Month: September 2020

                                        Tuesday, September 1, 2020

Two Killed In Brandy Distillery Blast

        • Robert Zargarian

Armenia -- A firefighter and a worker at a brandy distillery in Armavir hit by a 
deadly explosion, September 1, 2020

An explosion rocked a brandy distillery in Armenia on Tuesday, killing two 
people and seriously injuring four others.

The Armenian Ministry of Emergency Situations said rescuers sent by it there by 
needed about an hour to extinguish a fire caused by the explosion, which blew up 
a large reservoir filled with alcohol. They then recovered the dead bodies of 
the two victims.

One of the victims was the executive director of the distillery located in 
Armavir province west of Yerevan while the other managed a construction team 
working at its premises.

Four other people suffered severe burns and were rushed to a provincial 
hospital. They were transferred to Yerevan later in the day. The Armenian 
Ministry of Health described their condition as critical.

The Armavir distillery employing more than 200 people is a local division of the 
Proshian Cognac Factory, a major Armenian brandy producer. Its owner, Armen 
Gasparian, told RFE/RL’s Armenian service that the blast was likely caused by 
welding carried out dangerously close to the alcohol reservoir.

Armenia’s Investigative Committee echoed that explanation, saying that the 
welders appear to have violated safety rules. The law-enforcement body said it 
has launched an inquiry into criminal negligence.



Yerevan Rejects Parallels Between Belarus Protests, Armenian Revolution


BELARUS – Opposition supporters march through the center of Minsk, August 23, 
2020

Foreign Minister Zohrab Mnatsakanian has dismissed comparisons between 
continuing anti-government protests in Belarus and a popular uprising that 
toppled Armenia’s former government in 2018.

The mass protests in the capital Minsk and other parts of Belarus were sparked 
by a disputed election the official results of which gave a landslide victory to 
Alexander Lukashenko, the country’s authoritarian president. Lukashenko denies 
opposition allegations that he rigged the August 9 ballot to prolong his 26-year 
rule.

Some commentators see glaring similarities the Belarusian demonstrations and 
nationwide protests which were triggered by former Armenian President Serzh 
Sarkisian’s attempt to hold on to power after completing his second and final 
presidential term in April 2018. The peaceful protests known as the “Velvet 
Revolution” paralyzed much of Armenia, forced Sarkisian to resign and brought 
protest leader Nikol Pashinian to power.

Mnatsakanian rejected such parallels in an interview with the Russian Interfax 
news agency published late on Monday.

“Armenia followed its own path and it’s not quite correct to draw parallels 
based on that,” he said. “True, there might be some common parameters, but on 
the whole these are different situations.”


ARMENIA -- Protesters react listening to their leader Nikol Pashinyan on 
Republic Square in Yerevan, April 26, 2018

“The most important thing is to accept and acknowledge that a solution to the 
issue is the prerogative of the people of Belarus. We very much hope that this 
situation will be resolved peacefully,” he added.

Asked whether Armenia recognizes Lukashenko as Belarus’s legitimate leader, 
Mnatsakanian said: “Prime Minister Pashinian congratulated the president of 
Belarus … We intend to continue working with Belarus in all directions both 
within the framework of bilateral relations and in international formats.”

Pashinian’s congratulatory message to Lukashenko was denounced by Armenian civil 
society activists and opposition figures. Some of them accused the prime 
minister of turning a blind eye to a brutal crackdown on Belarusian protesters 
launched by security forces right after the disputed election. Pashinian’s 
political allies defended the congratulation, implicitly citing Armenia’s 
geopolitical interests.


Kazakhstan - Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko (L) and Armenian Prime 
Minister Nikol Pashinian talk at a CSTO summit in Astana, 8 November 2018.

Both Armenia and Belarus are members of the Russian-led Collective Security 
Treaty Organization (CSTO) and Eurasian Economic Union. Russia is increasingly 
showing support for Lukashenko despite President Vladimir Putin’s uneasy 
relationship with the Belarusian strongman.

Faced with the biggest challenge yet to his rule, Lukashenko has accused the 
West of funding the protests and massing NATO forces on Belarusian frontiers. He 
has said he might need military assistance from Russia and the CSTO.

Mnatsakanian would not be drawn on a possible CSTO intervention in ongoing 
developments in Belarus. He argued that the Belarusian government has not 
requested it so far.



Former Armenian Security Chief Insists On Regime Change

        • Gayane Saribekian

Armenia -- Former National Security Service Director Artur Vanetsian is 
interviewed by Armenian newspaper editors, Yerevan, February 5, 2020.

Artur Vanetsian, the former National Security Service (NSS) director leading a 
new opposition party, on Tuesday reaffirmed his plans to try to oust Armenia’s 
current government and said he may organize street protests for that purpose.

Vanetsian said regime change is the principal aim of his Hayrenik (Fatherland) 
party’s continuing “very active discussions” with two other major opposition 
groups: the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun) and the 
Prosperous Armenia Party (BHK).

“[Prime Minister] Nikol Pashinian’s and his government’s every new day in power 
is ruinous for Armenia,” he told RFE/RL’s Armenian service in an interview. “We 
are ready to cooperate with almost all political forces over this agenda.”

Asked about the possibility of anti-government protests, he said: “Rallies and 
other mass protests are an integral part of a political process. We will 
definitely use that instrument if need be and at the right moment.”

Vanetsian predicted in late July that “very active political processes” possibly 
involving street protests will unfold in Armenia soon. He sounded more cautious 
on that score on Tuesday.

“A politically heated autumn is definitely expected but I wouldn’t link times of 
the year with politics,” he said. “For us, for the Hayrenik party, the last few 
months have already been heated.”


Armenia - Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian (L) and National Security Service 
Director Artur Vanetsian visit the Football Academy in Yerevan, March 25, 2019.

Vanetsian, 40, was appointed as head of the NSS immediately the 2018 “Velvet 
Revolution” that brought Pashinian to power. He quickly became an influential 
member of Pashinian’s entourage, overseeing high-profile corruption 
investigations initiated by Armenia’s new leadership.

Vanetsian resigned in September 2019 after falling out with the prime minister 
for still unclear reasons. He has since repeatedly accused Pashinian of 
incompetence and misrule, prompting angry responses from the premier and his 
political allies. Some of them have accused the former NSS chief of cooperating 
with the country’s former rulers overthrown in 2018.

In late June, Hayrenik, the BHK and Dashnaktsutyun pledged to work together in 
challenging the government. The move followed criminal charges brought against 
BHK leader Gagik Tsarukian. The latter rejects them as politically motivated.


Armenia -- The Hayrenik party led by former National Security Service Director 
Artur Vanetsian holds a founding congress, Yerevan, May 31, 2020.
Addressing supporters on August 28, Tsarukian again criticized the government’s 
response to the coronavirus pandemic and other policies. He also announced plans 
to hold a “big rally” soon.

A Dashnaktsutyun leader, Ishkhan Saghatelian, also remained critical of 
Pashinian’s administration when he spoke to RFE/RL’s Armenian service on 
Tuesday. Saghatelian claimed that the prime minister has failed to deliver on 
his promises given to Armenians during the 2018 revolution. The current 
authorities can boast of very few tangible achievements, he said.

Pashinian and his political team will strongly disagree. They say, among other 
things, that they have significantly strengthened the rule of law and 
successfully addressed widespread corruption in the country.

Vanetsian scoffed at such statements, claiming credit for the most important 
corruption cases opened since 2018.

“Let them give a single example of any corrupt former official brought to 
justice after my resignation,” he said. “I can list several cases where 
individuals arrested and prosecuted by me have been set free and are now freely 
moving around Armenia.”

Vanetsian had overseen the NSS’s corruption investigations into former President 
Serzh Sarkisian’s notorious brother Aleksandr and former chief bodyguard 
Vachagan Ghazarian. The ex-president and his fugitive son-in-law Mikael Minasian 
were indicted on separate corruption charges after Vanetsian’s resignation. Both 
men strongly deny the accusations.



11 Die From Alcohol Poisoning In Armenia


Armenia -- An ambulance races through streets of Yerevan, June 2, 2020.

Eleven people have died and several others have been hospitalized over the past 
two days after drinking bootleg alcohol in Armenia, the Ministry of Health said 
on Tuesday.
Three of the hospitalized individuals are in a critical condition, the ministry 
reported in a statement. It suggested that they were poisoned by bootleg vodka.

According to the statement, most of the victims are residents of Armavir, a town 
46 kilometers west of Yerevan.

Another Armavir resident, a 50-year-old man identified as Ashot Hovsepian, was 
arrested on Tuesday on suspicion of illegally producing and selling alcohol.

Armenia’s Investigative Committee said it is now trying to identify other people 
who have bought alcohol from Hovsepian. The law-enforcement agency urged them to 
avoid drinking it and to cooperate with investigators.

The Ministry of Health also reported efforts to “ascertain the circle of 
consumers of the alcoholic beverage” sold by the suspect. Health authorities 
have taken samples of the beverage determine its chemical composition through 
laboratory tests, said the ministry.


Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2020 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

AGBU Press Office
55 East 59th Street
New York, NY 10022-1112
Website: 
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FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
  
Monday, 
  
APPLY NOW: 2021 CREATIVE ARMENIA-AGBU FELLOWSHIPS Calling cutting-edge artists 
to the forefront of Armenia's cultural future

Creative Armenia and the Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU) are now 
accepting applications for the 2021 Creative Armenia-AGBU Fellowships. Open to 
filmmakers, musicians, writers, and artists across all creative fields, the 
Fellowships are a package of funding, mentorship, promotion, and strategic 
support. Applications will be accepted until October 31.

"In times of crisis, visionary thinking becomes impossible to ignore," said Alec 
Mouhibian, Vice President of Creative Armenia. "The next class of Creative 
Armenia-AGBU Fellows will have a singular opportunity to shape Armenia's 
artistic landscape for years to come."  

The current 2020 Fellows are: composer and musician Armen Bazarian; visual 
artist and curator Nvard Yerkanian; theatre director and dancer Tsolak 
Mlke-Galstyan; composer and conductor Alexandr Iradyan; composer and pianist 
Zela Margossian, and filmmaker Vahagn Khachatryan. 

"Our Fellows have shown diversity in their creativity and expression over the 
past few years putting Armenian culture on the map in their unique ways," said 
AGBU Central Board Member Ani Manoukian. "We are proud of the achievements of 
this partnership and of the talents supported. We look forward to the third 
cohorts setting the bar even higher."

For more information on the Fellowships and to submit your application by 
October 31, please visit creativearmenia.org/fellowships and 
agbu.org/creativearmenia.

Now in its third term, the Fellowships are a collaboration of Creative Armenia 
and AGBU, which entered into a strategic partnership in May 2018.

Creative Armenia, a global arts foundation for the Armenian people, pursues a 
mandate to discover, develop, produce, and promote innovative talent.  AGBU, a 
trusted name across the diaspora for over a century, has opened many doors for 
talented Armenians through such offerings as university-level performing arts 
scholarships, summer internships, and professional programs such as Musical 
Armenia and Sayat Nova International Composition Competition-all under the aegis 
of the AGBU Performing Arts Department, established in the United States in 2012 
and in Europe in 2016.

For Inquiries:
Anush Ter-Khachatryan / [email protected] Hayk Arsenyan / 
[email protected]

The Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU) is the world's largest non-profit 
organization devoted to upholding the Armenian heritage through educational, 
cultural and humanitarian programs. Each year, AGBU is committed to making a 
difference in the lives of 500,000 people across Armenia, Artsakh and the 
Armenian diaspora.  Since 1906, AGBU has remained true to one overarching goal: 
to create a foundation for the prosperity of all Armenians. To learn more visit 
https://urldefense.com/v3/__http://www.agbu.org__;!!LIr3w8kk_Xxm!-UpJq6vSz7PUSXeOpr703pkt7wZLhSW_1NC-7GYYfTV4Ui4XLggQfXrWIbLyBA$
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AGBU CA Fellowships.jpg

Fellowships 2021 - Press Release (arm).docx
Fellowships 2021 – Press Release (arm).docx

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Fellowships 2021 – Press Release (eng).docx

Greek City Times


US State Department upgrades travel warning to Turkey due to
“terrorism and arbitrary detentions”

by Paul Antonopoulos

The US State Department upgraded its warning on travel to Turkey on Wednesday.

“Reconsider travel to Turkey due to COVID-19. Exercise increased
caution when traveling to Turkey due to terrorism and arbitrary
detentions. Some areas have increased risk. Read the entire Travel
Advisory,” the State Department warned from their website.

Although Turkey, like most countries, is on a Travel Advisory Level 3
due to COVID-19, there was a special warning for Sirnak and Hakari
provinces.

“Do not travel to: Sirnak province, Hakkari province, and any area
within six miles (ten kilometers) of the Syrian border due to
terrorism. (Level 4),” the State Department warned.

Level 4 is the highest warning and is a “do not travel” demand.

The State Department warns that terrorist attacks can occur anywhere
and with no warning, including the specific targeting of tourist
locations.

“Terrorist groups continue plotting possible attacks in Turkey.
Terrorists may attack with little or no warning, targeting tourist
locations, transportation hubs, markets/shopping malls, local
government facilities, hotels, clubs, restaurants, places of worship,
parks, major sporting and cultural events, educational institutions,
airports, and other public areas,” the State Department warned, adding
that “security forces have detained tens of thousands of individuals,
including U.S. citizens, for alleged affiliations with terrorist
organizations based on scant or secret evidence and grounds that
appear to be politically motivated.”

“U.S. citizens have also been subject to travel bans that prevent them
from departing Turkey. Participation in demonstrations not explicitly
approved by the Government of Turkey, as well as criticism of the
government (including on social media) can result in arrest,” the
statement continued.

The State Department would then give Level 4 Warnings to Sirnak and
Hakkari province, where a strong Kurdish resistance is being made
against the Turkish military.

“Do not travel to Sirnak province, Hakkari province, or any area
within six miles (ten kilometers) of the Turkey/Syria border due to
the continued threat of attacks by terrorist groups, armed conflict,
and civil unrest. Terrorist attacks, including suicide bombings,
ambushes, car bomb detonations, and improvised explosive devices, as
well as shootings, and illegal roadblocks leading to violence have
occurred in these areas. U.S. government employees are restricted from
traveling to these provinces and to any area within six miles (ten
kilometers) of the Turkey/Syria border without prior approval,” the
State Department concluded.


 

Begin-Sadat Center
for Strategic Studies
BESA
by Emil Avdaliani



BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 1,723, 

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: Recent fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan
exposed Israel as a significant player in the region. Though far apart
geographically, Baku and Jerusalem pursue strategic relations. The
dilemma is how this should be done in a region where Russian, Iranian,
and Turkish interests predominate, as none of those countries desires
another competitor.

Fighting in July between Armenia and Azerbaijan caused many casualties
along the border, and the governments of the region fear an escalation
to the scale of the four-day war between the two states in 2016. I
will not delve into the details of the recent flare-up as that has
been done elsewhere (and much remains in dispute in any case), but
will focus instead on one interesting aspect of the tension in the
South Caucasus: the role of Israel.

Jerusalem is confronted with a dilemma in the Armenia-Azerbaijan
conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh (which is officially within
Azerbaijan’s borders). Israel is not a direct participant, but it
enjoys close relations with both combatants (for instance, Armenia
recently sent its first ambassador to Israel). Jerusalem has stayed
completely out of the evolving conflict so far, which is the logical
approach. One of the latest statements from Israel’s foreign ministry
about the recent violence is an anodyne expression of concern and a
hope for a swift ceasefire.

Though small and far from the conflict area, Israel nevertheless has
vital strategic interests in the South Caucasus. Azerbaijan stands
out, as its relations with Israel dwarf the latter’s relations with
Armenia.

Israel and Azerbaijan established diplomatic relations in April 1992,
and in 1993, Israel opened an embassy in Baku. Ever since then,
relations have broadened and deepened. The relationship is predicated
on a number of geo-strategic factors. The first is Azerbaijan’s loss
of political control over Nagorno-Karabakh and growing need to correct
that situation via an expansive military program, which has caused it
to become a major importer of Israeli defense technologies. Israeli
defense companies have trained Azerbaijani special forces and
bodyguards, built security systems for the Baku airport, and upgraded
Soviet-era military equipment (tanks).

The scale of the transactions between the two is immense. In 2012,
reports emerged about a $1.6 billion purchase by Azerbaijan of weapons
manufactured by Israel Aerospace Industries. In 2016, Israeli PM
Benjamin Netanyahu said Azerbaijan had bought $5 billion worth of
weapons from Israel (unmanned aerial vehicles and satellite systems).
In 2017, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute reported
that Baku had purchased $127 million worth of military technology from
Jerusalem.

This does not mean that all has gone smoothly so far. Halts in
cooperation between the two have occurred. In 2017, claims emerged
that an Israeli drone manufacturer had attempted to bomb the Armenian
military on the Azeris’ behalf during a demonstration of one of its
“suicide” unmanned aerial vehicles. In a rare move, the Israeli
Defense Ministry suspended the export license.

Thus it comes as no surprise that on July 21, after the recent border
flare-up with Azerbaijan, Armenia showcased alleged Israeli-made
drones that it presumably shot down during the fighting. No specifics
were given, but the Israeli firm Aeronautics Defense Systems does
indeed manufacture several types of Orbiter UAVs, including
lightweight systems for reconnaissance and others for aerial attack.

Overall, however, the bilateral military cooperation has been
burgeoning ever since Azerbaijan’s independence in 1991. Israel has
been willing to provide Baku with high tech at a level that Yerevan
and even Moscow do not possess.

But business alone is insufficient grounds for a long-term
geopolitical relationship. Azerbaijan and Israel share other
fundamental interests, of which the Iran issue is arguably the most
crucial.

Iran, located to Azerbaijan’s south, is Israel’s arch nemesis, while
Baku and Tehran have mixed relations. Diplomatic relations exist and
bilateral economic contacts are extensive (primarily via the newly
introduced North-South economic corridor through Azerbaijan, though
much more can yet be achieved there). Baku is nevertheless
apprehensive about Iranian moves that could complicate its position in
the South Caucasus and Caspian Sea.

All of this is heightened by Tehran’s concerns about the allegedly
political aspirations of the Azeris in Iran. Tehran thinks that at an
opportune moment, secession talks could occur, at which a “Greater
Azerbaijan” idea might emerge. This is all hypothetical, but there is
a high level of distrust between the two states. Consider, for
example, Azerbaijan’s recent claim that Iran was sending trucks to
Nagorno-Karabakh. Baku summoned Iranian diplomats and accused Tehran
of stoking the conflict over the land.

This state of affairs naturally makes Israel a comfortable partner for
Azerbaijan. Moreover, from Jerusalem’s perspective, Azerbaijan’s
geographic position on Iran’s border makes it an ideal site for the
gathering of strategic intelligence. Media sources claim that Israel
helped Baku build electronic intelligence-gathering stations along the
Azerbaijani border with Iran in the 1990s.

Claims are occasionally made that the two countries are engaged in
tactical cooperation against Iran. For instance, in 2012, Foreign
Policy reported that Israel had an arrangement with Azerbaijan
allowing it to potentially fly sorties out of the country. Cooperation
regarding the war on terror also exists.

The close relations between Israel and Azerbaijan also fit into the
larger perspective the US has for the region. In the early 1990s,
Washington encouraged a triangular relationship between Turkey,
Azerbaijan, and Israel. Georgia was added later, though the Russian
invasion of Georgia in 2008 shattered Tbilisi’s prospects as did the
crisis in Israeli-Turkish relations.

Despite that setback, the geopolitical model has worked. Azerbaijan
and Israel continue to regard their geopolitical interests as vital
for regional security, and Georgia plays a transit role. Baku supplies
up to 40% of Israel’s oil needs, which is imported through the
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline.

There are also weaknesses to their bilateral relations. Azerbaijan
experiences geopolitical pressure from Russia and Iran, and the
cold-to-hot war with Armenia is a persistent problem. In these
difficult geopolitical circumstances, Baku has to balance its
relations with Israel carefully to avoid drawing heavy pressure from
Tehran, Moscow, and even Ankara.


Emil Avdaliani teaches history and international relations at Tbilisi
State University and Ilia State University. He has worked for various
international consulting companies and currently publishes articles on
military and political developments across the former Soviet space.


 

Greek City Times

Fight and die for Turkey? Members of Erdoğan’s AKP avoided compulsory
military service with fake papers

by Paul Antonopoulos



There is little doubt that Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development
Party (AKP) are increasing war rhetoric against Greece.

Metin Külünk, an ideologue of Erdoğan’s and Member of Parliament for
the AKP that was in the same youth movement as Erdoğan, went to
Twitter to call for a Greater Turkey. Külünk called for a Greater
Turkey that includes large areas of northern Greece and the east
Aegean islands, half of Bulgaria, Cyprus and Armenia in its entirety,
and large areas of Georgia, Iraq and Syria, as previously reported by
Greek City Times.

In fact, only yesterday, Turkish Vice President Fuat Oktay, commented
on the “12 nautical miles” and said “If this is not a reason for war,
then what is?” and that Turks “cry out” to occupy Greek islands.

At one AKP rally, members shouted at Erdoğan to “go to Afrin,” to
which he replied: “If necessary, we will all go together. First me and
then you with me.”

What followed was an invasion of Afrin in Syria’s north, which
expelled the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) who are the
Syrian branch of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).

We’ve seen Turkey intervene in Syria, taking advantage of a country
that has been devastated for over nine years by Turkish-backed
jihadists. Turkey also military intervene in Libya that been gripped
by war since 2011, just as Syria has.

However, a war with Greece is entirely different scenario. Not only
has the Greek Navy never lost a battle since its modern formation in
1821, and not only have Greek pilots won NATO’s “Best Warrior” award
in consecutive years, but Greeks are more united then over.

It is for this reason that Turks are less willing to go to war
compared to Greeks despite their own country creating the hostilities.

So the question becomes of course, who in Turkey would be willing to
fight the Greeks. Of course, although it is the AKP, with support from
other factions in Turkey including the so-called “progressive”
Kemalists, that are drumming the beats of war, it appears that even
they are not so enthusiastic for war.

This would explain why they are stirring an ultra-nationalistic
rhetoric to prepare the population for war, while protecting their
own, expecting others to die for their delusions of occupying Greek
islands.

Dozens of AKP members, according to Liberal Demokrat Yazarlar, have
presented false certificates, in order to avoid military service.

Some names:

Ahmet Burak Erdoğan, son of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

Necmettin Bilal Erdoğan, son of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

Ahmet Moutzachit Arınç, son of Bülent Arınç – AKP founder.

Suleyman VOURAL, nephew of Binali Yıldırım AKP founder.

Enes Çelik, son of Labor Minister Faruk Çelik.

Yusuf Şamlı, nephew of Environment Minister İdris Güllüce.

Osman Çavuşoğlu, nephew of Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu.

Ahmet Bahadır Çağlayan, nephew of former Minister Zafer Çağlayan.

Mahmut Hakan Güler, nephew of former Minister Muammer Güler.

Nedim Eker, nephew of Agriculture Minister Mehmet Mehdi Eker.

Kerim Canikli, nephew of former National Defense Minister Nurettin Canikli.

Yasin Canikli, nephew of former National Defense Minister Nurettin Canikli.

Ibrahim Can Yılmaz, nephew of former Defense Minister İsmet Yılmaz.

Tariq Eren Yılmaz, nephew of former Defense Minister İsmet Yılmaz.



 

                                        Monday, 

Serzh Sarkisian’s Former Bodyguard Again Under Investigation

        • Gayane Saribekian

Armenia - President Serzh Sarkisian (R) and his chief bodyguard Vachagan 
Ghazarian (L), Yerevan, April 14, 2012.

Law-enforcement authorities confirmed on Monday that they have launched a fresh 
criminal investigation into the former chief bodyguard of ex-President Serzh 
Sarkisian almost one year after he transferred 2.9 billion drams ($6 million) to 
the state.

A spokeswoman for the Special Investigative Service (SIS) told RFE/RL’s Armenian 
service that Vachagan Ghazarian is suspected of having misused large amounts of 
public funds in his past capacity as deputy chief of a security agency providing 
bodyguards to Armenia’s leaders. She did not give any other details, saying only 
that Ghazarian has not been formally charged with any crime so far.

In a report not refuted by the authorities, 1in.am said Ghazarian could be 
prosecuted for illegally ordering an employee of the State Protection Service 
(SPS) to work as a driver for his wife and forcing six other SPS officers to 
work as security guards at a Yerevan music club owned by him and his wife.

The officers allegedly guarded the club at taxpayers’ expense from 2013-2017. 
They have already been interrogated by investigators, according to the media 
outlet.


Armenia - Vachagan Ghazarian empties his bag filled with cash after being 
arrested by the National Security Service in Yerevan, 25 June 2018.

Ghazarian headed Sarkisian’s security detail for over two decades. He was 
arrested in June 2018 on charges of “illegal enrichment” and false asset 
disclosure shortly after the “Velvet Revolution” that toppled Armenia’s former 
leader. He was subsequently also charged with tax evasion.

A Yerevan court freed Ghazarian on bail a few months later, after he and his 
wife, Ruzanna Beglarian, agreed to “compensate” the state for taxes evaded by 
them. The SIS announced in October 2019 that the couple has completed the $6 
million payment. In return, the law-enforcement agency dropped the criminal 
charges.

Officers of Armenia’s police and National Security Service (NSS) found $1.1 
million and 230,000 euros in cash when they raided Ghazarian’s Yerevan apartment 
in June 2018. The NSS said he carried a further $120,000 and 436 million drams 
($900,000) in a bag when he was caught outside a commercial bank in Yerevan a 
few days later.

In early 2019, the NSS secured an even heftier payout, worth $30 million, from 
Serzh Sarkisian’s indicted brother Aleksandr. The money was held in Aleksandr 
Sarkisian’s Armenian bank account frozen by the security service following the 
2018 revolution.



Putin Again Congratulates Kocharian


Russia – Russian President Vladimir Putin (L) and Armenian President Robert 
Kocharian meet in Sochi, August 20, 2004

Russian President Vladimir Putin telephoned Robert Kocharian on Monday to 
congratulate his indicted former Armenian counterpart on his 66th birthday 
anniversary.
Putin also sent Kocharian a separate congratulatory message on the occasion.

“People in Russia know you as a remarkable statesman who has done a great deal 
for the development of modern Armenia,” read the telegram publicized by the 
Kremlin. “We highly value your personal contribution to strengthening the 
friendship and alliance between our countries.”

Putin has made a pointing of congratulating Kocharian since the latter was first 
arrested in July 2018 on charges stemming from the 2008 post-election violence 
in Yerevan. He was also subsequently charged with bribery. The Russian Foreign 
Ministry criticized the arrest as politically motivated.

Kocharian, who strongly denies all charges leveled against him, was released 
from custody in August 2018, only to be arrested again three months later.

The ex-president, who ruled Armenia from 1998-2008, was again set free days 
after going on trial in May 2019. He was arrested for a third time nearly two 
months later.

The Russian ambassador to Armenia, Sergei Kopyrkin, was criticized by Prime 
Minister Nikol Pashinian’s political allies and summoned to the Armenian Foreign 
Ministry after meeting with Kocharian shortly before his third arrest. Putin 
continued to signal support for Kocharian even after that. He met with 
Kocharian’s wife Bella during an October 2019 visit to Yerevan.

Kocharian, who is very critical of Pashinian’s administration, was freed again 
in June this year after paying a record $4.1 million bail set by Armenia’s Court 
of Appeals. The bulk of the hefty sum was reportedly provided by four wealthy 
Russian businessmen.

Armenian officials maintain that Moscow’s gestures of support for Kocharian have 
not damaged Armenia’s close political, economic and military ties with Russia. 
The ex-president’s loyalists claim the opposite.



Mayor Accused Of Broken Promises Over Yerevan’s Transport Woes

        • Artak Khulian

Armenia - An overcrowded public transport minibus in Yerevan, October 16, 2018.

An opposition member of Yerevan’s municipal council on Monday accused Mayor Hayk 
Marutian of failing to deliver on his promises to completely revamp and 
modernize the city’s collapsing system of public transport.

Ever since the mid-1990s, the system has been dominated by minibuses belonging 
to private companies. Few of them have invested in their fleet of aging vehicles 
in the past decade. The minibuses as well as a smaller number of buses provided 
by the municipal authorities have become even more overcrowded as a result.

A British transport consultancy, WYG, was contracted by Yerevan’s former 
municipal administration in 2016 to propose a detailed plan to change the 
transport network. Then Mayor Taron Markarian essentially accepted the proposals 
in 2017, pledging to replace the battered minibuses with new and larger buses by 
the end of 2018.

Markarian was forced to resign in July 2018 two months after the “Velvet 
Revolution” that brought down Armenia’s former government. Marutian, his 
successor allied to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian, pledged to address the 
problem after taking office in October 2018.

Marutian’s office asked Pashinian’s government last year to raise more than $100 
million to buy 820 modern buses which it said would end the Armenian capital’s 
transport woes. In a related development, it called in April this year an 
international tender for the purchase of 100 new and large buses. The tender was 
not completed for still unclear reasons.

The municipal administration announced in July it will buy instead 100 small 
buses and hold another tender for that purpose. The international tender was 
formally launched on Monday.

Davit Khazhakian, an opposition member of the city council, claimed that 
municipality is planning to buy more minibuses, rather than regular size buses 
repeatedly promised by Marutian. He said the bidding specifications are such 
that the tender will inevitably be won by the Russian company GAZ whose GAZelle 
minibuses form the backbone of Yerevan’s public transport network.

“The authorities have told the public for the last couple of years that they 
will buy new buses and create a new network,” Khazhakian told a news conference. 
“But they are going to commission more GAZelles.”

Deputy Mayor Hrachya Sargsian did not deny that the municipality wants to 
continue to at least partly rely on minibuses. He insisted, however, that the 
outcome of the tender is not a forgone conclusion and that Western carmakers 
could also win it.

Sargsian also told RFE/RL’s Armenian service that the municipality has not 
abandoned its plans to purchases hundreds of new buses. But he could not say 
when the Armenian capital will have a new and modern transport system.

Marutian said last year that nearly half of some 900 minibuses catering to 
commuters in Yerevan are too old and must be decommissioned.



Armenia In Talks With Russia Over Another Fighter Jet Deal

        • Harry Tamrazian

Armenia -- Su-30SM fighter jets of the Armenian Air Force fly over Yerevan, May 
5, 2020.

Armenia is holding talks with Russia to buy more Sukhoi Su-30SM fighter jets for 
its armed forces, Defense Minister Davit Tonoyan said over the weekend.
“The acquisition of a new batch [of Su-30SM jets] is planned,” he told RFE/RL’s 
Armenian service. “Negotiations are underway at the moment.”

Tonoyan, who most recently visited Moscow last week, gave no details of the 
negotiations.

In a significant boost to its small Air Force, Armenia has already purchased 
four such multirole jets at an undisclosed price. They were delivered to an 
airbase in Gyumri in December. Tonoyan said earlier in 2019 that Yerevan plans 
to acquire eight more Su-30SMs in the coming years.

Su-30SM is a modernized version of a heavy fighter jet developed by Russia’s 
Sukhoi company in the late 1980s. The Russian military first commissioned it in 
2012.

Before receiving the first four Su-30SMs the Armenian Air Force largely 
consisted of 15 or so Su-25 aircraft designed for close air support and ground 
attack missions. The Armenian Defense Ministry contracted on August 24 a Russian 
defense company, United Aircraft Corporation (UAC), to modernize some of these 
aging jets.

Tonoyan revealed on Saturday that UAC will repair and upgrade four of them in 
Russia. He stressed the importance of that deal, saying that the Armenian 
military had sought it “for years.”

The deal was signed in Moscow in Tonoyan’s presence. While in the Russian 
capital, the latter also attended the opening ceremony of the International Army 
Games and met with Russia’s Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu.

Tonoyan praised the current state of Russian-Armenian military cooperation and, 
in particular, defense contracts signed by Moscow and Yerevan in the last 
several years.

He also said: “In the area of defense industry there have been quite interesting 
developments. I don’t want to go into details now, but I am buoyed by the 
involvement of private companies in the creation of [Russian-Armenian] joint 
ventures in Armenia.”

One such development is the production of advanced models of Kalashnikov assault 
rifles which was launched by the Armenian company Neitron in July. Russia’s 
Kalashnikov Concern has granted Neitron a 10-year license to assemble up to 
50,000 AK-103 rifles annually.

Russia has long been the principal source of military hardware supplied to the 
Armenian army. Membership in Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization 
(CSTO) allows Armenia to acquire Russian weapons at knockdown prices and even 
for free.


Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
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