TURKISH press: Turkey, Russia sign joint observation center agreement for Nagorno-Karabakh

The Aghdam Mosque in Aghdam, after Armenia handed the area over to Azerbaijani forces, Nagorno-Karabakh, Nov. 23, 2020. (Azerbaijani Presidential Press Office via AP)

Turkey and Russia have signed an agreement to establish a joint observation center in Nagorno-Karabakh after Armenian forces departed Azerbaijani territories as part of a peace deal signed last month.

Talks on a joint Turkish-Russian observation center, for implementation of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace deal, have been completed. Work is ongoing to launch the center as soon as possible, the Turkish Defense Ministry said Tuesday.

The statement noted that the agreement included technical details about the establishment and duties of the joint center.

About the content of the agreement, the ministry said it was unable to reveal the details due to a specific clause that restricts such statements.

According to previous plans announced by officials, the observation center is expected to be established in Azerbaijan.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan previously said Turkish forces would be in Azerbaijan alongside Russian forces for observation and supervision, in areas determined by the Azerbaijani government.

The deal comes after days of talks between Turkish and Russian officials about how the two regional powers would jointly implement the Moscow-brokered ceasefire signed this month between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Nagorno-Karabakh lies within Azerbaijan but has been under the occupation of ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia since a separatist war there ended in 1994. That war left not only Nagorno-Karabakh itself but large chunks of surrounding lands in Armenian hands.

In 44 days of heavy fighting that began on Sept. 27, the Azerbaijani military routed Armenian forces and wedged deep into Nagorno-Karabakh, forcing Armenia to accept a Russia-brokered peace deal that took effect Nov. 10.

The agreement saw the return of a significant part of Nagorno-Karabakh under Azerbaijan's control and also requested Armenia to hand over all of the regions it held outside the region.

According to the agreement, Russia deployed nearly 2,000 peacekeepers for at least five years to monitor the peace deal and help the return of refugees. The Russian troops will also ensure safe transit between Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia across the Lachin region.

The Turkish parliament also voted this month to deploy a mission to "establish a joint center with Russia and to carry out the center's activities".

The deployment is set to last a year and its size will be determined by President Erdoğan.

Asbarez: Turkey ‘Undermining’ NATO, Says Pompeo

December 1,  2020



Secretary of State Mike Pompeo

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on Tuesday accused Turkey of undermining the cohesion of NATO and opposing the principles of the alliance, the Greek newspaper Kathimerini reported, citing diplomatic sources.

Pompeo’s made the remarks during a teleconference of NATO foreign ministers, during which the U.S. secretary of state spoke of what he called Turkey’s provocative activities in Libya, Syria, Nagorno-Karabakh and the eastern Mediterranean.

Pompeo also referred to Turkey’s purchase of the Russian S-400 missile defense system, saying it was a “gift’’ from Moscow, according to the sources cited by Kathimerini.

In recent months, Turkish armed forces have launched major cross-border offensives against Kurdish armed groups in Syria, intervened against the UAE-backed strongman Khalifa Haftar in Libya, backed Azerbaijan in its aggressive attacks on Karabakh and confronted Greece over disputed maritime boundaries in the eastern Mediterranean.

During Tuesday’s teleconference, Pompeo also accused Ankara of the failure of the military “deconfliction mechanism” agreed upon between Turkey and Greece in October, Kathimerini said.

On Oct. 1, NATO confirmed that Ankara and Athens had agreed to “a bilateral military deconfliction mechanism” that would prevent a military confrontation over hydrocarbon resources in the eastern Mediterranean.

Ahead of Tuesday’s foreign ministers’ conference, the U.S. Ambassador to NATO, Key Bailey Hutchinson singled out Turkey’s behavior in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the acquisition of the S-400 as problematic to the alliance.

“Some of the behaviour that has been mentioned is problematic to the unity of the alliance and the alliance is strong because we are unified. We are concerned most especially about the S-400,” she told the Abu-Dhabi-based The National.

“The idea that you can put a Russian-made missile defense system in the middle of our alliance is out of bounds. We have registered that with Turkey time and again,” Hutchison told The National on Monday.

“We hope before Turkey turns on that missile defense system that they will understand the consequences and how much it will hurt their alliance inter-operability with the rest of us,” added Hutchinson. “We hope that Turkey turns back the decision that they made in error to put a Russian missile defense system in Ankara. Many of us are trying to work with Turkey in a way that would cement our alliance unity and we are asking Turkey once again to be the great ally that they have been in the past.”

The Unthinkable

December 1,  2020



The author’s Iranian passport

In the kitchenette of our hotel room, I prepared a little something for my daughter to eat and, after playing with her for a while, I returned to bed and left her to play. At that early hour there was nothing on TV, so I turned on the radio to hear some music. What I heard was a total shock…

The news was from Tehran; a mob had defied the existing curfew. A reporter said that overnight masses of people had gone into the streets, dressed in long, white robes. They were in defiance of the existing martial law and chanting slogans against the monarchy.

“Down with the Shah,” they shouted. “Azadi, Istiglal, Jomhuri-ye Eslami,” which means Independence, Freedom and an Islamic Republic.

In Islamic tradition, the dead are wrapped in white shrouds before they are buried, so wearing those long, white robes symbolized the protestors’ willingness to be martyred.

The author’s passport

I could hardly believe my ears. I was stunned to hear so much detailed news on the radio. I realized there must be a very serious problem back home.

I cautiously stirred my husband and with a calm voice I said, “Please wake up. Come listen to the radio. He quipped, “I’m too tired. Not now.”

My voice quivered. Holding back emotions, I said, “Havaah passé,” which in colloquial Farsi means the situation is out of control. I continued, “The news on the radio says that a mob has defied the curfew in Tehran and has taken to the streets.”

He bolted up… Now both of us sat on the edge of the bed, listening to the radio and looking at each other in dismay. We were deeply distressed by the news. As I glanced at my daughter playing on the floor, I had no idea yet that we would never return to our home. My heart pounded in my chest. I can still feel the desolation and the fear that settled in. It was an out of body experience.

The situation in Iran had literally changed overnight. My husband called his parents who told us we should extend our stay in London because the civil unrest continued to worsen minute by minute.

Let me step back a little and tell you that many years later I learned that the BBC radio (British Broadcasting Corporation) had helped the Ayatollah Khomeini to gain power by giving him Persian-language broadcasts. The BBC had been called a loudspeaker for Khomeini, providing him with a platform to launch the Islamic Revolution. On that day, I had no idea about that arrangement.

In our comfortable life in Iran, we didn’t have a clue and couldn’t imagine that the Shah and his family would be forced to leave the country. My family and the people we knew didn’t have anything against the Shah. We thought he was a decent ruler. We lived a good and carefree life. Oil money, the “petro-dollars,” as they said, gushed into the country and trickled down to every home. Iran seemed to be in an upward swing, gaining respect on the international stage. We vacationed in Europe, drove luxury cars and wore designer clothing. We spent summers by the pool or the Caspian Sea. We had a wonderful life, and we considered the Shah a friend.

As an ethnic group Armenians had thrived in a Muslim country for over 500 years. We had lived peacefully under the succession of Persian rulers. We enjoyed religious freedom and, by having our own schools, kept our language and culture. No caste system, no roadblocks or prejudice impeded us. We enjoyed social mobility with plenty of opportunities.

Growing up I had heard a story about a distant uncle, named Qazar, who was a communist. His brother owned a printing shop where, without his brother’s knowledge, Uncle Qazar had printed literature about their group’s communist activities — it was around 1936 or 38. At the time, there were only one or two printing shops in Tehran, so it was not difficult for the authorities to find out where the flyers came from. The Shah’s men came and closed the shop, cutting off the brother’s livelihood, and imprisoned the communist uncle for a few years. While in prison, Uncle Qazar studied English literature. He already was well-versed in the Russian, Armenian and Farsi languages; when he got out of prison, he became one of the most prolific translators in Iran. Uncle Qazar translated Anna Karenina from Russian and had his hand in many other translations and in the making of dictionaries. Ironically, one of his nephews became a Minister of Urban Planning in Iran and another nephew was a journalist working at the American Embassy in Tehran.

Growing up, within my six degrees of separation, I had never heard of someone being tortured, whipped or hanged. On the contrary, it was the Islamic Revolution that brought all of that to the foreground for those I knew in Iran.

Opposition to the Shah was nothing new – it was part of the fabric of our society. When the riots got more frequent, we thought the agitation would fade away as it always did. Nobody believed the government would not be able to handle the situation, and that we would end up with a revolution.

Now allow me to take you 25 days before our departure, to Sunday November 5, when the most violent riot broke out. The day came to be called “Black Sunday.” On that Sunday, the opposition gathered momentum and the unrest spread throughout Tehran. Mobs burned, looted and vandalized cinemas, banks and public buildings.

On that day we had gathered at my parents’ home at the outskirts of the city for a late lunch, as we did every Sunday. (Sunday is not a “weekend” in Iran but a regular workday.) A few hours earlier, when I left home around noon to pick up my young daughter from her nursery school, I didn’t notice anything unusual in the streets of Tehran. However, by the time I arrived at my parents’ home, the news announced that thousands of people had taken to the streets demanding the Shah to step down from power.

Although my parents resided away from the center of the city, in the distance we could see the sky turning black with fires set by protestors. Black Sunday marked a turning point in the history of Iran. It was the beginning of the end for the Shah. For us, it was a surprise.

That day, we realized the implications of what was happening around us. We had witnessed a few previews of opposition to the Shah, however, the big picture still looked to be in favor of the status quo.

Our anxiety was high, but even then, we didn’t realize that we were on the cusp of a revolution. The evening of “Black Sunday,” martial law was imposed and, in an effort to stave off disaster, the Shah addressed the nation. I can still remember his words coming from the car radio.

“I, too, have heard the voice of your revolution,” the Shah proclaimed. sounding contrite. “As the Shah of Iran and as an Iranian, I will support the revolution of my people. I promise that the previous mistakes, unlawful acts and injustice will not be repeated.”

He wanted to find a way to dialogue with people and work out a solution, but it was too late. The king was checkmated. The West, including America, wanted the Shah to leave and to hand the country over to Ayatollah Khomeini and the religious fanatics.

How had the Shah, who was such an important ally to the West, suddenly become so unpopular? In those days we looked to the Shah as a tower of strength in the Middle East. He had created a strong economic growth. He had established great relationships with both East and West, and he was in the process of modernizing and Westernizing Iran. And he had many more dreams to implement for the betterment of the country. Why? Why did he have to leave his job unfinished? I think fate was unkind to him.

Queen Farah Pahlavi in her biography, “An Enduring Love,” writes: “Western journalists, who were so punctilious about respecting freedoms, seemed to see Ayatollah Khomeini as the incarnation of the spiritual…” Yes, it was the West who stood shoulder to shoulder with Khomeini to bring about the Islamic Revolution. Even President Reagan later said, “What we did to the Shah is a black page in American history.”

I can’t recall much between Black Sunday and the day we left for London. How exactly did we go on with our daily routines? What was in our thoughts? Did we send our daughter to her nursery school? I wonder how such an important period of time has escaped my memory.

However, I do recall the celebration of my husband’s 30th birthday on November 15, ten days after the riot. We had over 40 guests, but they dispersed early because of the curfew. Otherwise, it was like any other party – a good spread of food, drinks and dancing to European music. At the party there was a lot of talk about the riots and the general unrest in the country, however the consensus was that things would return to normal. We were blindsided.

A few factors prompted our trip to London. First, it was the imposed government curfew. Second, we were heading into the Muslim mourning month of Muharram, during which there was no regular TV programs or music. We felt that the coming weeks would be cheerless and gloomy, and we also thought: “We could spend Christmas in London and return to Tehran when Muharram was over and everything had settled down.” We held active passports and visas, which made it easy for us to travel on the spur of the moment.

I remember I was standing in our bedroom when my husband called to tell me that he had secured tickets for London. He said, “I’ve got three airplane tickets. We’re going to London in two days. Start packing.”

When I hung up, after that short call, I didn’t know what to do, so I called my mother-in-law. “We’re leaving for London in two days!” I said those words, almost panicking. My mind filled with everything I needed to do to get ready.

“Oh, do you want me to come and help you pack?” she asked. “Yes, I do!” I said, relieved.

As I was packing, I was overwhelmed by a strange feeling. I sensed that this departure was different from all others. I kept asking myself, “Should I empty the refrigerator, should I take a few pieces of jewelry with me?” I was at a loss. In the end, we left carrying only two suitcases, thinking we would return in a month. We never did.

Catherine Yesayan is a regular contributor to Asbarez, with her columns appearing under the “Community Links”  heading. She can be reached at .



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The Surrender of Artsakh—An Eyewitness Account

December 1,  2020



BY DICKRAN KHODANIAN

KASHATAGH/STEPANAKERT, Artsakh – Imagine having to take the key to an Armenian church from Kashatagh in order to hand it to parish priest Rev. Fr. Aharon Melkumyan in Goris because potentially you may have been the final Armenian to visit before the region was surrendered to Azerbaijan’s control.

This is the reality we’re facing as an Armenian nation right now. As part of the deal made on November 9, Aghdam was ceded on November 20, Karvachar on November 25 following a 10 day delay, and Kashatagh on December 1.

From November 27 to 29 as I stayed in Goris. I was able to visit, explore, and help document the region of Kashatagh one final time prior to its transfer to Azerbaijan in addition to also visiting Stepanakert as well. Kashatagh is one of the 7 provinces of Artsakh and is the largest province by area (3,376.60 km2). The region’s capital is Berdzor and according to the last population count, its population was close to 10,000. The region bordered Armenia to the west and Iran to the south and was well known for accepting close to 200 Syrian Armenian refugees following the Syrian Civil War.

On December 1, 2020, a majority of Kashatagh was transferred to Azerbaijan with the exception of the Lachin Corridor, containing the localities of Berdzor, Sus, and Aghavno. Therefore, I had the opportunity to travel to northern Kashatagh, where I was able to visit multiple villages, churches, and other historic sites. After passing a heavily damaged bridge once entering Artsakh, my journey began with the village of Hochants. Hochants is home to the 17th century St. Stepanos Armenian Church that was reopened and reconsecrated in 2019 through the efforts of the Artsakh’s Ministry of Culture, Youth and Tourism, the Armenian Apostolic Church, and the Tufenkian Foundation. It was the key to this church that I had to take back to Goris.

The journey then continued to the Tsitsernavank Monastary, a 5th-6th century monastery that’s 5 kilometers of the border of Armenia’s Syunik province. The basilica of Tzitzernavank was believed to contain relics of St. George the Dragon-Slayer. Tsitsernavank’s church of St. George was reconsecrated and renovated in October 2001.

The villages were already emptied at this point and most houses were abandoned. Scenes of Armenians cutting trees to take with them to Armenia and taking apart homes were common similar to my trip to Karvatchar approximately two weeks ago. However, during this trip, the presence of Russian troops was heavy. In addition to the Russians now using what was the checkpoint for the Artsakh Republic as you entered, Russian convoys, police cars, and other types of military vehicles were on the road and stationed at different locations.

On day two, I travelled to as north of the village of Hak and made an attempt to stop at as many churches and historic sites as I could on the way back south to the main road. Hak is home to the 17th century Armenian Church of St. Minas and is located in north-west Kashatagh. It was restored in 2009 by the Tufenkian Foundation. Hak was already emptied out without a single soul in site and the church is located in the center of the village.

Later that day, we made stops in the villages of Mirik, Herik, Bertik, and Mashatagh where I visited the local Armenian churches and witnessed various historic sites and Armenian cross-stones (khachkars). These villages were also emptied out. The only individuals present were construction workers present to take apart certain structures. These villages are fairly remote and require a dirt road to get there. Mirik and Herik specifically are deep in the hills of Kashatagh where one can overlook mountain after mountain and valley after valley in the region of Kashatagh. Church after church and village after village, it kept become even more excruciating to face the concession of these territories, which was only taking place a few days following my visit. During my visit, a group from TUMO and the Tufenkian Foundation were also traveling across all the regions that were being transferred to Azerbaijan in order to 3D scan the churches in the region.

On day three, I made the trek to Stepanakert. Traveling through Berzdor where the situation still seemed uncertain following the agreement, it was evident that not everyone had returned and the town had not returned to its normalcy. When I was there in the final days of November, news about which parts of Berdzor and Kashatagh were to remain under Armenian control were very mixed, which some outlets stating that the residents of Berdzor were also forced to leave when they were initially told not to.

However, on December 1, Berdzor Mayor Narek Aleksanyan stated that many residents of Berdzor are still there. He added that the Russian peacekeepers had told them to lower the flag because no flags from either side would be allowed to be raised. Russian peacekeepers are currently stationed in Berdzor.

One thing that’s certain is that as I passed by the “A Free and Independent Artsakh Welcomes You” sign at the border of Armenia and Artsakh, it certainly didn’t feel like a free and independent Artsakh.

On the way to Stepanakert there were multiple Russian checkpoints with their flags raised everywhere. As you come across the entrance to Shushi, the painful sight of Turkish and Azerbaijani flags hung around the sign of Susa dauntingly welcomes you. Prior to my trip, the pictures of the Azerbaijani flags around or at the entrance of Shushi were extremely disheartening and troubling. I genuinely wouldn’t wish this sight upon anyone in person. Shushi has been home. Shushi has been a site where young diasporans from around the world have come to volunteer, build relationships, and contributed its development. And now as images and videos of Azerbaijani soldiers vandalizing churches and Armenian properties surfacing, it could be traumatizing for many.

As I entered Stepanakert, surprisingly there was some type of liveliness and it was clear a great deal of families had returned. Residents were walking around town and many markets and stores were operating. Internet, electricity, and utilities were mostly available. I drove through the city to find heavily damaged areas and sites heavily affected by the shelling and attacks as reported by the Armenian government. However, it seemed like the damage was mostly repaired and there was not a great deal of damage that remained.

I visited the market where approximately half the vendors were present selling fruits, honey, mulberry vodka, jingalov bread, among other items. The main market had surely been hit and it had not been entirely repaired but was enough to be. Based on my visit and exchanges with several local individuals, there were many individuals from Hadrut who were displaced and lost their homes who were currently in Stepanakert.

Outside the city hall in Stepanakert, there was a massive line of people waiting in order to receive nutrition from the government. The International Red Cross had provided boxes of nutrition and these boxes were being divided by families in Artsakh. In the main Renaissance Square in Stepanakert, I also witnessed a demonstration that took place organized by the families of the missing soldiers.

Some of the other sited damaged included the electricity network building in Stepanakert, the maternity hospital, and various homes throughout the city. The Armenian Relief Society’s Sosse Kindergarten was also slightly damaged due to an explosion that took place nearby. The kindergarten had been hit by shrapnel pieces.

Although the city was attempting to reach normalcy, it was apparent that it wasn’t entirely normal. The mood was somber and the people confused. Confused about what their future holds and unsure of the new developments that may or may not even take place regarding the deal that was made on November 9.

One thing that’s certain is that as I passed by the “A Free and Independent Artsakh Welcomes You” sign at the border of Armenia and Artsakh, it certainly didn’t feel like a free and independent Artsakh.

Those who wish to enter Artsakh now are welcomed by a heavy presence of Russian peacekeepers, an Azerbaijan controlled Shushi overlooking Stepanakert, and for the time being, only one Armenian controlled road that takes you to Artsakh from Armenia, the Lachin Corridor, since Karvachar was transferred to Azerbaijan.

Lachin is Surrendered to Azerbaijan

December 1,  2020



An Artsakh resident in Berdzor watches houses burn in the Lachin district before the handover to Azerbaijan (Tass photo)

The withdrawal of Armenians from Artsakh’s Lachin district, which buttressed the border with Armenia, completed the handover of Artsakh territories to Azerbaijan as envisioned in the November 9 agreement that ended the war, but created more complications for Armenia and Artsakh.

As was the case with the handover to Karvachar and Aghdam last week, the process was marred by inconsistencies and lack of information pitting long-time residents of the area against the Armenian government’s decision to vacate the land and hand it over to Azerbaijan.

Similar scenes of residents scrambling to gather their belongings and burning their homes played out on Monday in the area, with Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev vowing to take control of all of Lachin, despite the agreement stressing that a five-kilometer stretch would reman under Armenian control and be manned by Russian peacekeepers.

There was more confusion in the town of Berdzor (formerly the city of Lachin) as conflicting instructions about the fate of the city caused more uncertainty for residents who have already been devastated by the war.

Berdzor Mayor Narek Alexanyan told Armenpress on Tuesday that many residents of the Berdzor have not left, but the Russian peacekeepers stationed there have urged them to take down the Artsakh flag.

“The Russian peacekeepers didn’t specify whether or not the Azeri armed forces would enter Berdzor. It’s possible that women and children have left the town due to safety concerns, but many have stayed. Regarding the rumors alleging that only 200 residents should remain in the town as service staff for the peacekeepers – I don’t have any information on this. Anyhow, right now the number of residents who stayed in Berdzor is a lot more than 200. I myself am in Berdzor,” Alexanyan told Armenpress.

“There was no clear instruction about whether Berdzor should be cleared out [by Armenians],” Aleksanyan emphasized to news. am on Tuesday.

According to the mayor, there are no Azerbaijani soldiers in Berdzor. He also said that residents of nearby Aghavno and Sus villages were facing the same uncertainty as the residents of Berdzor.

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan’s armed forces entered the Lachin district, while Russian peacekeepers are now stationed in Berdzor, while the local residents wait for further instructions.

The Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno Karabakh are monitoring the ceasefire and the situation on a 24/7-basis, the Russian Defense Ministry said.

“The peacekeepers are ensuring security of civilian vehicle traffic and movement of citizens through the Lachin corridor [connecting Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh], the shipment of foodstuffs and various goods and are escorting and ensuring security of repair crews, which are fulfilling the tasks on restoring infrastructure facilities,” the TASS news agency quoted the ministry as saying.

Asbarez: As Protesters are Arrested, Karekin II Appeals to ARF Hunger Strikers

A protester is being dragged by Armenian police

As opposition protesters continued demanding Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s resignation for signing the defeatist November 9 agreement that ended the war, but ceded large swaths or Artsakh territories to Azerbaijan, Armenia’s security forces were out in full force breaking up the gathering and arresting peaceful demonstrators.

Armenian Revolutionary Federation members who have been on a hunger strike since last week, got an appeal to end their strike when His Holiness Karekin II, Catholicos of All Armenians personally visited them and urged them to stop the action, while he did not discourage them to continue pursuing their cause.

“It was hard to refuse the Catholicos,” said ARF Supreme Council of Armenia member Gegham Manukyan, who has been on a hunger strike with his comrades since November 23. “I will continue to fight,” vowed Manukyan.

Catholicos Karekin II meets with ARF hunger strikers

Meanwhile as protesters began to peacefully march from Mashdots Street to the government building, Armenia’s security forces began arresting citizens who were taking part in the demonstrators.

Some demanding Pashinyan’s resignation were pulled out of buses.

In the end 35 people were taken into custody, as organizers vowed to continue their protests.

Armenpress: Cenbank lowered re-financing rate 1,25% in one year

Cenbank lowered re-financing rate 1,25% in one year

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 09:39, 1 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 1, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian Central Bank lowered the re-financing rate by 1,25% from Q4 2019 to Q3 2020, bringing it to 4,25% as of September 2020, the cenbank said in a report.

According to the report, a low deflation climate was maintained in Armenia during the 1 year preceding Q4 2020 associated with supply and demand factors. Namely, in Q4 2019 and Q1 2020 the government implemented suppressive fiscal policy, while “mostly deflation effects were conveyed from the outside world.”

“The low inflation was also contributed by the changes in the competitive arena observed in a number of product markets and the shift of demand from the short-term consumption product market to the long-term consumption product market,” the cenbank said, adding that a comparable high growth was recorded in private consumption, mostly due to positive crediting impact from the financial sector.

Significant deflation factors appeared in Q2 and Q3 of 2020, mostly due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the response actions and the developed behavioral changes.

Despite significant encouraging fiscal policy, the situation led to a significant drop of economic activity and gross demand mostly due to decrease of private consumption and delay of investments amid uncertainties over economic prospects.

12-months inflation totaled 1,4% in September 2020.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Russian peacekeepers ensure security of vehicle traffic via Lachin corridor

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 10:14, 1 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 1, ARMENPRESS. The Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno Karabakh are monitoring the ceasefire and the situation on a 24/7-basis, the Russian Defense Ministry said.

The peacekeepers are ensuring security of vehicle traffic and movement of citizens via the Lachin corridor.

"The peacekeepers are ensuring security of civilian vehicle traffic and movement of citizens through the Lachin corridor [connecting Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh], the shipment of foodstuffs and various goods and are escorting and ensuring security of repair crews, which are fulfilling the tasks on restoring infrastructure facilities," TASS quoted the ministry as saying.

Editing by Stepan Kocharyan

Russian peacekeepers defuse nearly 1,000 explosives in Karabakh

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 10:30, 1 December, 2020

YEREVAN, DECEBER 1, ARMENPRESS/TASS. Troops of Russia’s peacekeeping contingent have cleared of mines nearly 10 km of roads and defused some 1,000 explosives in the Lachin corridor in Nagorno-Karabakh, TASS reported citing the Russian Defense Ministry.

"Russia’s peacekeepers have defused explosives in the area in the Lachin corridor and ensured safe work of repair crews on restoring a high-voltage power line destroyed during the combat actions," TASS quoted the ministry as saying.

During the peacekeeping operation in Nagorno-Karabakh engineer units cleared more than 29 hectares of land and some 10 km of roads, inspected over 100 houses and vital social facilities and discovered and defused some 1,000 explosives, according to the statement.

All explosives and munitions, which did not explode, are taken to a specially equipped firing range to be destroyed. Sappers explode munitions on the scene if it is unsafe to evacuate them.

Berdzor mayor presents details amid vague situation

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 10:36, 1 December, 2020

BERDZOR, DECEMBER 1, ARMENPRESS. Many of the residents of Berdzor are currently in the town, Mayor Narek Alexanyan told ARMENPRESS amid a vague situation over the town’s fate.  The Lachin corridor, linking Armenia with Artsakh, runs through Berdzor, which in turn is located in the Kashatagh province – which has come under Azeri control under the terms of the Karabakh armistice. But the fate of the town remains vague.

According to the mayor, the Russian peacekeepers told them yesterday that they have to lower the flag of Artsakh, and that the flag of neither side should be raised there.

“Nevertheless the Russian peacekeepers didn’t specify whether or not the Azeri armed forces would enter Berdzor. It’s possible that women and children have left the town due to safety concerns, but many have stayed. Regarding the rumors alleging that only 200 residents should remain in the town as service staff for the peacekeepers – I don’t have any information on this. Anyhow, right now the number of residents who stayed in Berdzor is a lot more than 200. I myself am in Berdzor,” the mayor said.

The Russian peacekeepers are now stationed in Berdzor, while the local residents are waiting for further developments.

Reporting by Van Novikov; Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan