Turkey No Longer Has Reason to Keep Border Closed, Says Yerevan

February 10,  2021



Armenia’s Foreign Minister Ara Aivazyan

“Turkey no longer has any reason to keep its border with Armenia closed,” said Armenia’s Foreign Minister Ara Aivazyan on Wednesday, referencing the blockade Ankara has imposed on Armenia since 1993.

“As you are aware, the blockade—the closure of the border—was the result of the Nagorno-Karabakh status quo, which has changed through a use of force. Turkey therefore no longer has any reason to keep its border with Armenia closed,” Aivazyan said in parliament in response to a question by former My Step lawmaker Gor Gevorgyan, adding that “no process in underway” to normalize relations.

Aivazyan added that the government’s main goal is to do everything to further strengthen the security environment around Armenia and Artsakh.

“This isn’t an easy issue. Naturally, as a state, as a society, we must seek to make every effort for the situation to move toward de-escalation. Our diplomacy will make active efforts in order for a favorable environment to exist around us for strengthening Armenia’s security,” he said.

Aivazyan also expressed concern over joint Turkish-Azerbaijani military exercises currently underway in Kars, adjacent to the Armenia-Turkey border, which Ankara has described as an effort to “coordinate efforts during joint operations and to test new weapons and equipment.”

“Any military exercises give cause for concern, and we, on the one hand, see such manifestations, and on the other hand we see various messages coming from Turkey,” explained Aivazyan.

Aivazyan believes that it is customary in diplomacy to convey certain messages, but, taking into account the factor of Turkey, the time has come to be guided not by messages, but, first of all, by actions.

Turkey militarily supported Azerbaijan’s aggressive attack on Artsakh last fall and it also funded the deployment of Islamist Jihadists, who fought alongside Azerbaijani forces. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has praised Azerbaijan and dedicated Baku’s “victory” over Armenia to Enver Pasha, one of the architects of the Armenian Genocide.

On January 11, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signed another agreement with Russia and Azerbaijan that began the process of opening Armenia’s border with Azerbaijan, whose leader Ilham Aliyev immediately hailed as an opportunity for Turkey to have easy access to Armenia.

With his statement on Wednesday, Aivazyan effectively has concurred with Ankara that the Karabakh conflict has been settled in Turkey’s favor.

While, per Aivazyan, Turkey may not have a reason to keep its border with Armenia closed, shouldn’t Armenia have a reason to keep it shut?

Asbarez: Harry Krikor Ayvazian Donates $300,000 to AYAC

February 10,  2021



The AYAC Center in Glendale before construction began on a second floor

The Board of Directors of the Armenian Youth Association of California announced this week that Harry Krikor Ayvazian donated $300,000 to the organization so it can complete the construction of a second floor to its headquarters in Glendale.

“We had announced earlier that Mr. Harry Krikor Ayvazian had stood by the association and made a handsome donation of $250,000 for the addition of the second floor to the association building. Today, with the utmost joy and gratefulness we are announcing that Mr. Ayvazian has decided to come to the rescue again and donate another $300,000.00 for the same purpose and to complete the work that was started,” explained the AYAC Board of Directors.

The construction began in the second half of 2020 and it is anticipated that it will be completed by the spring. Yet the expansion project posed new challenges for the AYAC, whose members and supporters participated in securing part of the sum necessary for the implementation of the work through their heartfelt donations for which the association is very grateful.

“The Board of Directors and the members of AYAC express their thanks and gratitude to Mr. Ayvazian for his two generous donations and pray that the Almighty grant him good health, success and long life to continue his benevolent work in helping the Armenian community and becoming an example for others to follow in keeping and advancing the Armenian culture,” said the AYAC Board.

Armenpress: 12 wounded servicemen need additional treatment abroad

12 wounded servicemen need additional treatment abroad

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 17:24, 10 February, 2021

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 10, ARMENPRESS. Armenia’s defense ministry has appealed to the professional commission of the healthcare ministry to organize the treatment of 12 servicemen, who were wounded during the recent Artsakh War, abroad, Minister of Healthcare Anahit Avanesyan said during the Q&A session in the Parliament, in response to the question of the ruling bloc MP Narek Mkrtchyan.

“There are cases when our wounded soldiers will need additional or more complex treatment abroad. There is concrete procedure for such cases when the defense ministry is submitting such applications to the professional commission of the healthcare ministry which in turn assesses whether there is a need to send them abroad or not, and after that it makes a decision, as a result of which the government fully covers the costs of the treatment of the wounded servicemen. At this moment 12 such applications have been submitted for the commission’s discussion, and they are in process”, she said.

The minister added that the medical care of the wounded servicemen is being carried out at the expense of the state funds.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Government vows “serious achievements” in defense industry capabilities

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 17:12, 10 February, 2021

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 10, ARMENPRESS. High Tech Industry Minister Hakob Arshakyan reassured lawmakers that in 2021 “serious achievements” will be recorded in terms of the industrial capacities of munitions.

“The goals of the military-industry is the increase of industrial potential, and increase of industrial capacity,” he told ruling My Step bloc lawmaker Sos Avetisyan during parliamentary Questions Time when asked about the export opportunities of munitions produced in Armenia.

“Taking into account that Armenia’s market is limited, it necessarily should also be aimed at exporting. The investments which have been made have this very direction. Investments have been made in Armenia so that the production gets sold domestically and gets exported,” Arshakyan said, adding that these are private investments which also have government participation.

He noted that the opportunities of foreign markets must be used for the development of the sector.

“In terms of industrial capacity, we have and will continue having rather serious achievements in 2021. We also have preliminary agreements with foreign markets,” he said.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Pashinyan comments on proposal to create fact-finding commission to study recent Artsakh War

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 17:01, 10 February, 2021

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 10, ARMENPRESS. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan shares the view that all details of the recent war unleashed by Azerbaijan against Artsakh should be revealed.

The PM commented on the proposal of opposition Bright Armenia faction head Edmon Marukyan to create a fact-finding commission which will study the recent Artsakh War during the Q&A session today in the Parliament.

“According to your proposal that commission should be formed by 70% from those political forces who have already given the answers to your questions from different tribunes. We have tried to invite you to a discussion on that topic, but you didn’t come. At this moment over 1000 criminal cases relating to the war are under investigation”, the PM said.

He added that the political mechanism of investigation is clearly put on the current legislation and that mechanism is the Parliament’s investigative committee.

“It can be formed in accordance with the respective regulations of the legislation. As for the truth about the war, I think it has been discussed quite a lot, I absolutely agree that all the details should be revealed”, he said.

On November 19, 2020, the Bright Armenia faction of the Parliament has proposed to create a fact-finding commission which will study the circumstances of the recent war.

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Extremists plan to build a school in Armenian/Azerbaijani war zone

Mission Network News
Feb 10 2021
By Kevin ZellerFebruary 10, 2021

Azerbaijan (MNN) — Last year, Armenia and Azerbaijan fought a bloody war in the Southern Caucuses. Now, a group called the Grey Wolves has promised to build a school in this war-torn area. Unfortunately, the international community recognizes the Grey Wolves as a terrorist organization.

The Grey Wolves are a far-right organization with ties to Turkey. It is a paramilitary group that advocates using violence to advance nationalist causes. France has banned the organization from operating in the country and other countries are considering similar action.

A derelict military vehicle from the first war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. (Adam Jones, CC BY-SA 2.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0>, via Wikimedia Commons)

Joel Griffith of the Slavic Gospel Association says Armenia and Azerbaijan have a history of warfare, tracing back to the end of the Soviet Union. In the first war, which lasted from 1988-1994, Armenia took control of the contested Nagorno-Karabakh region. “In the most recent conflict that broke out late last year, Azerbaijan came down and took back some territory. And they were able to reach (with some international mediation) a peace agreement. With this new wrinkle being thrown in with the Grey Wolves, it remains to be seen what that’s going to do. It is a troubling development.”

SGA works with churches in this region. They help local Christians provide humanitarian aid to those in need, showing the love and hope of Jesus. Learn more about these programs and get involved here.

Pray this good news would prevail over extremist ideology. Griffith says, “If this actually does come to fruition, and this kind of a school opens up, you’re obviously going to have a lot of ideology that can be very deadly coming out of a place like that. And who knows what impact that’s going to have on the churches of the days ahead. I don’t think it’ll be a good one, because this ideology tends to be very anti-Christian as well.”

Pray the Grey Wolves will not be able to build a school in a region already ravaged by violence. Pray that instead, the Gospel would bring peace and wholeness to the land.

Armenian American diaspora demands Pak’s entry into FATF blacklist

ANI News, India
Feb 11 2021
Armenian American diaspora demands Pak's entry into blacklist

ANI | Updated: Feb 12, 2021 00:35 IST

Washington [US], February 12 (ANI): With the Financial Action Task Force () scheduled to meet this month to decide the future of Pakistan in the global arena, the demand for Islamabad to be blacklisted for its terrorist financing continues to grow.
On Thursday, The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) in a tweet wrote that the money-laundering watchdog must add Islamabad to its blacklist for terrorist financing that includes the funding of jihadist mercenaries to fight for Azerbaijan against Artsakh.
"Dear Secretary (Janet) Yellen: Our US Treasury representative to the  must press this powerful global money-laundering watchdog to add Pakistan to its blacklist for terrorist financing, including its funding of jihadist mercenaries to fight for Azerbaijan against Artsakh," the ANCA said in a tweet.
In October, the  decided that Pakistan will continue to be on its greylist and asked it to continue to work on implementing an action plan to address its strategic deficiencies including demonstrating that its law enforcement agencies are identifying and investigating the widest range of terrorist financing activity and demonstrating that prosecutions result in effective, proportionate and dissuasive sanctions.
Pakistan is on the 's grey list since June 2018 and the government was given a final warning in February 2020 to complete the 27 action points by June in the same year.
The  extended the June deadline to September due to the spread of coronavirus that disrupted the  plenary meetings.
Pakistan is facing the difficult task of clearing its name from the  grey list. As things stand, Islamabad is finding it difficult to shield terror perpetrators and implement the  action plan at the same time.
In recent weeks, Pakistan has tried to paint a picture that it started the reforms, including the passing of some Bills to prevent blacklisting by the . (ANI)


https://www.aninews.in/news/world/us/armenian-american-diaspora-demands-paks-entry-into-fatf-blacklist20210212003522/ 

How Biden Can Create Permanent Armenian-Azerbaijan Peace in the South Caucasus

The National Interest
Feb 10 2021

The Armenia-Azerbaijan agreement provides an opportunity for the U.S. to develop a new regional policy focusing on conflict resolution and an inclusive platform for peacebuilding.

by Nurlan Mustafayev
Europe's longest-running territorial conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan ended after forty-four-days of bloody fighting with the signing of a Russia-brokered trilateral Joint Statement on November 10, 2020. The agreement’s key consequences are the withdrawal of Armenia’s armed forces from Upper Karabakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) and seven adjacent districts of Azerbaijan and the right of return of all displaced persons (IDPs)—a critical impediment to regional stability in the past thirty years.


The emergent new regional order post-hostilities is based on an umbrella of Russian-Turkish security cooperation. Under this arrangement, a sizable Russian peacekeeping force was deployed in Upper Karabakh and alongside the land corridor connecting the region with Armenia. In addition, the joint Turkey-Russia peacekeeping center operates to monitor the cease-fire. It will be the first time in NATO’s history for its member state to engage in regional security monitoring in a former Soviet Union country.

Notably, the United States and France, as co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group—the mediation group entrusted to find a peaceful solution to the conflict—were absent in this critical regional diplomatic endeavor. It was hardly accidental. The U.S. disengagement, France’s perceived partiality, the diplomatic stalemate, coupled with the Minsk Group’s ineffectiveness in the past twenty-six years played a key role in this situation.

Between Inconsistency and Disengagement

The United States did not have a consistent policy in the region under all three past U.S. administrations even though it has important security and economic interests, which include maintaining the strategic Northern Supply Route to Afghanistan via Azerbaijan and Georgia; promoting U.S. companies, trade and investments; preserving regional stability; preventing the resumption of frozen conflicts; and supporting democratic change and better governance as well as the international integration of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. The past U.S. administrations pursued some of these goals at the expense of others and without clear prioritization. As a result, it achieved some of its policy goals in regional integration, energy, trade, and investments. However, it failed in its most crucial goal of peaceful settlement of frozen conflicts.     

The lack of consistent regional policy also led to contradictory policies towards Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. The United States has focused on Georgia as the cornerstone of the U.S. approach toward the region. However, thanks to the pressure from the influential Armenian lobby in the U.S, it granted Armenia preferential treatment vis-à-vis Azerbaijan, such as diplomatic backing, increased security, and economic assistance—the platform of the U.S.-Armenia strategic dialogue. The past U.S. administrations pursued this preferential approach against the background of the ongoing, albeit frozen, Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict and Armenia’s opposite foreign policy orientation.

While all three recent U.S. administrations valued Azerbaijan’s contributions to the U.S. goals, such as regional stability, Afghanistan policy, energy projects, exports, the bilateral relationship remained relatively static. Despite increasing security assistance to Azerbaijan’s border security, the parties could not elevate their ties to a new level on par with Armenia and Georgia. It has created a sense of uncertainty in Azerbaijani society about U.S. impartiality in the conflict and its regional strategy.

Options for New Regional Policy   

The success of the United States’ new re-engagement policy will largely depend on how it will deal with the reconciliation of Armenia and Azerbaijan. Given the end of the hostilities now, the United States needs to develop a coherent regional policy based on the priority of the permanent resolution of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict and regional economic integration. Here are the six points of how the Biden administration can approach these complex issues in its new regional push.

First, the United States needs to shift away from its traditional policy of “conflict prevention” in favor of “conflict resolution” in the region. It requires strengthening the implementation of the Armenia-Azerbaijan agreement, which significantly overlaps with the “Basic Principles” proposed by the Minsk Group. U.S. policymakers should be aware that Azerbaijan as a state does not consider itself to be entirely viable without Upper Karabakh in terms of security, geography, and economy. Given such complexities, the conflict needs an incremental approach in negotiating numerous supplemental agreements to meet Azerbaijan’s critical national security needs and protect minority rights of ethnic Armenians (e.g., cultural autonomy) in Upper Karabakh. The Northern Ireland peace process overseen by various U.S. diplomats since 1995 is an example of how long and arduous a genuine reconciliation process can take between two nations.  

Second, the United States needs to see the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict as a standalone issue separate from its worsening relationship with Turkey or Russia, NATO-Turkey, and Russia-Turkey, or Turkey-Armenia relations. Linking this conflict to geopolitics and external players, as advocated by some U.S. lawmakers and lobby organizations, will limit options for negotiation in the fragile peace process. It will also divert attention from the core issues—a reconciliation of Armenia and Azerbaijan, undertaking extensive post-war reconstruction work, including the return of IDPs.  

Third, the United States should strive to be a neutral and impartial mediator and avoid the perception of appearing pro-Armenian in the conflict. The United States and Russia are the only global powers in the region that both Azerbaijan and Armenia still trust and accept. U.S. policymakers need to build on this trust instead of weakening it by calling for reviewing security assistance to Azerbaijan or recognizing the “Nagorno-Karabakh Republic” as a response to Azerbaijan’s recovery of its internationally recognized territories. Azerbaijani society will view such potential moves as profoundly unfair and as recognition of Armenia’s territorial claims, which will significantly reduce U.S. soft power and influence in shaping the region’s political future. 

Fourth, the United States’ new regional engagement should continue supporting Azerbaijan-led regional energy and transport projects that link the South Caucasus to European and East Asia, especially Chinese markets. Mutual economic dependence and linking peace to economic opportunities will augment a chance for regional peace. For instance, in addition to standalone land corridors stipulated in the Joint Statement, the implementation agreement between Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia signed on January 11, 2021, envisages the unblocking of regional rail connections and building new interconnections, connecting the region’s economies. It will link Armenia to Iran, Russia, Turkish markets, and Azerbaijan to its Nakhichevan exclave and Turkey.

It is a substantial economic opportunity for Azerbaijan and Armenia—a land-locked country whose 85 percent of rail traffic used to pass through Azerbaijan before the start of the conflict in 1990.

Fifth, by applying its experience in Kuwait’s reconstruction, U.S. humanitarian assistance and participation of American companies will be essential in rebuilding the war-torn de-occupied areas—utilities, roads, housing, schools, medical facilities for almost 800.000 Azerbaijani IDPs, and Karabakh Armenians. The UN estimate of economic damage is about a staggering $53.5 billion, beyond the capacity and resources of a small country like Azerbaijan.

Six, common regional problems can no longer be dealt with in a piecemeal manner and through bilateral relations alone. Developing a joint strategic dialogue platform involving the United States, on the one hand, and Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia, on the other hand, to regularly discuss security and economic integration issues would significantly advance the goals of a new U.S. regional policy. Such inclusive regional engagement would produce better coordination among regional countries, build more trust and make the permanent Armenia-Azerbaijan peace closer. Given Azerbaijan’s role as the regional integrator with the largest economy and multi-directional foreign policy, there is a need to elevate the U.S.-Azerbaijan relationship to strategic dialogue on par with Georgia and Armenia. In this respect, as the transport routes between Armenia and Azerbaijan are being restored, repealing Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act—a psychological barrier and highly unfair legislation—could start a new era U.S.-Azerbaijan relationship and contribute to the success of its new regional engagement.

Nurlan Mustafayev is a Baku-based specialist in international law and public administration. He works as a senior advisor on international legal affairs at the State Oil Company of the Republic of Azerbaijan.  His views are his own and do not represent that of his employer. Follow him on Twitter @nmustafayev.

 

5 Questions to Joseph Bohigian (composer-performer)

I Care If You Listen.com  
Feb 11 2021

Joseph Bohigian–Photo by Raffi Paul

 by Mary Kouyoumdjian

Armenian-American composer and performer Joseph Bohigian often explores displacement, heritage, and identity as diaspora in his works. While normally based in California, Bohigian temporarily moved to his family’s ancestral homeland of Armenia to conduct research and “re-root” his work in the Armenian culture–one that is deeply marked by loss as a result of the Armenian Genocide (1915-1923) and Nagorno-Karabakh wars (1988-1994; 2020). Resulting from this period of relocation is Bohigian’s new work, The Water Has Found Its Crack (for three sopranos, violin, viola, cello, and percussion), a personal exploration of “identity boundaries and belonging in diaspora through music.” As an understanding member of Armenian diaspora and an immense admirer of Bohigian’s work, I jumped at the chance to ask some burning questions.

In his essay, Dink writes about a French-Armenian woman who died while visiting the village of her youth in Turkey. When the question of where she should be buried arose, a man from the village responded, “Let her be buried here…the water has found its crack.” This story of Armenians’ longing to be reunited with their indigenous land, as Dink puts it, “to come and be buried under it,” was something I was thinking a lot about when I decided to move to Armenia to work on this project.

Dink also writes about the internalization of Armenians’ uprooting being passed down through generations. In this way, I viewed my composing of this piece as a process of re-rooting myself through music. It was a process of filtering Armenian music through my experience in diaspora in search of what Edward Said refers to as the contrapuntal nature of exilic awareness. My approach was to find a way in which, as a third-generation Armenian-American, my sense of Armenianness and Americanness exist not in opposition, but in counterpoint.

With Armenians having lost so much art to the genocide and Nagorno-Karabakh wars, how do you navigate the act of cultural preservation into your work with creating music that speaks to your present?

In The Water Has Found its Crack, this cultural preservation came partially through the text. When I was living in Yerevan, I worked at the Komitas Museum-Institute translating folk songs collected by the Armenian composer, musicologist, and priest Komitas Vardapet. I noticed that many of the songs referenced water as a metaphor for distance, longing, and loss, which fit nicely with the idea of the water finding its crack. For my piece, I took fragments of these lyrics and rearranged them to construct a new narrative. My goal was to capture the essence of the contemporary Armenian experience of dispersion rooted in our historical experience of exile, showing a continuity of Armenian identity formation through music across time.

There is also a section of the piece in which I wrote a quasi-folk song, one which recalls gestures of traditional folk music while also being something new. Like with the text, on a musical level I’m more interested in creating something new out of characteristics of the old, rather than quoting an existing folk song. This was not so much a conscious recontextualization of specific folk song material, but rather a way for the music to be representative of the sound world in which I had immersed myself in Armenia. It was only later that I discovered specific connections between musical gestures in my quasi-folk song and the traditional Armenian music I had been listening to.

I wrote another piece in Armenia called Khazeri Yerazhshtutyun (Music of Khazes) which deals explicitly with the dispossession of Armenian culture. The piece is a reinterpretation of the traditional Armenian system of musical notation which uses neumes called khaz. Much of the knowledge of the khaz system has been lost, so rather than trying to decipher the neumes’ original meanings, I treat them as gestural directions for the performer in a way that they can take on a new life as a form of graphic notation.

Joseph Bohigian performs with Ensemble Decipher–Photo by Alan Hankers

It was important to me to have a collaborative relationship with the singers from the beginning of writing The Water Has Found its Crack in order to effectively convey the types of music I’m referencing. I sent recordings of Armenian folk and sacred music to familiarize them with the sounds I had internalized, not only through my study in Armenia but also going back to the Armenian music I heard growing up in Fresno. We listened to sharakanner (hymns) I recorded at various churches in Yerevan, folk songs collected by Komitas, and kef music brought to the U.S. by Armenians from the Ottoman Empire in order to discuss the ways certain gestures in my piece reference these styles of singing. For example, there are these free, melismatic lines early on in the piece, which I thought of as a cross between a sped-up version of the sharakanner and ornamentations in migrant folk songs. With those recordings as a reference, I could describe my stylistic intentions in a way that went beyond the notation in the score.

Since that first visit to Armenia, I’ve been interested in asking not only, “Where is home?” but also, “What does home even mean?” for a people who have been continuously uprooted for over a century. I like journalist Liana Aghajanian’s answer to these questions in her Dining in Diaspora project, “Armenia may be a country, but it is also a concept, one that functions independent of geography.” It’s this reconstituted home divorced from place that really interests me. I’m searching for a reunion of multiple homes through music to mend the crack of displacement in the Armenian collective memory; to reconstitute Armenia not only as a physical place, but also as a spiritual one independent of geography.

Joseph Bohigian at Hovhannavank monastery in Armenia–Photo by Benjamin Dubuis

Internally, this work is partly my attempt to situate myself within the realm of Armenian music. As I delved deeper into the relationship between my compositional work and Armenian culture, I found myself asking, “What is Armenian music? Is the music I’m writing ‘Armenian music?’” I didn’t necessarily come away with a clear answer to these questions, but to me it’s more important that I ask them than it is to succinctly answer them. The history of Armenian music is such that it has not only interacted with neighboring cultures, but it also interacts with music in the places around the world where Armenians have recreated “home.” In this way, I think the boundaries of Armenian music are quite fluid in a way that allows the music of Armenians in the diaspora to be just as Armenian as music created in Armenia.

Part of my interest in approaching Armenian issues in my work is that they are quite often overlooked because of their lack of political salience, but have universal resonances. I believe bridges can be built through sound, both interculturally and within a culture. Sometimes connections across cultures are expressed within a work, such as in my piece Hepimiz Hrant’ız on the reaction in Turkey to the 2007 assassination of Hrant Dink, where I sample protest chants in Turkish, Armenian, Kurdish, and English. Though The Water Has Found its Crack originates as an exploration of cultural reunification within the Armenian diaspora, I hope the piece will encourage listeners to make their own connections with this theme.

 

I CARE IF YOU LISTEN is an editorially-independent program of the American Composers Forum, funded with generous donor and institutional support. Opinions expressed are solely those of the author and may not represent the views of ICIYL or ACF.