BAKU: Minister: "Azerbaijani And Armenian Presidents Will Meet In Eu

MINISTER: "AZERBAIJANI AND ARMENIAN PRESIDENTS WILL MEET IN EUROPE LATE NOVEMBER"

APA
Nov 11 2009
Azerbaijan

Baku. Lachin Sultanova – APA. OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs proposed to
Presidents Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan and Serzh Sargsyan of Armenia to
meet in one of the European cities, said Minister of Foreign Affairs
of Azerbaijan Elmar Mammadyarov, APA reports.

The minister said mediators were discussing the date and venue of the
meeting. "Following the presidents’ meeting the foreign ministers will
meet in Athens on December 1-2 within the OSCE ministerial meeting".

After the last meeting to the region, the co-chairs said in their
statement that the presidents agreed to meet and the meeting would
take place late November.

BERN: Armenia Thanks Swiss For Deal With Turkey

ARMENIA THANKS SWISS FOR DEAL WITH TURKEY

SwissInfo
Nov 11 2009
Switzerland

Armenia has thanked Switzerland for the "very important" role it played
in brokering a landmark accord between the Caucasus state and Turkey.

During a visit to Bern on Tuesday, Armenian Foreign Minister Eduard
Nalbandian said he hoped his country’s parliament would soon ratify
the agreement normalising relations with Ankara.

The accord was signed in Zurich last month. It calls for the opening
of borders between the former foes, and for the establishment of
diplomatic ties.

Nalbandian, speaking at a news conference alongside his Swiss
counterpart, Micheline Calmy-Rey, said Switzerland’s mediation
efforts required "determination and restraint, imagination, prudence
and patience".

For her part, Calmy-Rey thanked Nalbandian for showing "political
will and engagement" and hoped that Armenian-Turkish relations would
soon be normalised.

Turkey and Armenia are pursuing rapprochement after almost a century of
animosity stemming from the First World War mass killings of Armenians
by Ottoman Turks.

Their common border was closed 16 years ago while Armenia fought a
war with Azerbaijan, a state with close ties to Turkey.

Nalbandian and Calmy-Rey signed two bilateral agreements during the
Armenian foreign minister’s visit – a treaty on air traffic and a
deal doing away with the necessity for diplomats to apply for visas.

BAKU: Ankara-Yerevan Ties Depend On Karabakh: Experts

ANKARA-YEREVAN TIES DEPEND ON KARABAKH: EXPERTS

Trend
Nov 11 2009
Azerbaijan

The Turkish parliament will not ratify the Armenia-Turkey protocols
until significant progress is made to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict, experts said.

"The Turkish parliament has not discussed the Ankara-Yerevan
protocols yet," Turkish National Intelligence Committee former
analyst Mahir Kaynak said. "It is a message to Armenia that opening
the Turkish-Armenian border is directly linked to resolving the
Nagorno-Karabakh problem. Relations with Azerbaijan are more important
for Turkey than relations with Armenia. Official Ankara cannot allow
their deterioration."

Turkish and Armenian foreign ministers Ahmet Davutoglu and Edward
Nalbandian signed the Ankara-Yerevan protocols in Zurich Oct. 10.

Diplomatic relations between Armenia and Turkey have been torn
since 1993.

Several Turkish MPs said the protocols will not be ratified until
Armenia shows progress in resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In
an interview with Reuters the Armenian foreign minister rejected
Turkey’s demand to make concessions in the conflict in exchange for
a historic rapprochement between Yerevan and Ankara.

"At present, Turkey does not plan to open the border with neighboring
Armenia," Turkish former Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu said.

The conflict between the two South Caucasus countries began in 1988
when Armenia made territorial claims against Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan
lost all of Nagorno-Karabakh except for Shusha and Khojali in
December 1991. In 1992-93, Armenian armed forces occupied Shusha,
Khojali and seven districts surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijan
and Armenia signed a ceasefire in 1994. The co-chairs of the OSCE
Minsk Group – Russia, France, and the U.S. — are currently holding
peace negotiations.

In an interview with local media Oct. 10 Turkish Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan said Ankara will never take actions contrary to
Azerbaijani interests.

The day after the protocols were signed, in an interview with the TRT1
Turkish state television channel, Davutoglu demanded that Armenia
free Azerbaijani territories as a major condition for establishing
relations with Yerevan.

Analysts believe that the parliament’s decision to postpone
ratification is connected with Ankara’s hope that Yerevan will make
progress in resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

Turkey and Armenia have taken a wait-and-see attitude. Everyone is
waiting for the other one to take the first step. It is not surprising
that Ankara still has not ratified these protocols, European Expert
on the South Caucasus Amanda Akcakoca said.

"Turkey wants Armenia to progress on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict,
which has not happened yet," Akcakoca told Trend News in an e-mail.

She added that the Turkish leadership has repeatedly promised Baku
not to establish relations with Armenia before progress has been made
in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

The protocols between Turkey and Armenia were signed under pressure
from the EU and U.S. But this was a mistake, Turkish MP Reshad
Dogru said.

"The AKP is afraid that if it submits the protocols for consideration
to parliament, the party will face its end," Dogru told Trend News
over the phone from Ankara.

He said the ruling party realizes that if the Turkish people still
do not support the protocols, then they will be unlikely to support
them in the future.

After submitting the protocols for review, Armenia would try to
pressure Turkey with the help of the international community and urge
the execution of signed agreements, Dogru said.

"However, Turkey as a country will not open the border without first
seeing progress in the Nagorno-Karabakh problem," he said.

Armenian Center for National and Strategic Studies expert Manvel
Sargsyan said ratification without progress on Nagorno Karabakh would
be a radical denial of traditional Turkish policy, the Herald of the
Caucasus Web site reported.

He added that some countries do not want Turkey to preserve its
political traditions.

"Turkey faces a complicated choice – whether the country will be
able to defend its positions or be forced to radically change them,"
Sargsyan said.

The expert added that Turkey plays a major role in how the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict will unfold.

If Armenia really strives to open its borders with Turkey, then it
must first resolve its problems with Azerbaijan, Kaynak said.

"If Armenia wants the borders to be opened, first it must solve
its problems with Azerbaijan," he told Trend News over the phone
from Ankara.

Several observers said Turkey has another chance to delay ratification
in the legislative body.

The parliament will not ratify the Armenia-Turkey protocols until
February-March 2010, Armenian Center for National and International
Studies Director Richard Giragosian said.

He added that this temporary gap is stipulated by the ninety-fifth
anniversary of the so-called "Armenian Genocide," the Armenia Today
Web site reported.

Giragosian said Ankara is at risk as Yerevan’s patience is limited.

"The expectations from Turkey are quite high. But the signals
constantly coming from Brussels and Washington that Turkey must
fulfill its obligations in time are also important," he said.

Meanwhile, Akcakoca said the South Caucasus has a historic window
of opportunity and all interested parties must push for something
to happen on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, including the EU, which
tends to sit on the fence.

"The West must take a more principled position as it does with
other conflicts because sitting on the fence is of no benefit to the
resolution of this conflict," Akcakoca said.

"The longer the delay the more the momentum will erode. Both sides
need to be brave and do it. It is time to move to a future beyond
the past," Akcakoca said.

Armenia And Turkey: Walking Up The Stairway To Normalization

ARMENIA AND TURKEY: WALKING UP THE STAIRWAY TO NORMALIZATION
Alice Radzyner

Euros Du Village
urkey-Walking-up-the,3278
Nov 11 2009
EU

Turkey and Armenia have ‘strange relations and a difficult history’
says Dr. Armine Ishkanian, a professor at the London School of
Economics. On the 10th of October 2009, Turkey and Armenia signed
protocols in Zurich re-establishing diplomatic ties for the first
time in almost 100 years. Now, they can walk up the stairway to
‘normalization’, although they both carry a heavy load of collective
memory born out of traumatic common history. The protocols do not only
hold importance for the two neighbouring countries. International
and European authorities seem to rush the countries on the way to
normalization – a push that assures benefits to all.

A steep stairway to normalization Unlike taking conventional measures
to re-establish diplomatic ties, such as trading, Turkey and Armenia
took their first step onto the stairway to normalization through
‘football diplomacy’.

It all started with a football qualifying match between Turkey and
Armenia for the 2010 World Cup, in September last year. While no
diplomatic links existed between the two states, the Armenian President
Serzh Sargsyan invited his Turkish counter-part, Abdullah Gul, to watch
the match in Yerevan. While small groups of nationalist fans booed the
Turkish national anthem or brought anti-Turkish placards to the game,
no violent protests were reported. When Mr. Gul invited Mr. Sargsyan
to the Turkey-Armenia match on 14th October 2009 in Bursa, the latter
claimed he would accept only if agreements would be reached on opening
their common border, closed since 1993. This was the turning point.

The ‘football diplomacy’ was successful. Four days before the match,
Turkey and Armenia signed protocols in Zurich, creating joint
commissions on political and trade relations. Professor Armine
Ishkanian argues this to be the neoliberal approach of trading
‘cheese and tea’, possibly leading to peaceful relations.

For many, cooperating on politics and trade inspired hope. Others
reacted with heated protests. Indeed, the stairway to Armenian-Turkish
normalization is long and steep. The Armenian president in fact agreed
to Turkey’s proposition of establishing a historical commission. Its
purpose is to examine the clashing perceptions of traumatic events
which still shape Armenians’ collective memory and affect the relation
between both states : the massacre of 1.5 million ethnic Armenians
in what is today eastern Turkey, in 1915. While most international
historians agree that the systematic killings of the Armenian
population qualify as genocide, Turkey has never accepted the term as
an appropriate designation of the events. For the Turkish government,
Armenians were merely victims of World War I amongst many others. This
discord portrays a heavy load on Turkish-Armenian relations impeding
their walk up to normalization.

To many Armenians the idea of creating a Turkish-Armenian historical
commission means doubting the victims’ memories and invokes their
government’s ‘betrayal’. Protests not only broke out on the streets of
Yerevan, but also throughout the large Armenian diaspora in Lebanon,
France and the USA. As revealed in an interview with an international
lawyer who prefers to remain anonymous, "the moral, political, legal
‘toxicity’ [of the 1915 events] cannot be denied and will have to be
duly ‘de-poisoned’, for which purpose dogmatically legalistic, formal
argumentations will be decisively unsuited. To scrap facts under the
carpet will not work and will generate more additional ‘toxicity’".

The role of civil society in the reconciliation process between
the two countries is indeed essential. When in 2007, Hrant Dink,
an editor and journalist of the bilingual Turkish-Armenian newspaper
Agos, was murdered in Turkey for his critical views, Turkish citizens
showed solidarity. On the streets of Istanbul, people shouted :
‘We are all Armenians, We are all Hrant Dink’.

Still, nationalist reactions remain frequent in both camps, and
efforts from civil society remain too weak to eradicate the tensions.

For the political breakthrough to happen, the political will of both
governments was indispensable. This breakthrough occurred on the
10th of October. Though, why only now ? Was the underlying reason for
intensifying the talks a sudden will for friendship, or international
pressure ?

International interests : Pushing for faster normalization On the
10th of October Armenian and Turkish officials were not the only ones
attending the meetings in Zurich. The signing was in fact assisted by
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the Russian Foreign Minister
Sergei Lavrov, and the EU Foreign and Security Policy representative
Javier Solana.

All participants seem to have strong interests in the opening of
Turkey’s and Armenia’s common border. Turkey had closed the border
in 1993 in solidarity with Azerbaijan after Armenian forces occupied
the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh – a territory with a predominantly
ethnic Armenian population. Approximately 25,000 casualties and
nearly 1 million refugees were the outcomes of this war. International
interests could have been the motives for rushing Armenia and Turkey
up the stairway to normalization.

For the EU and the US, the open border could lead to reducing their
dependence on Russian energy, as oil and gas pipelines could be
installed in the Caucasus, linking Central Asia directly to Europe.

The Protocols certainly also have consequences for Turkey’s EU
accession. Turkey showed its will for stable and peaceful relations
with its neighbours, hence diplomatic strength. Also, Turkey would
potentially strengthen its position as a ‘key security provider’,
according to Dr. Igor Torbakov, Senior Researcher at the Finish
Institute for International Affairs. In a geo-political sense, Turkey
would be at least a buffer and at best a key actor between the EU and
the Caucasus. If Turkey ultimately became an EU member-state, its good
relations with the Caucasus may also ameliorate relations between
Russia and the EU. "Good, stable, expanding neighbourly relations
with Armenia can be, in this respect, a valuable contribution, even
a constitutive element", argues the consulted international lawyer.

More importantly, normalization could shorten Turkey’s path to EU
accession given the significance of the Armenian diaspora. There
are 10 million Armenians world wide, of which less than a third has
the Armenian nationality or lives in Armenia. Positive developments
in diplomatic neighbourly relations between Turkey and Armenia will
undoubtedly strengthen Europeans’ support of Turkey’s accession. Once
the disputes over the 1915 massacres are appropriately resolved,
the diaspora too will have to finally assess Turkey’s policies and
its EU accession in a more objective, unemotional, manner.

Mind your step The signing of the protocols on the 10th of October
could be an enormous step towards normalization and good neighbourly
relations.

Only once the broken first step of the stairway – the 1915 issue
– is fixed, civil society will be able to move on alongside the
governments. Turkey may then be able to walk up the still steep,
yet secure stairway towards EU-membership.

http://www.eurosduvillage.eu/Armenia-and-T

BAKU: Azerbaijani And Turkish Diaspora Organizations In US To Cooper

AZERBAIJANI AND TURKISH DIASPORA ORGANIZATIONS IN US TO COOPERATE AGAINST POSSIBILITY OF OPENING OF TURKISH-ARMENIAN BORDER

APA
Nov 11 2009
Azerbaijan

Washington. Isabel Levine – APA. The Azerbaijani and Turkish Diaspora
organizations in US will cooperate against the possibility of opening
of the Turkish-Armenian border. One of the heads of Turkish Diaspora
in US Erkan Nur told APA that during the recent period the image of
Turkish and Azerbaijani Diasporas in the US is getting more weight.

"Both Azerbaijani and Turkish Diasporas voiced concerns over the
protocols on the establishment of diplomatic relations between Ankara
and Yerevan. The Diaspora organizations are against the opening of
the Armenian-Turkish border without the Karabakh conflict settlement,"
he said.

Also, Armenian Diaspora in United States continues its campaign against
the protocols that Turkey and Armenia signed towards establishment
of diplomatic relations and development of bilateral ties without
opening of the Turkish-Armenian border.

Mr. Erkan Nur mentioned that in a recent interview senator John McCain
said he believed there is sample evidence proving that "Genocide had
been committed against the Armenian people."

McCain, who is running for re-election in the 2010 Senate race, has
generally avoided using the term "genocide" when referring to 1915
and has been indifferent or opposed to Armenian Genocide resolutions
in Congress. He refrained from characterizing the destruction of
Armenians as "genocide" during his 2008 presidential campaign as well.

Mr. Nur says that both Turkish and Azerbaijani Diasporas are upset
with Senator McCain’s statement.
From: Baghdasarian

Armenian Politician Predicts Return Of Occupied Azeri Districts

ARMENIAN POLITICIAN PREDICTS RETURN OF OCCUPIED AZERI DISTRICTS

news.az
Nov 11 2009
Azerbaijan

The leader of Armenia’s Liberal Party, Hovhannes Hovhannisyan, has said
that Armenia is bound to make concessions on Nagorno-Karabakh before
ratification of the protocols on normalizing relations with Turkey.

He made his remarks in an interview with Armenian newspaper Aravot,
published on Tuesday.

"I am sure that before ratification of the protocols Armenia will
make concessions on Nagorno-Karabakh," Hovhannisyan said. "I cannot
say how many districts will be returned but they will return enough
for the Turkish parliament to ratify the protocols and for Azerbaijan
to be satisfied with the Turkish parliament.

"This is absolutely clear and I do not think that Armenia has an
argument that means the problem cannot be resolved. Otherwise, if
Serzh Sargsyan tries to change the rules of the game, a brief war
may well break out in the Caucasus."

Hovhannisyan said that for those driven into a corner, war can
represent an escape. "I hope I’m wrong but what has been happening in
Armenia since the signing of the protocols means that the authorities
are driving their foreign policy agreements into a corner. There
are two options. The current political elite understands that one
way out is their departure from the scene … or if they are going
to be stubborn, then war will appear on the table."

BAKU: Azerbaijan Gets Positive Signals On Karabakh Conflict From Was

AZERBAIJAN GETS POSITIVE SIGNALS ON KARABAKH CONFLICT FROM WASHINGTON: POLITICAL EXPERT

Today
398.html
Nov 11 2009
Azerbaijan

Day.Az interview with Azerbaijani political expert Ilgar Mammadov.

Day.Az: What are your views regarding the U.S. Department of State
annual Religious Freedom report which called "NKR" ‘separatist regime"
and included its data in a report on Azerbaijan?

Ilgar Mammadov: It is not the first time the U.S. State Department
in its papers indicates that former Nagorny-Karabakh Autonomous
Region belongs to Azerbaijan. Thus, consistently speaking about
the territorial integrity of our country, the United States, like
other states, means that former Nagorny-Karabakh Autonomous Region
belongs to Azerbaijan. If this happens during 18 years after the
"ethnically cleansed" "Karabakh people" expressed its will and amid
diabolism of Armenian activists around the world, even if Armenia is
unable recognize the independence of these "people", it means that
what happened 18 years ago was particularly outstanding lawlessness
and injustice.

Q: Does the trend in the U.S. position on territorial belonging of
Nagorno Karabakh to Azerbaijan indicate that the U.S. will make all
necessary efforts for a just settlement of the Armenian-Azerbaijani
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict?

A: I believe the U.S. view has stopped in a designated above point and
it has no special motion. At times, Azerbaijan receives some kind of
positive signals on the Karabakh conflict from Washington, while there
is not full support for the restoration of territorial integrity yet.

Q: Then how would you explain the fact that a member of the Armenian
National Congress, former Culture Minister Aram Manukyan believes
that the Armenia authorities have agreed to free the Azerbaijani
territories, without any preconditions, and this position is held by
a number of Armenian experts?

A: I do not want to get involved in a propaganda war between the
Armenian and Azerbaijani observers but, apparently, Armenia loses a
phase of peaceful economic and political competition after it made
a success on the front.

Oil revenues give our country great and indisputable advantage
over Armenia along with demographics in the medium term which must
saw resolution of the Karabakh conflict. In 2014, 20 years after
the armistice, Azerbaijan GDP per capita will be two or more times
higher than in Armenia, while the initial conditions of the countries
were identical. Moreover, Azerbaijan’s population will increase by
1.5 million people, while fewer people than in the 1994 will live
in Armenia.

However, even more important factor of our advantages is the recent
active involvement of Turkey in the South Caucasus diplomacy and in
solution of the Karabakh conflict, in particular. The fact of Turkey’s
involvement gives reason to be optimistic about the prospects for
peace for the first time since the conflict began in 1987.

Q: Meanwhile, the Turkish newspaper Cumhuriyyet reported that during
his Washington visit Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan intends to
ask U.S. President Barack Obama to solve the Karabakh conflict by late
2010. Are real steps likely to be taken to liberate Armenia-occupied
territories of Azerbaijan following prime minister’s visit to the
United States?

A: Despite the factors that feed my optimism, it think if consent
of Ankara, Baku, Yerevan and Washington was enough for a peaceful
solution to this conflict, it would have been resolved long ago.

Unfortunately, influential circles in Russia believe that Moscow
will lose its major roles in the peaceful South Caucasus in case the
conflict is resolved. Even if during his visit Erdogan agrees with the
Americans and we are on the threshold of a real breakthrough, we should
all be careful not to drag the region to a new military confrontation.

http://www.today.az/news/politics/57

To Solve Turkey’s Culture Clash, Old Elite Must Yield To Free Speech

TO SOLVE TURKEY’S CULTURE CLASH, OLD ELITE MUST YIELD TO FREE SPEECH

Christian Science Monitor
coop.html
Nov 11 2009

An interview with Nobel Prize-winning author Orhan Pamuk about his
latest book, ‘The Museum of Innocence.’

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Orhan Pamuk, the Turkish novelist, won the Nobel Prize for Literature
in 2006. He spoke with Global Viewpoint editor Nathan Gardels last
week in Los Angeles.

Nathan Gardels: Inserting yourself as the famous writer Orhan Pamuk
into your new novel, "The Museum of Innocence," you say, "This is
not simply a story of lovers, but of the entire realm, that is,
of Istanbul."

At the end of the novel your protagonist, Kemal, who is building a
museum to display the objects of the times he spent with the woman he
loves, Fusun, says: "Yes, pride is the crux of it. With my museum I
want to teach not just the Turkish people but all the people of the
world to take pride in the lives they live."

What prompted you to choose this theme and spend 10 years writing a
novel about it?

Orhan Pamuk: The habit of collecting, of attachment to things, is an
essential human trait. But Western civilization put collecting on a
pedestal by inventing museums. Museums are about representing power.

It could be the king’s power, or, later, people’s power.

This has generally not been present in the non-Western world. There,
the collector has been an individual who is doing something peculiar.

He cannot be proud about what he is doing since his collection is
not something that categorizes the larger human experience. On the
contrary, it only signifies points of his own personal reality.

However, in the last 50 years, the non-Western world is catching
up with museums because it wants to represent its power. Most of
the time such museums are about the power of the state. They are
crude exercises, like waving a flag. This new museum mania avoids
representing reality in an artistic or personal way. Power is more
important than art or the person. That is the trend.

So, in my novel, where Kemal collects the teacup, cigarette butts,
bedroom door handle, and other items of Fusun’s, he is building a
museum not to power, but to the intimate experience of love, to an
individual life. My point is that, whatever a life is made of, its
dreams and disappointments, is worth taking pride in.

In building my own museum in Istanbul, I am very close to my character
Kemal. I don’t want to exhibit power, by express my interiority, my
spirit. A museum should not be flags – signs and symbols of power –
but intimate works of art. It should express the spirituality of
the collector.

Gardels: How do you define the "innocence" you are venerating in the
museum, which figures in the title of your novel?

Pamuk: I don’t explain my book titles. They are not summaries, like
"War and Peace." They add one final twist to the story. When my readers
ask, "Why this title?" I always reply, "Because it provides one more
opportunity to think about the meaning of the book."

Gardels: Well, here is a reading from one perspective. At one point
you refer to "the innocent charm" of daily life. The ordinary moments
Kemal sat around the dinner table at Fusun’s parents smoking, drinking
raki and watching TV in the evening take on an almost sacred cast.

Nothing spectacular or sophisticated is going on. But there is a deep
happiness in this ritual nonetheless.

Pamuk: Most obviously, innocence refers to virginity, which
the lower-middle-class shop girl Fusun loses to her upper-class
Western-oriented distant cousin, Kemal, who falls in love with her.

More than that, you are right. There is a certain innocence to all
of humanity watching TV every night while chatting away pointlessly.

When my character visits Fusun’s middle class family for eight
years looking at TV every night I am underlining, tongue in cheek,
the actual experience of 90 percent of humanity. Although this is a
Turkish story, this is also what the middle classes in China, India,
Russia, or Peru do each night.

In front of the TV, cultural and class distinctions disappear. Kemal
came from an upper-class family and Fusun from a lower-class family,
but they all watched the one channel available in Turkey in the 1970s.

They all watched the same national lottery drawing, Grace Kelly movies
from Hollywood and the patriotic closing of the broadcast each evening.

There was indeed a kind of naivete to the premodernity of those days,
an innocence now lost in the transition to modernity and postmodernity.

Finally, there is also a certain innocence in the relationship between
art and the world. One definition of innocence is "artlessness." But
these are all my peculiarities of perception. Let the reader decide.

Gardels: In lieu of being able to capture and hold onto fleeting
happiness, despite obsessive pursuit, your protagonist, Kemal,
collects objects associated with Fusun. As time put into matter,
these objects become art. Their talismanic power resuscitates "the
happiest moment of my life, but I didn’t know it," as the splendid
first line of your novel reads.

Pamuk: The book starts with a sentence that contains the words "life"
and "happiest" and end with the words "life" and "happiness."

Gardels: Kemal says at one point that love is "deep compassion,"
"close and devoted attention," "respect and reverence" for the beloved,
for the stories embedded in everyday objects, places and activities.

This strikes me as very similar to the Buddhist idea of "mindfulness,"
but through pious attachment instead of detachment.

The poet Czeslaw Milosz used to talk about the "eternal moment" as
"a gleam on the current of a black river" captured by mindfulness.

"Mindfulness occurs in the moment when time stops," he said. "And
what is time? Time is suffering. Time is our regrets, our shame. But
also our happiness. Time contains all things toward which we strive
and from which we escape."

Is there a correspondence here?

Pamuk: I identify with Kemal’s attention as a lover to his beloved
because it is like a novelist’s attention to words. In the end, being
a novelist, in a way, is loving the world, caressing the world with
words. It is paying attention to all the details that you have lived
and experienced. This book is my most personal, intimate book. It is
all the things I have lived and seen in Istanbul in my entire life. It
is a panorama written with loving detail.

I was so happy writing this book. It gave me so much happiness that
I would say it saved me during very troubled political times. After
writing every morning from 7 to 11, I was able to face the tensions
of the rest of day during those long months. [Pamuk was tried in
2005-2006 for "insulting Turkishness" by addressing the issue of
Armenian massacres in an interview with a Swiss paper. The charges
were later dropped. ]

At the age of 57, I am less experimental and more mature. I want most
of all to convey my understanding of life. And writing novels for 35
years has taught me great humility. It has taught me to be respectful
of how marvelously detailed the world is. Again, this is very close
to a lover’s attention to his beloved’s every movement, her gestures,
angers, and silences. To notice everything is to care for it.

There is indeed a kind of Sufi or pantheistic quality to this love
for the world, as is also suggested by Buddhist mindfulness.

Gardels: Your novel is a quasi-biographical chronicle of the Istanbul
bourgeoisie – the modernizing class of the past few decades. The youth
of that Western-oriented class in the mid-1970s were "a la Franc,"
disdaining the "a la Turc" culture from the Anatolian provinces,
though still in many ways bound by conservative convention. You write
about this class with a mocking tone, suggesting, as Haruki Murakami
does with reference to Japan’s Westernization, that it is a culture of
"borrowed surfaces."

This young bourgeoisie studied in Paris, went to nightclubs, danced
and drank the night away, had premartial sex, wore mini-skirts and
held big gatherings such as engagement parties or weddings in the
Hilton Hotel, outpost of all things Western.

The politics in those days were within a secular discourse –
communists versus nationalists. Islamism was not a political issue,
but the private practice of servants, workers and provincials.

Today, that modernizing elite of the center has been displaced
by the "a la Turc" Muslim middle classes from the periphery. An
Islamist-rooted political party rules.

How has this displacement of the center by the periphery altered the
whole project of modernization in Turkey today?

Pamuk: The fashionable Istanbul bourgeoisie is clashing with the
upcoming Anatolian bourgeoisie – this is the cliche by which Turkish
intellectuals try to understand what is happening. There is some
truth in this, but I look at it more ethically than sociologically.

For me, the old Istanbul money and the new Anatolian money are the
same class.

What is happening is that a freer, more open, more fully democratic
and egalitarian society is clashing with old-fashioned conservative
modernism. To solve its problems, the old, conservative Westernized
elite must yield to more free speech and more democracy for the
aspirations of the whole country, not just the elites.

My problem in Turkey is the intolerant political culture, whether old
guard or new. This is not only true of the secularists at the center
but also in rural Anatolia, Islamists as well. On crucial issues they
embrace each other’s intolerance.

Gardels: I was surprised to hear you say in a conversation with the
Japanese Nobel laureate, Kenzaburo Oe, that you thought Japan was
more Western than Turkey because it is more tolerant!

Pamuk: That’s true. For me Westernization is not about consuming
fanciful goods; it’s about a system of free speech, democracy,
egalitarianism, and respect for the people’s rights and dignity.

I don’t much care whether rural Anatolians or Istanbul secularists
take power. I’m not close to any of them. What I care about is respect
for the individual.

Gardels: Recently, the Mexican writer Carlos Fuentes and I were
talking about your identification with Dostoevsky, who, in his time,
was angry at the West and the Westernizers in his own country who
looked down on ordinary Russians. You admired him for "waging war
against shallow Occidentalists, didactic writers who were always
extolling the wonders of the West."

When I said this to Fuentes, he expressed surprise. "So you think
Pamuk is a non-Western writer?" he asked

Are you a Western writer or a non-Western writer?

Pamuk: For 35 years I have tried to avoid this categorization.

Dostoevsky was both a Western and a non-Western writer. He just
despised Occidentalists who despised their own people. Dostoevsky
believed, like I do, that Westernization, or now globalization,
is inevitable, but it must not lead to the repression of the past,
of ordinary people and their culture.

The problem with Westernization from above, as we had in both Russia
and Turkey, is that is becomes a symbol of distinction among people –
"a la Franc" is fashionable and glamorous, "a la Turc" is backward and
pedestrian. The upper classes are so happy they are the first to have
the new electric shaver because that means they are Westernized and
better than everyone else! I give so many examples of this in my novel.

Like my other novels, such as "White Castle" and "My Name is Red,"
this novel too is of the genre we call the "East-West novel," which
emerged from Turkey’s identity over the past 200 years.

All these novels share the same tensions of a culture of belonging and
tradition clashing with modernity coming from above and outside. Some
of these books trash the West through characters such as the girl
who wants to dance and ends up being a prostitute, or the other
way around, who embraces the West as the girl becomes confident,
independent and equal.

Gardels: So you are an "in-between" writer?

Pamuk: I take this as a compliment. But I didn’t choose this role. It
happened to me.

Gardels: Since Europe has for all intents and purposes shut the door on
Turkey, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government has instead
projected Turkey as a neo-Ottoman regional power in the Muslim Middle
East instead of a mere NATO appendage or European supplicant.

Recently, Turkey cancelled some military exercises with Israel because
of the Gaza war and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan himself has
embraced Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s suspect election
victory in Iran.

This has begun to worry some in the West these days who are concerned
that Turkey is turning from "West to the East," toward the Muslim
world. Is Turkey "turning East," or is it just getting bigger and more
influential in the middle, proud of itself and its own unique identity?

As for Turkey’s part, a top AKP diplomat reassured me in Istanbul
recently, "Without its Western orientation, Turkey would be just
another Muslim country."

Pamuk: I don’t think Turkey can change the political path of the past
eight years that easily. Erdogan enjoys power because he dangles the
carrot of Europe, which paves the way for more democracy in Turkey.

But, certainly, the situation between Turkey and Europe is not so
sunny as it was in 2005. Then, I was more optimistic. Turkish papers
talked in those days about joining Europe within 10 years! Nothing of
that sort will happen. Conservatives in both Europe and Turkey have
successfully, unfortunately, blocked the process. I’m sad about that.

Gardels: Ironically, while the modernizing elites in Turkey who
looked West were characterized as "a la Franc," it is President
Nicolas Sarkozy of France today who is the main opponent of Turkey
entering the European Union!

Pamuk: Hah. Yes. You are right. It is ironic. Sarkozy gathers he can
get some votes from this position. But if Sarkozy didn’t exist, Europe
would invent him. He happens to be the most agitated and voluble,
so they let him do the talking.

Gardels: Your novels have been all about your life in Turkey. Since
winning the Nobel Prize in 2006, you are as likely to show up in
Tokyo or New York as on the shores of the Bosporous. Has this affected
your writing?

Pamuk: I’m sure it will. Until the age of 33, I only left Turkey once.

I had never seen an actual Western painting. At that time there were
only reproductions in Turkey. But I read Western books and studied
Monet reproductions with more intensity than a European strolling
through the Louvre.

I’m teaching a course at Columbia and traveling the world, writing
in airplanes. But my happiness goes with me wherever I write. And,
since my books have been translated into 57 languages, I have a
responsibility now to all those readers.
From: Baghdasarian

http://www.csmonitor.com/2009/1111/p09s01-

BAKU: Azerbaijani And Armenian Presidents To Meet In One Of European

AZERBAIJANI AND ARMENIAN PRESIDENTS TO MEET IN ONE OF EUROPEAN CITIES BEFORE END OF NOVEMBER

Azerbaijan Business Center
Nov 11 2009

An agreement on another meeting between presidents of Azerbaijan and
Armenia, Ilham Aliyev and Serzh Sargsyan respectively, at the end of
this month has been reached.

The minister of foreign affairs of Azerbaijan, Elmar Mammadyarov, says
that both leaders’ consent on their meeting in one of the European
cities has been already received.

"The precise venue of the upcoming meeting will be known only in
several days. The OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs are working over that,"
the FM said.

In addition, there were made no new proposals within the framework
of the Madrid principles of Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno Garabagh
conflict.

"There are not any fresh proposals. We have been discussing these
issues for the last five years. Conflict settlement is hampered as
the Armenian party started returning again to discussion of earlier
achieved arrangements.

Under such conditions it is difficult to conduct negotiations,
and that is why when the MG co-chairs were visiting the region,
Baku in particular, we informed them again that official Baku does
not intend to continue high-level meetings for the sake of imitation
of the negotiation process," the minister said.

Since 1994 the parties have been applying ceasefire regime. Following
the conflict Armenia has occupied 20% of Azerbaijani territory and
evicted 1 million people from their residence sites.

Watchdog Oks Sale Of Bulgaria’s Top Water Bottler Devin

WATCHDOG OKS SALE OF BULGARIA’S TOP WATER BOTTLER DEVIN

Novinite.com
Nov 11 2009
Bulgaria

Bulgaria’s leading water bottling company Devin has a new owner –
global private equity fund Advent International. File photo Global
private equity fund Advent International has been given the green light
to buy about 75% of Bulgaria’s leading water bottling company Devin,
the anti-trust regulator said in statement on Wednesday.

The approval of the Commission for Protection of Competition will
make it possible for the deal to be finalized.

Advent International signed an agreement to buy about 75% of Bulgaria’s
leading water bottling company Devin, majority owned by Austria’s
Soravia Group, at the end of September.

The deal price is said to be around EUR 21 M to 22 M. Its final value
will be fixed between the signing of the contract and its conclusion.

The Austrian group holds 75.3% in the company while the rest of the
equity is traded on the Bulgarian Stock Exchange. Once the deal is
concluded, Advent will launch a buyout of these shares.

Soravia acquired full control of Devin and distributor Devin Royal
in 2005 for an undisclosed sum.

The first sale deal to be completed in the Bulgarian water bottling
sector this year is expected to be the acquisition of Gorna Banya
company by Armenian major businessman Gagik Tsarukyan for EUR 25 M.