS, she also is a former member of the ARS Central Executive Board. A longtime advocate for genocide education through her work with the ANC of RI, Pauline is co-chair of the RI branch of The Genocide Education Project. In addition, she has been an adjunct instructor of developmental reading and writing in the English department at the Community College of Rhode Island since 2005.


Catholicos Aram I makes Pontifical Visits to Eastern Region Communities

His Holiness Catholicos Aram I delivering his message at St. Illuminator’s Cathedral in New York City, November 19, 2023

Over the course of the past two weeks, His Holiness Catholicos Aram I has been traveling and visiting parishes, communities and organizational leaders in Washington, D.C., New York, New Jersey and Connecticut.

On Sunday, November 19, Catholicos Aram I presided over the Divine Liturgy at St. Illuminator’s Cathedral in New York, conducted by the Prelate of the Western Prelacy, H.G. Bishop Torkom Donoyan. Prelate of the Eastern Prelacy, H.E. Archbishop Anoushavan Tanielian and Bishop Donoyan delivered heartfelt speeches, which were followed by the pontifical message from His Holiness. In his message, Catholicos Aram focused on the family, describing it as a small church, homeland and school for Armenians.

Throughout his visits, His Holiness has spread messages of love and unity, with a focus on the church and family, emphasizing that the church is a community founded on love. He has also underscored the need to preserve Armenian traditions and engage in Armenian life through the church and organizations.

In addition to the churches, Catholicos Aram paid a visit to the Hovnanian School in New Jersey. He was welcomed by the principal, teachers, parents and students, who presented a program for His Holiness. In his address, Catholicos Aram highlighted the crucial role of Armenian schools in Armenian life and the unique and special role assigned to Armenian schools in preserving the Armenian identity.

Catholicos Aram’s travel to the region is the first of a planned two-part visit, and the second is scheduled for the fall of 2024. The Armenian Weekly will have comprehensive coverage of this year’s pontifical visit forthcoming.




Creating inspirational memories for our children

This is the season of Thanksgiving in the United States. Aside from overeating and football games, it is an opportunity to reflect on what we are thankful for. We should always be grateful for our loved ones, friendships, professional success and health. It has been particularly difficult to remain positive this year after the horrifying atrocities in Artsakh. Our lives are dependent on hope. Its absence enables darkness where light once existed. This is our current challenge, as we struggle to absorb the impact of our latest tragedy. As many have stated, there is no time for brooding, as the lives and security of thousands of our brethren are at stake. While we may be consumed with human emotion, it is important to always seek hope. 

The most sustainable source of hope is, of course, our faith. The good news of our Lord has the power to wash away darkness and bring joy into our existence. This year, Armenians in the eastern United States have been blessed to receive His Holiness Aram I, Catholicos of the Great House of Cilicia, during his pontifical journey in November. This is his first of a two-part visit, which will be completed with a second trip in 2024. His Holiness is the latest of an outstanding group of clerical leaders from the Cilician See. He was mentored by the iconic Karekin I of blessed memory and has provided stellar leadership in both Armenian and ecumenical circles. 

A pontifical visit is a special time for the faithful to receive the blessing of their spiritual leader. Catholicos Aram I is well known in the Prelacy community going back to his younger days in the early 1970s when he completed an advanced degree in the United States. Due in large part to our unfortunate chronic administrative division in North America, he was relatively unknown for many years by our fellow Armenians who are affiliated with the Etchmiadzin dioceses. In 2015, during the united centennial commemoration of the Armenian Genocide, he captivated thousands with his public addresses at various events, mostly notably in Washington, D.C. As the barriers of our division are slowly removed, the global Armenian nation has become more familiar with this renowned leader of our church. 

His Holiness Aram I is greeted by the children of St. Sarkis Church in New York on November 17, 2023 (Photo: Armenian Church Catholicosate of Cilicia)

During his current pontifical visit, he has focused on parishes in the mid-Atlantic region, New York and Connecticut. It is gratifying that many diocesan clergy have attended the religious and social events connected to his visit. I have high expectations and had hoped that His Holiness would conduct a Hrashapar service at the diocesan St. Vartan’s Cathedral as a sign of our eternal unity. Nevertheless, we should all be pleased with the brotherly love expressed between all our clergy. During the Artsakh invasion and deportation, a united prayer service was held at St. Stephen’s in Watertown followed by a public gathering at the local community center. Both events were well attended, and many clergy from the Prelacy and Diocese led the prayer service. Of particular note was the presence of His Grace Mesrob Parsamyan, the Primate of the Eastern Diocese. This was a wonderful statement of unity in a time of crisis. Bishop Parsamyan, who was in town for other activities, could have easily elected to pass on the service. Instead he focused on our common cause for Artsakh, pan-Armenian Christian love, and the responsibility of the church to provide leadership. Archbishop Anoushavan Tanielian of the Prelacy has made many similar examples of leadership in New York with the diocese. We are blessed to have two open-minded leaders of our church.

During the activities of the Vehapar’s visit, I have looked for the role and presence of our youth. In each community, two young people would greet the Vehapar with our wonderful tradition of the bread and salt. Watching the young people interact with His Holiness as greeters, performers or while serving their parishes, I was reminded of the impact these visits can have on our young generation. In 1957, the group of churches that had been “unaffiliated” due to the division had petitioned the Great House of Cilicia for affiliation. This was a difficult and courageous decision. The prospects for reunification were poor, and these parishes were growing but in need of sustainable infrastructure. Catholicos Zareh I of blessed memory sent the then Prelate of Lebanon, Archbishop Khoren Paroyan (later Catholicos Khoren I) to America to observe and organize. He traveled to every community with escorts from each parish. 

Our parish in Indian Orchard, St. Gregory the Illuminator, was to receive then Archbishop Paroyan at the Massachusetts Turnpike exit while he was traveling from the Worcester church. My father was a relatively young deacon and leader of the community. He was a part of the reception group and also an early supporter of the Prelacy. In those days, each Turnpike exit had a parking lot at the toll gates. My father asked me, or more likely told me gently, that I would present flowers to the Prelate and offer a short greeting. I was six years old and petrified. When the Archbishop arrived and stepped out of the vehicle, I was amazed by this impressive man, with his clerical hood and flowing black garments. He carried a staff and had a natural warm smile that would move his beard. On my father’s cue, I went up to him, presented the flowers and offered a three sentence greeting. It was windy that day, and he embraced me as I got lost in his swirling robes. I can still feel the velvet texture on my cheek. I felt so special at that moment. When he returned years later as Vehapar, he remembered me and let me try on his pontifical ring. On that day in the late 1950s, my lifelong love of our church and a special respect for our clergy began in its infancy. This week, I have prayed that other young people will be inspired by the visit of Catholicos Aram. As we age, in whatever capacity we serve our community, it is our responsibility to mentor and motivate others. Sometimes it’s as simple as making a six-year-old kid feel special. The late Vehapar understood the importance of his visit that year, not simply in meeting with the lay leadership, but in inspiring the youth as a foundation for their lifelong faith.

This past weekend our parish, Holy Translators, celebrated a dual anniversary. It is the 20th anniversary of the parish’s consecration and the 25th anniversary of the holy ordination of our pastor, Rev. Fr. Krikor Sabounjian. During the Holy Badarak, 14 young men served on the altar. They represented acolytes and subdeacons who were mentored by Der Krikor over the last several years. Several are away at college or have professional lives in other cities, but they returned to honor the man who inspired them. This is one of the beauties of our church, where several generations form a bond based on their love of God. The Primate Bishop Parsamyan joined the community for the weekend’s celebratory activities. He is a young man in his early forties, and I marveled at how he interacted with the young and elders with ease. Each individual conversation in a crowded room was unique, and those of us on the receiving end appreciate the integrity of his attention. The ability of our church leaders to build impactful relationships with our youth is at the top of my list of qualifications. It is gratifying to know that our church in this region is led by two individuals with the humility and love to effectively communicate with our children, young professionals and young parents. 

When our church leaders internalize the impact they can have on young people, the probability of sustainability is reasonably high. As they get older, service enters into the equation to define an identity and cement the bond.

Our presence in the church is about relationships with our heavenly Father and those who serve His church. I didn’t realize it at that moment, but my encounter with the Catholicos many years ago opened a lifelong path that I followed. We must constantly encourage the youth. Our grandson, Krikor, is four years old. His sister Anoush and our extended family worship at the same parish. Similar to many kids his age, he had his eyes on the fellowship food table. While standing near the table and waiting for Der Hayr to bless the food, a simple but beautiful experience occurred. Der Hayr asked Krikor to stand next to him while he offered a prayer. Krikor complied, because he feels a kinship to Der Hayr, as they have the same first name. After Der Hayr concluded the prayer, he asked Krikor to say “Amen” and cross himself. Young Krikor felt special and wanted. Connecting our children to church is not complicated. It requires repetitive attendance, so that our children feel that attending church is a part of their routine. It gets more complex when they are older, but not when building a foundation. When our church leaders internalize the impact they can have on young people, the probability of sustainability is reasonably high. As they get older, service enters into the equation to define an identity and cement the bond.

It gives me such joy to witness young couples who bring their children to church regularly. They were taught well and understand that spirituality is a part of family life. There is no substitute for attendance and participation. Likewise, only those with wisdom can provide the inspiration of making a child feel a special connection. The best community leaders realize that at some point their role is less about active management and more about using their acquired knowledge to inspire others. I will always remember that exact location on the Mass. Turnpike parking lot where my journey began. Whether it is a pontifical visit, community celebration or a regular Sunday, let’s find ways to gift our youth that special experience that will inspire them for a lifetime. It is the best investment we will ever make.

Columnist
Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.


RFE/RL Armenian Service – 11/22/2023

                                        Wednesday, 


Armenia Signals Readiness ‘To Reengage’ In Peace Process After Azerbaijan’s 
‘Direct Talks’ Offer


The Armenian Foreign Ministry building in Yerevan (file photo)


Armenia has reaffirmed its readiness to “re-engage in negotiations” with 
Azerbaijan to establish peace between the two countries, its Foreign Ministry 
said on Wednesday in response to Baku’s offer of “direct talks” with Yerevan.

Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry called on November 21 for direct negotiations with 
Armenia in a “mutually acceptable” venue, including at the Armenian-Azerbaijani 
border.

Baku’s call came after what appears to be Baku’s rejection of Western mediation 
efforts in the process of settling relations with Armenia.

It also followed the announcement by Armenia’s Foreign Ministry that Yerevan had 
submitted another proposal on a peace agreement to Azerbaijan following Prime 
Minister Nikol Pashinian’s call on November 18 for “intensifying diplomatic 
efforts to achieve the signing of a peace treaty.”

In its statement today the Armenian Foreign Ministry emphasized that official 
Yerevan is ready to re-engage in negotiations, having as a benchmark “mutual 
recognition and respect for each other’s territorial integrity without 
ambiguities, implementation of the further border delimitation based on the 
[1991] Alma-Ata Declaration and the latest legitimate Soviet maps, the 
unblocking of the region’s infrastructures based on the principles of full 
respect for the sovereignty, jurisdiction, reciprocity and equality of the 
states.”

It said that “despite all the complications and challenges” official Yerevan 
sees “a real possibility of establishing peace between the two countries, which 
can be realized if there is political will on both sides, and the Armenian side 
has that will.”

The Armenian ministry stressed that “one of the expressions of this will is also 
the fact that Armenia proposed to Azerbaijan to hold a meeting of border 
delimitation commissions on the state frontier between the two countries.”

Earlier, Azerbaijan accused Armenia of delaying its reply to Baku’s proposal on 
a peace agreement submitted to Yerevan in September for more than two months.

Stressing that Yerevan submitted its sixth proposal related to the draft peace 
agreement to Baku on November 21, the Armenian Foreign Ministry said: “While, 
after receiving the latest Azerbaijani proposals, Armenia was considering them 
and was ready to continue negotiations on the draft agreement, on September 19 
Azerbaijan carried out a large-scale military attack against the people of 
Nagorno-Karabakh, which led to the forced displacement of the entire Armenian 
population of Nagorno-Karabakh.”

The Azerbaijani leadership appeared to be avoiding meetings with the Armenian 
side held with Western mediation after Baku established full control over 
Nagorno-Karabakh in the one-day lightening offensive in September.

Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev and Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian 
were scheduled to meet on the sidelines of the EU’s October 5 summit in Granada, 
Spain, for talks mediated by French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor 
Olaf Scholz, and European Council President Charles Michel.

Pashinian had hoped that they would sign there a document laying out the main 
parameters of an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty. However, Aliyev withdrew 
from the talks at the last minute.

Baku cited France’s allegedly “biased position” against Azerbaijan as the reason 
for skipping those talks in Spain.

The Azerbaijani leader also appears to have canceled another meeting which the 
EU’s Michel planned to host in Brussels in late October.

Most recently Azerbaijan refused to attend a meeting with Armenia at the level 
of foreign ministers in Washington after allegedly “one-sided and biased” 
remarks by a senior U.S. official made during a congressional hearing on 
Nagorno-Karabakh. That meeting had reportedly been scheduled to take place on 
November 20.

The Armenian ministry also stressed today that the Azerbaijani side did not 
participate in the meetings at the level of the countries’ leaders first in 
Granada and then in Brussels.

It said that “those five-way and three-way meetings had previously been agreed 
upon, and Yerevan considered it to be more efficient to present [its latest 
proposals] to Azerbaijan during those meetings.”

“Nevertheless, in order to prevent attempts to deadlock the negotiation process 
and achieve lasting peace in our region, the Republic of Armenia constructively 
conveyed its observations on the [draft] agreement,” the statement said.




Armenia ‘Inclined’ To Continue Talks With Azerbaijan Through EU Mediation

        • Astghik Bedevian

European Council President Charles Michel hosts talks between Armenian Prime 
Minister Nikol Pashinian and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in Brussels, May 
14, 2023.


Yerevan is inclined to continue talks between the leaders of Armenia and 
Azerbaijan in the Brussels format, through the mediation of President of the 
European Council Charles Michel, an ally of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol 
Pashinian in parliament said on Wednesday.

Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry called on November 21 for direct negotiations with 
Armenia in a “mutually acceptable” venue, including at the Armenian-Azerbaijani 
border.

Baku’s call came after what appears to be Baku’s rejection of Western mediation 
efforts in the process of normalizing relations with Armenia.

Responding to the statement from Baku, Armenia’s Foreign Ministry today 
reaffirmed Yerevan’s readiness to “re-engage in negotiations” with Baku to 
establish peace between the two South Caucasus nations.

In particular, it mentioned a possible meeting at the state frontier of Armenian 
and Azerbaijani members of commissions involved in border delimitation and 
demarcation processes, something that it said Yerevan had already proposed 
earlier. The Armenian ministry stopped short, however, of mentioning the 
possibility of direct Armenian-Azerbaijani talks at the highest level.

Sargis Khandanian, who represents the pro-government Civil Contract faction and 
heads the Armenian National Assembly’s Foreign Relations Commission, told 
RFE/RL’s Armenian Service today that the main principles for 
Armenian-Azerbaijani normalization, including mutual recognition of territorial 
integrity and borders based on a 1991 declaration signed by a dozen former 
Soviet republics, including Armenia and Azerbaijan, after the collapse of the 
USSR, and the sovereign jurisdictions of the states over transportation links 
passing through their territories, were agreed upon by the parties in July when 
the latest round of EU-mediated talks was held between Pashinian and Azerbaijani 
President Ilham Aliyev.

“Based on this logic, it is necessary to ensure the continuity of those 
negotiations and continue meetings at the level of the countries’ leaders 
through the mediation of the European Union, in particular, European Council 
President Charles Michel,” Khandanian said.

“But we saw that Azerbaijan rejected both meetings that were scheduled in 
Granada and Brussels. Nevertheless, Armenia continues to adhere to this logic 
and wants to achieve settlement within this framework,” the pro-government 
Armenian lawmaker said.

A member of the Armenian opposition, meanwhile, pointed to dangers in 
Azerbaijan’s offer. Armen Rustamian from the Hayastan faction said that by 
boycotting Western platforms Aliyev wants to achieve face-to-face meetings or 
meetings through Russia’s mediation “in order to get what he wants” under the 
2020 Moscow-brokered ceasefire agreement for Nagorno-Karabakh, namely, a land 
corridor to Azerbaijan’s western exclave of Nakhichevan via Armenia.

“He has already got what he needed from the West and he doesn’t have any 
problems there. That’s why he says: if you want to continue calling me to the 
West with your logic, I won’t come. Your alternative is either to return to the 
field of the [Moscow-brokered] trilateral agreements or we negotiate face to 
face,” Rustamian said.




Germany Announces Aid To Armenia


Parliamentary State Secretary at Germany’s Federal Ministry for Economic 
Cooperation and Development Niels Annen (L) and Armenia’s Minister of Economy 
Vahan Kerobian at a joint press conference in Yerevan. .


The government in Berlin will provide 84.6 million euros (about $92.2 million) 
in aid to Armenia in the form of grants and loans, a German official announced 
on Wednesday.

Speaking at a joint press conference with Armenia’s Minister of Economy Vahan 
Kerobian in Yerevan, Parliamentary State Secretary at Germany’s Federal Ministry 
for Economic Cooperation and Development Niels Annen said that “it is a clear 
message to the whole world that Germany and Armenia are opening a new way of 
cooperation.”

“Armenia has once again proven that it is committed to democracy, a democratic 
society,” the German official stressed.

The announcement came after two-day intergovernmental negotiations focused on 
developing Armenian-German cooperation that were held in Yerevan on November 
21-22.

Earlier this week, the United States announced more than $4.1 million in 
additional humanitarian assistance for Armenians affected by the situation in 
Nagorno-Karabakh.

The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), through which the 
assistance will be provided, said that this funding will increase “life-saving 
food assistance and provide humanitarian protection and emergency shelter” for 
almost 74,000 out of more than 100,000 Armenians displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh 
after Azerbaijan’s military operation in September.

It said that the additional funding brings total U.S. humanitarian assistance 
for the Nagorno-Karabakh response to nearly $28 million since 2020.

Meanwhile, the Russian Ministry of Emergency Situations announced on Wednesday 
that it will deliver 40 tons of humanitarian aid to Armenia for “citizens who 
were forced to leave the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.”

It said that the aid, which includes food, blankets and a mobile power station, 
is organized at the direction of the president of Russia and on behalf of the 
government of the Russian Federation.




Moscow Sees ‘Camouflaged’ Efforts By Yerevan To Change Foreign-Policy Vector


Maria Zakharova, an official representative of the Foreign Ministry of Russia 
(file photo)


Russia sees a “radical change” in Armenia’s foreign-policy orientation despite 
what its Foreign Ministry’s spokesperson has described as Yerevan’s attempts to 
“camouflage” it with its rhetoric.

At a press briefing in Moscow on Wednesday Maria Zakharova jibed at statements 
made by Armenian officials, including Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian, about 
“diversifying of Armenia’s foreign policy without changing the vector.”

“One would also like to hear how they see it in practice,” Zakharova said, as 
quoted by Russia’s TASS news agency.

She said the kind of rhetoric is “a blatant attempt to hide true intentions.”

“It is clear that the matter concerns a radical change in the republic’s 
orientation in foreign affairs,” she said, claiming that Yerevan is changing its 
foreign-policy vector “clearly at the suggestion or prompting of the West.”

“On the other hand, they are trying to camouflage it in every possible way, 
thinking that this way they can maintain the same level of assistance and 
special relationship. This is all so visible and clear that it is impossible to 
hide it all behind such words or formulations,” Zakharova said.

In his recent public remarks Pashinian has criticized Russia, a formal military 
and political ally of Yerevan, for failing to come to Armenia’s aid in its 
disputes with Azerbaijan, including a series of recent deadly border clashes as 
a result of which Armenia says some of its territories were occupied.

Tensions between Armenia and Russia rose further after Azerbaijan’s September 
19-20 military offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh that led to the exodus of the 
region’s virtually entire ethnic Armenian population. Armenia, in particular, 
blamed Russian peacekeepers deployed in Nagorno-Karabakh under the 2020 
ceasefire agreement between Moscow, Baku and Yerevan for failing to protect the 
local Armenians.

Pashinian defended his government’s policy that he said was aimed at 
diversifying relations in the security sphere as he addressed the parliament in 
Yerevan on November 15.

The day before that the Armenian leader announced his decision not to attend an 
upcoming summit of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a 
Russia-led defense bloc of six former Soviet countries that also includes 
Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.

Earlier this year Armenia also declined to participate in CSTO military drills, 
while hosting joint exercises with the United States military in Yerevan. This 
and several other moves by Yerevan drew angry reactions from Russia that has 
accused the Pashinian administration of systematically “destroying” relations 
with Moscow.

During today’s press briefing Russia’s Zakharova lamented Yerevan’s decision not 
to attend the CSTO’s November 23 summit and meetings at the level of ministers 
prior to it.

“We do not believe that it meets the long-term interests of the Armenian people 
and will contribute to the strengthening of security and stability of this 
friendly country,” she said.

At the same time, Zakharova said that Armenia is not going to block the work of 
the CSTO’s statutory bodies or prevent the approval of documents that have 
already been agreed.

“This essentially leaves the door open for Yerevan and allows it to join the 
work in the future, and we hope that [our] Armenian ally will use this 
opportunity in the near future,” she concluded.




Another Armenian Official To Skip CSTO Event
Նոյեմբեր 22, 2023

Armenian Parliament Speaker Alen Simonian attending the European Conference of 
Speakers of Parliaments of the Council of Europe in Dublin, the Republic of 
Ireland, September 29, 2023.


Armenian Parliament Speaker Alen Simonian said on Wednesday that he will not 
attend an upcoming event of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) 
as Armenia’s prime minister and other officials have skipped the Russia-led 
defense bloc’s meetings being held in Minsk, Belarus, this week.

Simonian said that he had informed his CSTO colleagues that he would not attend 
the event that he said is scheduled for December.

“There is no answer from them until now. And I think there won’t be. I am sure 
that the reasons for my not participating are clear to them,” said Alen 
Simonian, denying, at the same time, that this amounts to “freezing of 
relations.”

“Armenia does not have a decision to withdraw from the CSTO, but I believe that 
my participation in the given event is not appropriate in the current situation. 
And the situation is that the CSTO does not fulfill its obligations and did not 
fulfill its obligations in the past either,” the Armenian parliament speaker 
said.

Earlier this month Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian announced that he 
will not attend the CSTO summit due to be held in Minsk on November 23. 
Armenia’s foreign minister and defense minister are not attending the meetings 
of their colleagues gathering in the Belarusian capital on Wednesday either.

CSTO Secretary-General Imangali Tasmagambetov said earlier this week that 
official Yerevan had asked to remove the issue of providing military assistance 
to Armenia from the summit agenda.

Armenia had appealed to the CSTO for military assistance in September 2022 
following two-day deadly border clashes with Azerbaijan that Yerevan said 
stemmed from Baku’s aggression against sovereign Armenian territory.

The Russia-led bloc that also includes Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and 
Tajikistan did not publicly call Azerbaijan the aggressor and refused to back 
Armenia militarily, while agreeing to consider sending an observation mission to 
the South Caucasus country.

At the CSTO summit held in Yerevan in November 2022 Armenia declined such a 
mission, saying that before it could be carried out it needed to give a clear 
political assessment of what Yerevan said was Azerbaijan’s aggression and 
occupation of sovereign Armenian territory.

Explaining his decision to skip the Minsk summit, the Armenian prime minister 
told the parliament in Yerevan earlier this month that the “fundamental problem” 
with the CSTO was that this organization had refused “to de-jure fixate its area 
of responsibility in Armenia.”

“In these conditions this could mean that by silently participating [in the 
summit] we could join the logic that would question Armenia’s territorial 
integrity and sovereignty. We can’t allow ourselves to do such a thing, and by 
making such decisions [not to attend CSTO gatherings] we give the CSTO and 
ourselves time to think over further actions,” Pashinian said.

During the November 15 question-and-answer session in parliament the Armenian 
leader refused to be drawn into the discussion of whether Armenia planned to 
formally quit the CSTO, nor would he speak about any security alternatives to 
membership in this organization.

“We are not planning to announce a change in our policy in strategic terms as 
long as we haven’t made a decision to quit the CSTO,” Pashinian said.

Dmitry Peskov, a spokesman for Russian President Vladimir Putin, on Wednesday 
again lamented the decision by the Armenian leader not to attend the Minsk 
summit of the CSTO. But he added, according to Russia’s TASS news agency, that 
the Kremlin expects that “Armenia will continue its work within the framework of 
the organization.”



Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2023 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

‘Which Future Do We Have?’: Stories from Refugees in Armenia

Nov 21 2023
  • Population: 3 million
  • People in Need: 27,000
  • People Facing Hunger: 690,000
  • Program Start: 2018

Nearly 22,500 refugees in Armenia will experience a mental health condition following the recent conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, according to a recent estimate by the World Health Organization. September marked the rapid escalation of a decades-long conflict in Armenia and Azerbaijan, forcing more than 100,000 refugees to flee their homes. Families were forced to make dangerous journeys and arrived in Armenia with little food, water, or shelter.

“These refugees arrived with nothing,” said Marcella Maxfield, Action Against Hunger’s Regional Director for South Caucasus. “Facing an uncertain future, they are now in desperate need of emergency assistance—for both urgent needs like food and water and necessities like bedding, medicine, mental healthcare and psychosocial support.”

Prior to the sudden violence, many ethnic Armenians lived in an autonomous small enclave region or “oblast” called Nagorno-Karabakh. It’s been home to around 120,000 people for decades. But when Azerbaijan launched a sudden offensive at the end of September, nearly all ethnic Armenians left in an exodus. The military offensive was preceded by a nine-month blockade, during which most families in Nagorno-Karabakh faced severe hunger, little electricity, and constant fear.

After a nearly 30-year bid for independence, the de facto authorities in Nagorno-Karabakh agreed to disband its government and armed forces following the attack.

Most of the population was forced to abandon their homes and relocate to the Armenian border province of Syunik, especially in the town of Goris. The journey was long and exhausting. There was only one escape route out of Nagorno-Karabakh: a winding mountain road. Many people were already weak and underprepared after enduring a nine-month blockade, where most families were only allocated small food rations. The forced mass departure only exacerbated many illnesses or cases of malnutrition.

After three days in the car with very little food or water—or, in some cases, hours of walking miles and miles—many grew malnourished or fell ill. Some of the most vulnerable or eldest of the group died along the way.

Today, many refugees have spread out in larger cities like Yerevan, Kotayk and Ararat. Armenia is now faced with an extensive refugee crisis; 1 in 30 people throughout the country is a refugee. More than half of the refugees are women and girls, nearly one third are children, and nearly one fifth are elderly. Their whole lives are uprooted. In the coming weeks, they will have to restart their lives: finding a home, a job, and personal belongings, since most arrived with practically nothing.

The conflict has sparked a mental health crisis, too. Yet even with little to their names, they are showcasing resilience, strength, and hope. Here are their stories.

Anoush, 38 

When Anoush was forced to flee her home on September 26, she only had time to bring three things—the last of her onions and potatoes and a few winter coats. She left with her husband and her son and traveled for two days before reaching Goris. They had nothing to eat, and out of desperation, asked people in passing cars for water to survive the long trek.

Before the violence escalated, Anoush and her family endured a nine-month blockade in Nagorno-Karabakh with little food. They relied on pasta and rice for months, and desperately stocked up on as much medicine as possible for their son’s allergies. In May, Anoush ran out of flour, and she resorted to baking bread out of a mix of different cereals. She and her neighbors began baking bread in a shared outdoor fireplace—no electricity was available. To start a fire, she had to collect wood from the forest, since no fuel was to be found either.

During the rare months that the schools were open, Anoush’s son had to do homework during the day. At night there was only candlelight, which reinforced his anxiety about the ongoing blockade.

Anoush is a trained psychologist, and in Nagorno-Karabakh, she worked in a university and center for elders.

“After the blockade started, all that my patients could think about was the situation. There was chaos. Everyone forgot why they were coming to the psychologist in the first place and could only think about the blockade,” she said. “Before the blockade, I told my patients to look forward to the future. After the blockade, I could not say that anymore. Which future did we have?”

This is the third time Anoush has been displaced. In 2020, her house in Nagorno-Karabakh was destroyed during the conflict. She and her family rebuilt it, but “now, we are not going to be able to reconstruct anything.”

Now, Anoush lives in a small apartment in Goris. She is still in survival-mode—she used to love making toys and baking desserts, but no longer has any interest. Each night, she sleeps next to her son.

“My son is still afraid of the bombardments,” she said. “He does not want to sleep alone.”

Nora, 26

Nora fled the conflict on September 25 with her whole family—her grandmother, aunt, niece, newborn cousin, mother, father, husband, sisters, and brother. They arrived three days later in Goris. For the last two days of their journey, they had nothing to eat. They were forced to resort to drinking water from lakes and rivers in the surrounding mountains. Throughout the entire trip, Nora said that no one was able to sleep for even one hour.

During the blockade, Nora was pregnant, but she miscarried due to acute stress and malnutrition. Access to health services was limited, and it took Nora over an hour and a half to walk to work. They relied mostly on the potatoes they grew themselves.

Now, Nora lives with a family member in a city called Parakar, in Armenia. Her apartment has no electricity, gas, or water. They have a small reserve of savings to buy food, but it is already running low.

Nora worries for her seven-year-old brother, who has already suffered so much for someone so young.

“He needs psychological support. He cannot sleep because he still hears the bombarding.”

Nora has one wish—to return home. “I want to go back to Nagorno-Karabakh,” she said.

Armine and Sasun, 44

Armine and Sasun have leaned on each other for over two decades. Without each other to rely on—or without the kindness of friends—they would have had to suffer through challenges and conflicts alone.

The pair met in childhood. They grew up as neighbors and even went to the same kindergarten. They have been together for 23 years now and have a son and daughter. Armine and Sasun have endured many seasons of life by each other’s side.

In 2009, Armine and Sasun met a soldier in Armenia by chance. The soldier, who wishes to remain anonymous, immediately bonded with Armine and Sasun and the three became very good friends. They all stayed in touch for years, and in 2020, when the first conflict broke out, Armine and Sasun took refuge in the soldier’s home in Goris. Armine’s brother was killed during the war, and the soldier offered a safe place for the family to stay and mourn.

The soldier repeated the same hospitality and kindness in September 2023, when Armine and Sasun fled Nagorno-Karabakh. Armine is especially grateful for their soldier friend, who has hosted four families since September. Right when the conflict broke out, the soldier opened up her home to 17 people. Now, only four remain: Armine, Sasun, and their children.

For months prior to the conflict, Armine and Sasun had already been living off meager food rations during the blockade. They were given vouchers to buy food, but the amounts were hardly sufficient—three kilograms of vegetables, two kilograms of fruit, two kilograms of potatoes and a small amount of bread. Armine and Sasun were expected to divide this portion amongst the entire family. If they didn’t use the vouchers to buy food within a two-week period, they missed their opportunity— and there would be no telling when the next round of vouchers would arrive. It was expensive, too: even though they had vouchers, they still had to purchase the food themselves. A single cabbage could cost over $16.

Just like the soldier had done for them, Armine and Sasun tried their best to lend a helping hand to others in their town. “There were exchanges, and people helped each other as much as possible,” Sasun said.

Armine agreed, adding that her son once went to buy bread and stood in a queue until 5am. On the way home, however, he gave the bread away to a disabled man that was struggling.

“We were taking care of each other. It would have been impossible to survive if we had not supported each other.”

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Armine and Sasun were forced to flee Nagorno-Karabakh on Sep. 26 with barely any notice. Their apartment was completely destroyed by the war. They were on the road for two days and only had one loaf of bread to share between them. The soldier greeted them with open arms when they arrived in Armenia.

“These are my friends: how could I not invite them to my house?” she said. “Even before this war, during the blockade, we tried to be in touch as much as possible to try and help them.”

The soldier said that it makes her happy to be surrounded by people. “The doors of my house were always open,” she said. “Your hearts and doors should always be open. When the house is empty, my soul is empty. We do not care about our money and savings, we care about hospitality. Helping each other.”

Narine, 46

Narine has been displaced twice now. The first time was in 2020, during which her whole family moved to Yerevan, Armenia’s capital city. They stayed in a hotel for 44 days. Her son joined the army to fight on the border, and Narine experienced a severe mental health crisis. “I was very bad psychologically,” she said. “I was depressed.”

After a month and a half, Narine returned home to Nagorno-Karabakh. She only experienced a short period of peace before her life was disrupted again. During the long blockade, there was no transportation, no fuel, and little access to healthcare. She said the drug stores were empty and she was barely able to find painkillers. “The closest hospital was over 15 miles away from our house. I have a heart illness and am unable to walk such long distances.”

Food was also scarce—like many others during the blockade, Narine relied on the mandated 200 grams of bread per family member. She mostly survived on a diet of potatoes and poorly made bread, which she whipped up out of what little ingredients she could find.

“The bread we made was almost black, but at least we had that,” she said. “We were hungry.”
When Narine fled to Goris, she could only bring a few items: clothes for her six kids and a little bit of bread, cheese, and water—only enough to sustain her for one day. Her supply ran out quickly during the long journey to Armenia. Now, Narine can barely afford rent for an apartment in Goris. She has little money and is quickly losing hope.

Action Against Hunger’s Response

Action Against Hunger has responded to emergencies in South Caucasus since 1993. Today, our teams are on the ground in Kotayk, Ararat, Vayots Dzor, Yerevan, and Syunik, assessing needs and providing urgent assistance.

Since the onset of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, we have been carrying out emergency preparedness and response projects to support displaced people. Today, we’re coordinating multipurpose cash and voucher assistance, supporting nutrition initiatives, offering protection and legal assistance, establishing child-friendly and breastfeeding spaces, helping people find homes and livelihoods, and more. We are providing cash and voucher assistance for 3,500 households and mental health and psychosocial support for 1,500 individuals across the country.

We are partnering with local community centers and ensuring that we offer safety and support to as many refugees as possible.

Azerbaijan-Armenia: Navigating the mediation maze to the promising path to resolution

Nov 22 2023

Azerbaijan and Armenia have, unfortunately, shared the fate of being locked in a six-year-long deadly war that claimed the lives of thousands on both sides.

The final stages of the Soviet Union’s life cycle set the chain of events in motion, leading to territorial disputes in various areas of the Union. Azerbaijan and Armenia have, unfortunately, shared the fate of being locked in a six-year-long deadly war that claimed the lives of thousands on both sides. As the parties continued their fight for Karabakh, internationally recognized as a territory of Azerbaijan, both Baku and Yerevan could not conclude the war either by the military or by diplomatic means.

After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, conflicting sides found themselves in a challenging economic and humanitarian situation. Consequently, several mediation attempts have been launched to bring the conflict to its conclusion. One of the most promising mechanisms was the OSCE Minsk Group. The Minsk Group was initially formed as an international mediation effort to find a political solution to the Karabakh conflict. It was formed in 1992 by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), now known as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The efforts of the Minsk group were spearheaded by three co-chair nations: France, the United States of America, and Russia. Several other countries, including Germany, Belarus, Turkey, Italy, Finland, Sweden, Azerbaijan, and Armenia, enjoyed the rights of permanent membership. However, in reality, these states’ roles have been extremely limited to the point of being almost non-existent.

On paper, establishing a team of international mediators was essential to achieving sustainable peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia. It is expected that after prolonged fighting, conflicting sides cannot find a comprehensive settlement, and indeed, Azerbaijan and Armenia have not been in a position to negotiate on their own. Hence, the birth of the OSCE Minsk Group was a step in the right direction. In retrospect, it is possible to say that the moment for the mediation became ripe as both sides engaged in hostilities for a significant amount of time, including after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Additionally, the ongoing fighting took its toll on both nations. The fact that the Minsk Group operated under the auspices of the OSCE gave it a high level of credibility necessary to deal with the challenge of unraveling the puzzle.

The best way to analyze the diplomatic efforts of the OSCE Minsk Group is to divide its lifetime into three stages: early stage (pre-2000), mid-stage (2000-2010), and later stage (2010-2020).

Early attempts of the Group revolved around curbing the potential for another escalation in the region and finding a political settlement to the conflict. Three separate deals were put forward in the late 90s. The first deal was introduced in July 1997. It was labeled a “comprehensive agreement” and aimed to achieve two key objectives: end the armed hostilities and find a political solution for settling the region’s status. Armenia rejected this proposal due to a lack of consensus between President Ter-Petrosyan and other members of the political establishment. In September 1997, OSCE Minsk Group came up with another deal known as the “step-by-step deal”, which was once again rejected by Armenia. This deal entailed gradually removing forces and the sequence of other steps, with an eventual deployment of multinational OSCE peacekeeping forces.

The final proposal arrived in November 1998, widely known as “the common state deal.” Implementing this approach would have given Karabakh some aspects of sovereignty, including influencing Azerbaijan’s foreign policy, own borders, police and security forces, national anthem, constitution, and other symbols. Such an agreement could not have been implemented in practice because it would mean that Azerbaijan would have had to relinquish its sovereignty over the region and endanger its security permanently. It was consequently rejected.

The mid-stage of the Minsk Group mediation efforts coincided with the introduction of the Madrid Principles at the 2007 OSCE ministerial conference in Madrid. In 2009, during the G8 summit in L’Aquila, the US President Obama, Russian President Medvedev, and French President Sarkozy released a joint statement on the Karabakh Conflict by outlining the Basic Principles (also known as modified Madrid Principles) for conflict resolution:

  • Return of the territories surrounding Karabakh to Azerbaijani control;
  • An interim status for Karabakh providing guarantees for security and self-governance;
  • A corridor linking Armenia to Karabakh;
  • Future determination of the final legal status of Karabakh through a legally binding _expression_ of will;
  • The right of all internally displaced persons and refugees to return to their former places of residence;
  • International security guarantees that would include a peacekeeping operation.

This set of criteria paved the way for a systemic approach to dealing with the conflict. These guidelines imply the willingness of the sides to move in the direction of compromise. This view was somewhat reinforced by the introduction of the “Kazan formula” in 2011, according to which Armenia would have to return five occupied regions around Karabakh to Azerbaijan, followed by the remaining two. In turn, Azerbaijan would lift the economic blockade against Armenia and sign the economic, humanitarian cooperation, and non-violence agreements. Additionally, peacekeepers would be deployed in the area. In this context, it is essential to note that the “Kazan Formula,” in contrast to the Basic Principles, would have infringed upon the interests of Azerbaijan because now Baku would receive only five regions immediately. From this perspective, the “Kazan Formula” was a significant step back in mediation from the perspective of Baku.

After 2011, the Group failed to achieve any objectives. Furthermore, the Minsk Group’s apparent inability to deliver results tarnished its reputation and credibility. The best description of the Group’s mediation efforts came from the retired US Ambassador Richard E. Hoagland: “We stayed in fivestar hotels where we were usually assigned suites on the executive floor that gave us access to a private dining room and full bar at no additional expense. We always sought out the best restaurants in the cities where we found ourselves. We lived well while we showed the OSCE flag and reminded Baku and Yerevan that the Minsk Group exists. But to be blunt, very, very little ever got accomplished.”

Things went from bad to worse before the start of the Second Karabakh war. The two statements by top officials in Armenia illustrated that the peace talks have approached the end of their life cycle. First, the former Defense Minister of Armenia, David Tonoyan, publicly announced a strategic approach of “New war for new territories,” aimed to “rid Armenia of this trench condition, the constant defensive state, and will add the units which may shift the military actions to the territory of the enemy.” The statement made in 2019 is considered as one of the causes of the Second Karabakh War in September 2020 between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

Another statement that further damaged the likelihood of reaching an agreement was made by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who claimed that Karabakh is the territory of Armenia.

If we look at the situation through the lens of Mr. Tonoyan’s statements and plans, it becomes understandable why Baku had reasons to doubt the security of its other territories and people. A principle of anarchy in international relations, i.e., the fact that there is no higher authority capable of refereeing contentious issues among the states, contributed to the perception of a security threat, which diminished the chances of finding a solution to a protracted conflict. Adding Mr. Pashinyan’s comment to a discussion will show that by 2020, peace talks were doomed. Consequently, Azerbaijan exercised the right for self-defense outlined in the Article 51 of the UN Charter.

After the conclusion of the 2020 war, several rounds of talks were held in the US, the EU, and Russia. These talks have not led to any tangible results. The failure of the post-war peace-building initiatives can be attributed to the unresolved fate of the separatists at that time. Armenia tried to secure special privileges for the region, a demand Azerbaijan was unwilling to accommodate.

The analysis of earlier mediation attempts between Baku and Yerevan, both before and after the Second war, indicates that the presence of a separatist entity and the irreconcilable views on its future were the key issues preventing the sides from ending a long-lasting conflict. It is essential to realize that from Yerevan’s point of view, the presence of a separatist regime on Azerbaijani territory was a way to gain a competitive advantage over Baku. Meanwhile, Baku saw the presence of such a regime as a legitimate security threat. Hence, Azerbaijan opposed the presence of separatist forces on its territory, while Armenia benefitted from directly controlling separatists. This dynamic led to a zero-sum game between the two South Caucasus states, making it challenging to conclude the hostilities between the sides. Therefore, while the separatist regime continued to exist, Baku and Yerevan had a very slim chance of reaching a comprehensive agreement on normalizing relations. This is particularly evident from the analysis of mediation efforts spearheaded by the OSCE Minsk Group. Despite its fall into obscurity, the Group retained a monopoly over the Karabakh conflict mediation for a significant amount of time. Every proposal failed because Baku and Yerevan could not synchronize their views on Karabakh’s future.

However, now there is a glimmer of hope for Azerbaijan and Armenia. Following the September 2023 events, the separatist regime operating in the internationally recognized territory of Azerbaijan ceased to exist. Thus, the root causes preventing Baku and Yerevan from reaching an agreement on normalizing relations are now history.

Eliminating a separatist entity on the territory of Azerbaijan enables the sides to search for a mutually beneficial solution and sign a peace document. From the mediation perspective, this development is the single most significant transformation that has taken place in the conflict. As things stand today, the risk-reward ratio shifted toward finding a solution because continuing hostilities carries more risks than potential rewards.

Peace treaty is the best way to guarantee security

After all, Armenia is more worried about its security. Looking at the balance of power dynamic between Baku and Yerevan paints a grim picture for Armenia. The population of Armenia stands roughly at 3 million people, while the Azerbaijani population exceeds 10 million inhabitants. The gross domestic product of Azerbaijan surpasses that of Armenia by more than threefold. Finally, Baku enjoys more substantial relations with other states.

Meanwhile, up until recently, Armenia was heavily reliant on Russia for security, and Moscow was the sole diplomatic partner of Yerevan. Considering the radical policy shift of Armenia and its subsequent attempts to foster ties with other states, it is unclear whether Yerevan will be able to achieve its foreign policy objectives in short order. Furthermore, at this point, there are serious reasons to consider that Armenia may become a metaphorical battlefield for dominance between the West and Russia or Iran. Therefore, an unresolved conflict with Azerbaijan will further challenge Armenia’s position, and contribute to the security concerns of Yerevan.

Finally, in the context of a possible peace agreement with Azerbaijan, Yerevan will find rapprochement with Baku economically beneficial. A peace deal between Baku and Yerevan will open opportunities for Armenia to join several international projects, including the Middle Corridor, which will further strengthen Armenian security via the mechanism of interdependence.

Signing a peace deal is the solution to the security competition that plagues the South Caucasus. Otherwise, the conflict dynamic between Baku and Yerevan may emerge once again. In principle, there is no alternative to the formal peace agreement between Baku and Yerevan. After all, this is how every conflict is supposed to end.

Armenian Government OKs 1 Bn Drams Contract to Man On Trial for Defrauding Government

Nov 22 2023
  •   Published:
    • WRITTEN BY HENRY POPE

For the second time in the span of just a few months, the Armenian government has granted public service contracts worth billions of drams to a man presently on trial for defrauding that same government of millions.

Armenia approved a 5.9 billion drams contract to a company owned by Hakob Stepanyan, who is on trial for defrauding the government of hundreds of millions in 2019. (Photo: Credit Debit PRO, Flickr, License)The Armenian Ministry of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure has awarded Hakob Stepanyan’s company, Regionstroyservice LLC, a one billion dram (US$2.5 million) contract. This comes despite the fact that Stepanyan is currently on trial for embezzling 256 million drams ($640,000) from the ministry’s coffers in 2019, Hetq reported.

Regionstroyservice LLC provides public services such as painting road markings, installing street signs, and traffic light maintenance.

This marks the second time this year that Stepanyan’s  company has won lucrative city upkeep contracts, despite his current legal troubles.

In June of 2023, he made headlines for securing ministry contracts with the cities of Yerevan and Masis worth 938 million drams ($2.3 million).

He is accused of misconduct as the former director of another company, Ukrinvest LLC, where authorities say he used his station to commit fraud and embezzle 256 million drams from the government.

Back in 2018, Ukrinvest secured three traffic light installation contracts worth 1.59 billion drams ($3.9 million), across multiple municipalities, despite the fact that the company only had one employee on its payroll at the time.

Preliminary investigations into that case ended in 2021, when the Special Investigative Service, Armenia’s anti-corruption agency, subsequently recommended to federal prosecutors that an indictment be opened against Stepanyan and his co-defendants.

Investigators said in 2020 that, while the government has since recovered the money in question, Stepanyan may not leave the country until the court proceedings against him are resolved.

https://www.occrp.org/en/daily/18241-armenian-government-oks-1-bn-drams-contract-to-man-on-trial-for-defrauding-government