New York.- By Vicki James Yiannias – Community: Telling About The De

NEW YORK.- BY VICKI JAMES YIANNIAS – COMMUNITY: TELLING ABOUT THE DESTRUCTION OF SMYRNA, 1922

Greek News
October 13 @ 11:49:34
New York

"I was writing a novel which had one chapter set in Smyrna. When I
started to research this chapter, I realized the need for a serious
work of history about the city and its destruction," Giles Milton,
historian, journalist, and author of Paradise Lost – Smyrna 1922 –
The Destruction of a Christian City in the Islamic World, told the
Greek News, "There is a real hunger to know what happened and why. If
my book helps to answer some of these questions then it will have
fulfilled a purpose."

The title of the book is not gratuitous, says the author, "To the
Americans who poured into this most alluring of Middle Eastern cities
at the bang of the 20th century, Smyrna seemed like paradise. So much
so that they gave this name to their large and wealthy colony on the
outskirts of the city."

The critically acclaimed new book was presented by the Consulate
General of Greece, the GreekAmerica Foundation, and Greek America
magazine, to a large audience of Greek and foreign journalists and
correspondents to the U.N., members of U.N. missions, Greek Americans,
and philhellenes at the Greek Press and Communication Office in New
York on October 2nd.

Consul General of Greece in New York Mrs. Agi Balta, introduced the
book and Greg Pappas of the GreekAmerica Foundation, and Greek America
magazine moderated the event. The author read abstracts of his book
and took questions from the audience.

Paradise Lost recounts the days of prosperity and the days of horror
in Smyrna — known as the richest and most cosmopolitan city in the
Ottoman Empire, and a majority Christian city that was unique in the
Islamic world — prior, during and after the war in the beginning of
the 20th century.

"What happened there in September 1922 was to prove one of the
most compelling human dramas of the 20th century, says Milton, "One
million innocent civilians – men, women, and children from scores of
different nationalities – were caught in a humanitarian disaster on
a scale that the world had never before seen. One million people were
trapped on the quayside – trapped between the sea, the Turkish machine
gun posts and a devastating fire. But the fire – and the refugees –
was only a part of the story. The destruction of Smyrna was to lead
to a far greater crisis. Two million people were to find themselves
caught up in a catastrophe on a truly epic scale."

While Paradise Lost tells of the devastating destiny of the city of
Smyrna and its people, it also provides an examination of political
and religious relations at the time and it tells a fascinating,
yet horrifying, story with clarity and insight.

Eyewitness testimonies, diary entries, and letters – some of them
published for the first time – are all part of this meticulously
researched, informed account. Paradise Lost is tells the story of the
cityʼs burning from an unusual and interesting angle and perspective,
from the viewpoint of the Levantine population in Smyrna.

Milton explains that he wanted to tell the story, where possible, from
the Levantine point of view. Who were the Levantines, and why tell
the story from their point of view? "These were wealthy Europeans
who had lived in Smyrna for two centuries; they did not care who
ruled the city as long as they could continue to make money. As such,
they are impartial witnesses. From everything I read – both their own
writings and those by Americans in the city – it is without question
that Smryna was burned by the Turks."

For many of the Greek survivors of the cataclysmic destruction of
the city and its inhabitants, the story was too painful to tell, says
Milton. "Children of the Greek survivors know less than others about
the Catastrophe because their parents don’t want to remember. I met
many second and third generation Greeks in America who have almost
no idea what their parents and grandparents experienced in Smyrna.

And the story of Smyrna is little known in Britain or America,
Milton stresses, even though there are many elements that are
extremely relevant to us today. "Genocide and ethnic cleansing –
both of which occurred in Turkey at this time – are still with us –
think of the Balkans and Rwanda"

The burning of Smyrna is part of the same chapter of history that
was the Armenian genocide, ‘Turkey for the Turks’ was the slogan; in
an age of nationalism, there were no longer any place for Turkey’s
‘troublesome’ Christian minorities, says Milton. "It is perhaps
ironic that Ataturk’s republic, built along democratic, secular lines,
was founded upon the expulsion of all the minority groups of the old
Ottoman Empire."

There are important lessons for us to be learned in this, says the
author, who is interested in the idea of Smyrna as the prototype of
our own modern cities – multi-ethnic and cosmopolitan. "It alarmed me
to see just how quickly such a diverse city – where Greeks, Armenians
and Turks had lived as neighbours and friends – could be destroyed. And
there is also the question of great powers intervening in the affairs
of a foreign country. In Turkey, Britain and America used a proxy
(Greece) to carry out their foreign policy. Nowadays, those same to
powers intervene with their own armies. If we had learned lessons
from Smyrna, the mess in Iraq might never have happened."

Having lived alongside each other as neighbors for centuries Greeks
and Turks in Smyrna shared some cultural roots, says the author. "They
had a shared culture, heritage, music, cuisine. Time and again in
the Greek archives the Greeks speak of getting along extremely well
with their neighboring Turks…you read of the different communities
in Smyrna living alongside each other in peace and harmony; they
played in the same football teams, went to each other’s weddings
etc. It was the rise of nationalism that caused the rupture in these
harmonious relations. With the rise of nationalism, all this came to
an abrupt end. Centuries of friendship was torn apart in the space
of a few months."

Milton explains that there are two groups in Turkey taking
two different stands (on the history of the event: the liberal
intelligentsia and the rabid materialists. Turkey is a divided
country. The educated liberal intelligentsia is willing to speak about
Turkeyʼs role in history. But the ardent nationalists refuse to admit
that any wrongs were committed. According to most Turkish historians,
Smyrna was burned by either the Armenians or the retreating Greek
army. It is almost impossible to publish a book in Turkey saying
otherwise."

Will the book be sold in Turkey? "There is the infamous Penal Code
301 which forbids publication of anything that ʽpublicly denigrates
Turkishnessʼ. My book does not do that…it simply tells the story
of what happened in Smyrna. Several publishers turned the book down,
although they thought it was fascinating. But now I have one publisher
who believes it is very important that the story be known to a wider
audience in Turkey."

–Boundary_(ID_m71H+hppOWDOPVHQJN2u 4A)–

Ankara: Dink’s Lawyers Unable To See The "State Secret" About The Ca

DINK’S LAWYERS UNABLE TO SEE THE "STATE SECRET" ABOUT THE CASE
Erol Onderoä~^Lu – [email protected]

Bİ
13-10-2008
Turkey

Dink’s lawyers have objected not being able to see the report about
Erhan Tuncel’s function as an intelligence staff on the grounds that
it was "State Secret". Witness Osman Hayal did not answer the question
whether or not he was in Istanbul at the time of the murder.

In the 7th hearing of the murder of Hrant Dink today, the court
refused to give the file about assigning Erhan Tuncel’s as an assistant
intelligence staff to the lawyers of the Dink family on the grounds
that it was a "state secret". Hrant Dink, Armenian journalist from
Turkey and former chief editor and owner of Agos, an Armenian/Turkish
biweekly, was murdered in front of the building where his newspaper
was located on January 19, 2007, for which eight people are on
trial. The lawyers of Dink’s family are trying to have four different
investigations outside of Istanbul combined with the main case.

Ramazan Akyurek, Director of the Intelligence Bureau of the Police
Department, told the court that only 16 pages of the 90 page long
classified report could be made accessible, since the rest could have
lead to the problems.

Lawyer Fethiye Cetin said that they found out the file had been sent
to the court on April 20, but the lawyers were not informed about it
at the hearing on April 28. According to Cetin, the secret parts of the
report should be determined in a meeting with all the lawyers present.

Osman Hayal did not answer the questions concerning his presence
in Istanbul Ogun Samast, the accused killer, was not present at the
court since he had to be taken to the Kocaeli State Hospital for a
psychiatric consultation.

When asked if he was in Istanbul before and after the murder, Yasan
Hayal’s brother Osman Hayal said he did not remember.

Previously, Osman Hayal had said he was at Trabzon at the time of the
murder. But when it was realized from his telephone signals that he
could have been in Istanbul at the time of the murder, he was taken
into custody.

Yasin Hayal’s lawyer Fuat Turgut insulted Dink During the hearing,
Yasin Hayal’s lawyer Fuat Turgut reacted in a hostile manner to
the demands by the lawyers of Dink’s family that the files for the
McDonald’s bombing and the killing of the Priest Santoro be combined
with this case and hurled insults at Hrant Dink.

The court warned the lawyer, when slained journalist’s brother
Orhan Dink criticized the court for overlooking the lawyer’s
behavior.

–Boundary_(ID_dPFumZ/pPUp1xhh dNS8LHA)–

Why I Refuse To Vote

WHY I REFUSE TO VOTE
By Theodoros Karakostas

Greek News
October 13 @ 11:35:32
New York

Every time there is an election, there is the usual well intended
public campaign to encourage voting. I am perhaps being cynical
but I do not wish to participate in a process that for all intents
and purposes is devoid of legitimacy. The fundamental topic of
this commentary pertains to foreign policy and the defacto media
blackout of certain issues, but the farce that constitutes present
day politics deserves at least a slight mention as can be seen by
the intellectually bankrupt displays that were showcased at both the
Democratic and Republican National Conventions this past summer. Both
of them constituted nothing more than entertainment value.

There is a documentary film entitled, "Days Made of Fear" which
features footage shot in Kosovo between 1999 and 2004. The difference
between this film and what American television media outlets
traditionally aired is that this features footage of the Serbian
community. This film is evidence of the ethnic cleansing process of
Serbs that has taken place under the auspices of NATO, the European
Union, and the United Nations. Hundreds of Serbian Orthodox Churches
and Monasteries were destroyed by Albanian Muslims during this period
without any intervention on the part of the Western powers. Even
worse, this footage has never been aired on American television
because apparently it contradicts official anti-Serb hysteria that
fueled the 1999 war on Belgrade.

Earlier this year, the Bush administration emulated the Balkan
policies of the Clinton administration and supported "independence" for
Kosovo. American and European diplomats paid lip service to the rights
of the Serbs in Kosovo, but no one addressed the horrific mistreatment
of Serbs in Kosovo, nor have the westerners taken measures to impose
sanctions on the Kosovo leadership in response to the mistreatment
of Serbs and the destruction of Churches and Monasteries that have
enormous spiritual and historic value.

In addition, the Bush administration opposed passage of a Congressional
Resolution that would have recognized the Armenian Genocide. During
the period of 1914-1923, the Islamic leadership of the Ottoman
Empire and its successor under the murderous figure of Mustafa
Kemal slaughtered at least three million Armenian, Assyrian, and
Greek Orthodox Christians. Turkish policies of ethnic cleansing have
continued through the infamous anti-Greek pogroms of 1955, the Turkish
invasions of Cyprus, and the present war by the Turkish paramilitary
State against the Ecumenical Patriachate. Between 1993 and 2007, there
have been at least six attempts to murder the Ecumenical Patriarch, but
if one watched American television, one would not have noticed a thing.

Events in Turkey, as with Kosovo and Serbia serve to demonstrate that
censorship is a fact! The glorification of the late Turkish dictator
Mustafa Kemal by numerous American think tanks and other interests
doing the sinister bidding of the Turkish Islamo-military ruling
coalition demonstrates for me the utter futility of participating
in an election where the winner will inevitably be influenced by
the notorious and well financed Turkish lobby into manipulating both
history and supporting policies of ethnic cleansing against the Greeks
of Cyprus. The degree to which American policy is manipulated can
be seen by the fact that the official foreign policy establishment
successfully persuaded both the Clinton and Bush administrations into
betraying Greece by recognizing the government of Skopje under the
name of "Macedonia".

An enormous tragedy is playing out for the Christians of Iraq. During
this past summer, the Archbishop of the Chaldean Catholics was murdered
for refusing to pay extortion money to Islamic extremists. The
Christians were at least secure under the former dictatorship that
the Bush administration and its neo conservatives overthrew. The
administration that waged war on Iraq never took into consideration
what would happen to the Christians who have been fleeing to Syria,
another potential target for the neo conservatives. Damascus is the
home of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch and there are at
least one million Christians in Syria who will be secure, unless the
next administration decides to implement "regime change" there.

What has happened to the "war on terror"? The only discernible war to
be noticed is the war on the Christian East which has been under way
for decades. The West permitted Muslim Turkey to take Constantinople
and Asia Minor in 1922, the Turkish invasions of Cyprus, and gave
Kosovo, Serbia’s Jerusalem to the Muslims. In Kosovo, Saudi Arabia
is funding the construction of Mosques while Orthodox Churches and
Monasteries burn. In the occupied territories of Cyprus, over five
hundred and fifty Churches and Monasteries have been converted into
Mosques, or are being used as stables where settlers from Turkey are
housing their farm animals.

In light of the appalling turmoil and tragedy that continues to
engulf the Christian East, and in light of the fact that no matter
which party comes to power, the think tanks will continue to press
the next administration to continue with policies that have been to
the detriment of Hellenism and Orthodoxy, I refuse to participate in
the "voting" process since I believe that such participation would
legitimize the undemocratic think tanks that continue to shape policies
toward the Balkans, Turkey, Russia, and the Middle East.

In conclusion, I lament and mourn the Churches and Monasteries of
Kosovo and Cyprus, and their missing faithful. Very soon, there may be
no more Greek Orthodox Christians in Turkey. Democratic Presidential
Candidate Barack Obama has been accused of being a Muslim. The fact
remains that no matter who becomes President, foreign policy could not
possibly be any more pro-Islamic to the detriment of the Christian East
than it already is. May the persecution of the forgotten Christians
of the East come to an end.

Australia’s Oldest Citizen Celebrates Her 112th Birthday

AUSTRALIA’S OLDEST CITIZEN CELEBRATES HER 112TH BIRTHDAY
Andra Jackson

The Age
October 14, 2008
Australia

Piece of cake: Bea Riley, (centre) celebrates her 112th birthday with
(left to right) her niece Bid Riley, nursing home manager Andreas
Kazacos, son Cliff Riley and his wife Jueno. Photo: Penny Stephens

BUGGIES, wagonettes, and phaetons still constituted the vehicle
section of The Argus, the year Bea Riley was born.

That was more than a century ago, when Collingwood’s Foy and Gibson
store announced the arrival of a shipment of Remington bicycles –
22 pounds and 10 shillings for gentlemen’s bicycles and 23 pounds
and 10 shillings for ladies’ bicycles.

Mrs Riley, who turned 112 yesterday, was presented with a copy
of The Argus from the day she was born, by her son, Cliff, and
daughter-in-law, Jueno.

Her birthday on October 13, 1896, makes her Australia’s oldest-known
citizen, and the world’s 30th-oldest person.

That day the headlines focused on the slaughter of 1000 Armenians by
Kurds on the Euphrates, and speculation that with the retirement of
Britain’s Liberal Party leader, Lord Rosebery, Gladstone would resume
the party leadership.

Told that The Argus back then sold for one penny, Mrs Riley remarked:
"It is different now."

Over more than a century that took her from her birthplace in Poowong
in eastern South Gippsland to nursing in Ararat and to her present
aged accommodation in Rosanna, she nominated the advent of machines
that could fly as the most exciting development of her lifetime.

"I didn’t travel much in aeroplanes," she added.

She has been a survivor in more ways than one.

Having only one kidney left her battling illness early in life,
but Mrs Riley has outlived her sisters and brothers, and a daughter,
as well as her husband of 60 years, a health department administrator.

The grandmother of six and great-grandmother of 14 stayed in her own
home in Ivanhoe until she was 99.

Until five years ago, she still managed to keep up a strict daily
exercise regime, which included touching her toes.

"She was always very resilient and uncompromising in what she did,
" her son, Cliff Riley, 81, said.

A lifelong monarchist, she said of Britain’s royal family: "I loved
them all in turn."

Of the Australian leaders she has lived under, she doted on Sir Robert
Menzies, but said she did not mind Gough Whitlam.

Yesterday it was Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and the Minister for Ageing,
Justine Elliot, who conveyed their congratulations.

Once a keen golfer, Mrs Riley also kept an eye on St Kilda’s fortunes
until recently, said her son, who played for St Kilda firsts in 1951
and 1952.

Since turning 100, she allows herself the treat of a small glass of
Bailey’s Irish Cream before dinner each night.

Yesterday she sipped at a glass of celebratory champagne and,
surrounded by family and friends, contemplated her birthday cake and
its candles.

"I haven’t much breath," she said, but despite her frailty she rose
to the occasion.

A Short Time To Grow Up

A SHORT TIME TO GROW UP
By Steve Hummer

Oxford Press
Monday, October 13, 2008
OH

ATLANTA — The Zach Bogosian timeline is stuck on fast-forward,
the images jumping from childhood to manhood in flickers and flashes.

It was only four years ago that a 14-year-old kid not much wider than
the stick he carried showed up at prep school to begin his formal
hockey education. That first year, Bogosian felt blessed if he got
more than one shift a game.

Two years ago, just 16, he already was facing older, more experienced
players in junior hockey, with the Peterborough (Ontario) Petes.

In May, he danced at his girlfriend’s prom, himself taking high school
classes on-line while preparing for the NHL draft. He’s still one
science credit shy of a high school diploma.

And here Friday was the Atlanta Thrashers prized draftee on site
for his first NHL regular season game. On the other side was Alex
Ovechkin and other assorted Washington Capitals. Before this season,
the last 18-year-old defenseman to play in the NHL was Columbus’
Rostislav Klesa in 2000. It’s possible as many as five may see action
in the league this season.

The NHL is all about speed, but this is ridiculous.

"Kind of strange to think about it. Four years ago, I was sitting in
a classroom in ninth grade," Bogosian said.

"I knew what I wanted. I knew I’d probably have to grow up faster
than a lot of kids. Now I’m 18, and I still have to grow up a lot
faster than other people. But I don’t mind it."

Uh, coach, do you realize one of your defensemen was at the prom five
months ago?

"Is that right?" the Thrashers John Anderson said, fashioning a
smirk. "Didja ask him what color dress he wore?"

Clearly, if Bogosian sticks with the Thrashers this year, he won’t
earn a letter jacket from the team. He’s a long way from high school,
in distance if not in time. The message is clear: Grow up, double-time.

Asked to learn more angles to the game, defensemen generally take
longer to ripen than forwards.

"It’s extremely difficult. You’re not really prepared to play defense
at the college and junior levels," said the Thrashers new defenseman
Mathieu Schneider. He’s 39 now, and broke into the NHL half a lifetime
ago, back when Bogosian was a zygote. "It takes a lot of patience,
a lot of thinking. It takes most defensemen three, four, five years
to really hit their stride in this league."

The Thrashers have nine games to decide whether Bogosian is better
served doing his apprenticeship in the NHL or playing more minutes
back in junior hockey. The clock on his three-year contract and free
agent eligibility doesn’t start until after that.

While Bogosian displayed a deft passing touch and a keen instinct
during the preseason, there are no guarantees.

The kid has prepared accordingly. Bogosian has spent the preseason in
Atlanta living out of a hotel near the team’s Duluth training facility
and bumming rides from teammates. He gave his old car to his brother
Aaron, a sophomore forward at St. Lawrence University in New York.

"I want to make sure everything falls into place before I start
treating myself," said Bogosian, displaying a defenseman’s conservative
nature.

He comes in to this job interview with some great recommendations. For
a young man who grew up in a fairly secluded fringe of New York —
you can throw a Loonie from Massena across the St. Lawrence into
Quebec — he has quickly gotten to know all the right people.

He wears No. 4, the same as the greatest defenseman, former Boston
Bruin Bobby Orr. Pure coincidence. When he was a kid picking out
numbers, he didn’t know Orr from Pee Wee Herman. And now, guess who
is Bogosian’s agent? Not Pee Wee.

"Zach just kept improving and improving," said Orr, who first caught
sight of Bogosian about three years ago. "Now he’s a very strong
skater who can pass it or shoot it well. He can really jump into the
play. And that’s what it’s all about today."

Another Bruins icon, defenseman Ray Bourque, coached Bogosian briefly
when his son played at the same prep school, the Cushing Academy in
Ashburnham, Mass. It was as if the role models were taking a number
to serve the kid.

All advice is welcomed, because the adjustments are plentiful. For one,
Atlanta has been a culture shock. This transient place has nothing
in common with where and how Bogosian grew up.

The Bogosians have been in Massena (population 13,000) since 1923,
when Zach’s great grandfather made his way there from Armenia at the
age of 16, escaping a genocide campaign by the Turks.

Bogosian heritage is his cross to bear, literally — beneath the
Thrashers sweater is a tattoo of an ornate Armenian cross running
a shoulder blade’s length. Zach’s parents still live and work on
the same block that Stephen Bogosian settled in two generations
before. When Ike, a former safety at Syracuse, goes to work, he
walks one door down to his cleaning business. Zach’s mother, Vicky,
is a hairdresser who works out of the home.

Meanwhile in Atlanta, the Thrashers require Bogosian to eventually
become the Armenian hammer on their vulnerable defense. Friday was
only one small, choppy stride in that direction. But the moment reeked
of personal significance.

The skinny 7-year-old who was playing up with the 11s and 12s was
playing up again.

Making an NHL team was the theme of Bogosian’s every childhood
dream. And here it was in his grasp, realized so quickly.

What came before seemed only like flashes and flickers.

All those miles logged in the family car to get him to some youth
game . There always was another game to play.

All the emotions that erupted after dropping off a last-born son
at prep school for the first time. Bogosian said never once felt a
twinge of homesickness when he had to leave home at 14 to chase a
hockey future. But it was never that easy on his parents. "It was a
six-hour drive home (from Cushing Prep to Massena), and I sobbed for
six hours," said Vicky, not exactly the hockey mom portrait of a pit
bull in lipstick.

And all the work and sacrificed fragments of youth that were given to
a game. Summers weren’t for vacations at the lake. For the last two,
Bogosian arose at 6 a.m. five times a week to drive 90 minutes to an
Ottawa gym for specialized workouts. He weighed 160 pounds when he
began the program. He goes 200 now.

Thinking back on everything, little wonder earlier this week Bogosian
said, "It’s kind of a surreal thing. It’s almost like you just can’t
believe that you’re here."

But that’s about all the reverie he’ll allow. There is a schedule
to keep.

"I want it to happen so badly; I’m going to do everything I can to
stick," he said. "If I play good, and keep working hard, things will
fall into place. It does make me work harder knowing I have nine games
to show that I belong, and I’m going to do everything in my power to
do that."

Tbilisi: Which Platform Is Acceptable To The South Caucasus?

WHICH PLATFORM IS ACCEPTABLE TO THE SOUTH CAUCASUS?

Daily Georgian Times
2008.10.13 19:28
Georgia

New formulas for resolving the Caucasus conflicts are widely reviewed

Russians met with understanding the "Platform of Stability and
Cooperation in the Caucasus," which was presented in Ankara. Russia
considers it reasonable to hold dialogue in Baku and Tbilisi. The EU
and the USA shared this initiative of Turkish authorities. Ahmadinejad,
President of Iran, came up with the initiative in the profile for
resolving conflicts in the Caucasus. He regarded the 3 + 2 plan
suggested by the Turkish party as flawed since this plan implies
three South Caucasus republics, plus Turkey and Russia. Officials
in Teheran consider that the plan of establishing stability in the
Caucasus would be much closer to current geopolitical reality if Iran
were represented in it as well.

The article published in Georgian Times in late 2007 reviewed the
problem of resolving conflicts in the Caucasus exactly from this
angle. Nejad Guliev, the author of the above-mentioned article
envisioned the inclusion of the EU and the United States of America
in his formula (3 + 3 + 2), since he deemed the resolution of the
problems through their participation as much more productive.

The presented plans have confirmed that the parties are in agreement
on basic mechanisms of resolving issues in the Caucasus. Just one
issue remains problematic: how will the authors realize their plans
given actual politics?

This was the topic, about which Malkhaz Gulashvili, President of
Media Holding Georgian Times talked to Najad Guliev.

Nejad Guliev – Ex-head of Azerbaijan Economic Sector and author of
large-scale economic projects in the Heidar Aliev government. The
construction of Batumi-Kobuleti highway was performed under the
leadership of Nejad Guliev. Guliev is the author of a number of
works that are about the peculiarities of geopolitics and the
public-political system in the Caucasus.

GT: Initiatives presented in the profile of resolution of Caucasian
problem are just schemes that do not say anything about political
ideas or implementation mechanisms. In your opinion, how is the actual
resolution of the mentioned problem going to happen?

NG: The goal is to intensify the peace model. The efforts of three
peacekeeping countries, Russia, Turkey, and Iran, have to focus on the
three Caucasus republics – Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Obviously,
all this has to be implemented under the aegis of US and EU guarantees,
these two parties have to make political and legal actions that will
ensure the realization of a peaceful Caucasian model in practice.

All of the above-mentioned implies the recognition of territorial
integrity of the South Caucasus republics, refusal to mutual accusation
and territorial claims, demilitarization of conflict regions, balanced
relations among regions, etc.

The peace mission had to adopt a resolution on the restoration of the
status quo at the initial stage. Such status existed and regulated
relations between the leadership of the republic and its autonomous
regions.

GT: You will agree with me that the actual political reality rejected
all these suggested schemes. The events have once again demonstrated
that those forces that the small states wanted to use for resolution
of territorial issues, regardless of their operation under the mandate
of reputable, international organizations, still frequently are guided
by private interests. This alone establishes a vicious cycle and there
is no force which can break this cycle. As a result the sovereignty
of internationally recognized states has been violated and they
were fragmented. In the present and radically changed circumstances,
do you still believe in the effectiveness of the proposed formula?

NG: I do believe in it, since other decisions and directions are still
aimed at forcefully mitigating the situation. Now it is already clear
that such an approach is unacceptable. Four years ago I proposed the
3 + 3 + 2 formula. Then, such important factors were still present,
including a high degree of trust and close cooperation among leading
geopolitical players. In my opinion, fateful development of events did
not exclude the possibility of regional leadership and peacekeeping
forces with the goal of establishing peaceful and friendly relations
in the Caucasus. Now it is clear for everybody that a political moment
entails confrontational elements. It is necessary to demonstrate more
self-control and common sense, otherwise the South Caucasus will
become engaged in constant wars and chaos. This means that Europe,
namely, the world hydrocarbon market, will say good-bye to the idea
of an energy corridor in the Caucasus for a long time, if not forever.

Taking into account the strategic springboard of the South Caucasus,
there is the danger of a much fiercer opposition of centrist forces,
which excludes the establishment of strong state systems, as well
as implementation of democratic, economic and social reforms. This
threat will gradually strengthen separatist trends in the Caucasus,
which will result in forming many ethnic states. Beyond all this,
the dissolution of the current world order can be identified, which
will, by itself, reflect on the whole World. Thus, not only we,
Caucasians and our historical neighbors, but the global society,
interested in the presented South Caucasus stability formula.

GT: Georgians, whose historic territories have been seized in front
of the whole World and proclaimed as independents states, find it
difficult to review the Caucasus problem from a global perspective. The
basic goal of Georgians is to restore Georgia’s territorial integrity
and sovereignty. Without this major component, any idea and formula
is pointless.

NG: Probably there are peoples who imagine the restoration of
territorial integrity in a reactive way. Let us agree that such
projects are politically reckless ventures. The cruel political reality
dictates that we have to be cautious, thoughtful and patient. We have
to move to the goal slowly but in the right way. Georgia already made
the initial and important step in this direction when it declared
to the whole world that it will never tolerate the occupation of
its territories. The global community has unanimously backed this
statement of Georgia. If your state is perceptive and brave enough to
start peaceful initiatives, I am sure that means of restoring Georgia’s
territorial integrity will be identified and will be acceptable to all.

All recognize unanimously the fact that stability and cooperation
can be possible only in a peaceful setting. None the less, other
Caucasian problems are notable. Ethnic separatism is expanding with
the support of domestic forces. Respectively, it is necessary to
neutralize this dangerous, sometimes not-so-well conveyed political
trends are necessary. In the South Caucasus, there is a peculiar
political syndrome of orienting toward a powerful neighbor, ally. At a
glance there is nothing abnormal in the case of small countries. But
in the current post-Soviet area with complex geopolitical relations,
the inertia of political thinking pushes the South Caucasus republics
to search for a reliable, strong ally. Such a policy will ensure the
resolution of national security issues. Just not so long ago many
regarded the CIS as the panacea of resolution of our problems.

But reality has deceived these hopes, the main initiator and inspirer
of formation of this organization has appeared with a member of the
organization in military confrontation. Moreover, Russia is a member
of Collective Security Agreement Organization. Respectively, members
of this Agreement and their geographic and historical neighbors,
such as Georgia and Armenia, have to share the responsibility of
compromising the CIS and future fate of this organization. This
organization appeared to defend its member from hostilities only
feebly. In a new situation, already incapable GUUAM also appeared
totally feeble and confused. This is another example of ineffective
policy. Yet another aspect of the problem is that many see NATO and
the EU as saviors. Frankly, EU accession is a long-term prospect. As
for NATO, during the military psychosis for some reason we forgot
that the Caucasus war was provoked by the hastened striving toward
this organization. Therefore, naturally, a question emerges: maybe
the aspiration toward a strong neighbor and the idea of seeing an
ally in it has exhausted itself?

GT: What is the solution?

NG: Let us consider the tragicomic result of the policy carried out
in the South Caucasus. Tbilisi sees its future only in NATO. Yerevan
has tied its strategic future firmly with Russia. Baku is torn on
many fronts. In case of a move toward NATO, a respective step toward
Russia can not be made. Such strategies have oddly established that
regional leaders and now the West, too, regard the Caucasus only in
the frame of its geopolitical interests.

It would be much more logical to come out with a different political
opinion from this contradictory "club." It is necessary to find
effective and mutual political dependence with each other and the
rest of the world without accession into any blocks, political unions
or military agreements. Such logic will ultimately take us to the
election of a new course by the South Caucasus states, which will
naturally give rise to secured neutrality and the departure from any
block, union and similar organizations.

GT: Does this requirement apply to self-proclaimed republics as well?

NG: Of course. Guaranteed neutrality is a mutual
responsibility. Regional and world centrist forces will commit to
avoid involvement in domestic issues of South Caucasus states. While
these states, in their turn, will reject solving national problems
through military means or strengthening their positions through
accession of the above-listed organizations or unions. The viability
of such policy directly depends on domestic forces that have to reject
rivalry and increase of political influence in the Caucasus. It is also
necessary to change the opinion about the Caucasus as a geopolitical
area. Caucasian geo-economic strategy has to become a priority of
the International Community. The South Caucasus will be reviewed as
part of practical politics in this aspect. It is to be noted that
such a model allows the South Caucasus and its energy components to
maximally utilize communication potential. And, this is an actual
possibility for transforming the Caucasus, in terms of stabilizing
relations among regions and security. All this will be done through
large transcontinental projects and international interests and not
through interests of divided states.

GT: The prospect is truly attractive and in case these projects are
brought to life it is entirely possible to change political situation
in the Caucasus and around it; but Russia has recognized independence
of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Besides this, a multi-year conflict
has caused the estrangement between the people. How do you envision
the resolution of this problem?

NG: The co-existence and cohabitation in the South Caucasus states
in the setting of guaranteed neutrality is regarded in entirely
different conditions. This has to happen without mutual accusations,
claims, doubts, and in the setting of demilitarization. The efforts
of people that have been freed from all negative emotions have to be
directed toward resolving issues, establishing social and economic
order, and physically modernizing the public sector. Without all
this, talks about European integration are useless and remain only a
wish. The status of self-proclaimed republics remains frozen. Radical
separatists will be deprived of their secret hope of integration with
other states. Until now these states were protecting the separatist
enclaves due to their geopolitical considerations. At the same time,
they are given a realistic chance of independent development. This
is the test for quasi-governmental elements. For some reason they do
not talk about this, although this is necessary for all states that
are claiming independence. Thus, they will naturally appear in a very
specific condition of the transition period. Let’s admit that for over
20 years, Georgia and Azerbaijan do not exercise control over these
administrative units. How long shall we remain in such condition? At
a glance, it may seem that the proposed model for mitigation issues
gives self-proclaimed republics some chance. While, in reality any
kind of restrictions on historical, geopolitical, administrative and,
lastly, human cohabitation, is removed. Mountainous Karabagh and
Ossetia were always regarded as organic parts of the mother-state,
and they were represented by their official state status. It is
a historical outlook that this is how they will remain as a joint
union with globalized political systems. If somebody thinks that
it is possible to establish tiny states in the Caucasian mountains,
which will serve as the example to other nations and ethnic groups,
let them try. It is doubtful this will result in constant modification
of the Caucasus political map. In turn, this means that the idea of
democratic development and welfare of Caucasus will be gone.

GT: There is an impression that your global project is directly linked
to the syndrome called "Caucasian ambition." The South Caucasian
countries have to deny many stereotypes for the sake of peace,
welfare and cooperation. But in the first place, they have to give
up ambitious evaluation of their own dignities, since ambition about
one’s own dignities does not leave room for justice and equality.

NG: We are not alone in our ambitions. The global initiative,
regardless of the presenter, is similar to ours and is a test to
super-powers, regions and global forces. This test is nothing more than
the aspiration that will result in peace and welfare to the people
of the Caucasus. If Caucasian states are able to reach agreement on
mutual welfare and peaceful cohabitation, this will herald a new
era and stage. Otherwise, those who are directing the fate of the
world still wish to divide and rule. In this thorny South Caucasian
problem, the decisive issues will be global geopolitics and the role
of the Caucasian peoples, if they realize the lack of perspective of
separatist policy and territorial seizure. I am sure there is a way
out of this vicious circle, centered on a neutral South Caucasus.

New formulas for resolving the Caucasus conflicts are widely reviewed

Russians met with understanding the "Platform of Stability and
Cooperation in the Caucasus," which was presented in Ankara. Russia
considers it reasonable to hold dialogue in Baku and Tbilisi. The EU
and the USA shared this initiative of Turkish authorities. Ahmadinejad,
President of Iran, came up with the initiative in the profile for
resolving conflicts in the Caucasus. He regarded the 3 + 2 plan
suggested by the Turkish party as flawed since this plan implies
three South Caucasus republics, plus Turkey and Russia. Officials
in Teheran consider that the plan of establishing stability in the
Caucasus would be much closer to current geopolitical reality if Iran
were represented in it as well.

The article published in Georgian Times in late 2007 reviewed the
problem of resolving conflicts in the Caucasus exactly from this
angle. Nejad Guliev, the author of the above-mentioned article
envisioned the inclusion of the EU and the United States of America
in his formula (3 + 3 + 2), since he deemed the resolution of the
problems through their participation as much more productive.

The presented plans have confirmed that the parties are in agreement
on basic mechanisms of resolving issues in the Caucasus. Just one
issue remains problematic: how will the authors realize their plans
given actual politics?

This was the topic, about which Malkhaz Gulashvili, President of
Media Holding Georgian Times talked to Najad Guliev.

Nejad Guliev – Ex-head of Azerbaijan Economic Sector and author of
large-scale economic projects in the Heidar Aliev government. The
construction of Batumi-Kobuleti highway was performed under the
leadership of Nejad Guliev. Guliev is the author of a number of
works that are about the peculiarities of geopolitics and the
public-political system in the Caucasus.

GT: Initiatives presented in the profile of resolution of Caucasian
problem are just schemes that do not say anything about political
ideas or implementation mechanisms. In your opinion, how is the actual
resolution of the mentioned problem going to happen?

NG: The goal is to intensify the peace model. The efforts of three
peacekeeping countries, Russia, Turkey, and Iran, have to focus on the
three Caucasus republics – Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Obviously,
all this has to be implemented under the aegis of US and EU guarantees,
these two parties have to make political and legal actions that will
ensure the realization of a peaceful Caucasian model in practice.

All of the above-mentioned implies the recognition of territorial
integrity of the South Caucasus republics, refusal to mutual accusation
and territorial claims, demilitarization of conflict regions, balanced
relations among regions, etc.

The peace mission had to adopt a resolution on the restoration of the
status quo at the initial stage. Such status existed and regulated
relations between the leadership of the republic and its autonomous
regions.

GT: You will agree with me that the actual political reality rejected
all these suggested schemes. The events have once again demonstrated
that those forces that the small states wanted to use for resolution
of territorial issues, regardless of their operation under the mandate
of reputable, international organizations, still frequently are guided
by private interests. This alone establishes a vicious cycle and there
is no force which can break this cycle. As a result the sovereignty
of internationally recognized states has been violated and they
were fragmented. In the present and radically changed circumstances,
do you still believe in the effectiveness of the proposed formula?

NG: I do believe in it, since other decisions and directions are still
aimed at forcefully mitigating the situation. Now it is already clear
that such an approach is unacceptable. Four years ago I proposed the
3 + 3 + 2 formula. Then, such important factors were still present,
including a high degree of trust and close cooperation among leading
geopolitical players. In my opinion, fateful development of events did
not exclude the possibility of regional leadership and peacekeeping
forces with the goal of establishing peaceful and friendly relations
in the Caucasus. Now it is clear for everybody that a political moment
entails confrontational elements. It is necessary to demonstrate more
self-control and common sense, otherwise the South Caucasus will
become engaged in constant wars and chaos. This means that Europe,
namely, the world hydrocarbon market, will say good-bye to the idea
of an energy corridor in the Caucasus for a long time, if not forever.

Taking into account the strategic springboard of the South Caucasus,
there is the danger of a much fiercer opposition of centrist forces,
which excludes the establishment of strong state systems, as well
as implementation of democratic, economic and social reforms. This
threat will gradually strengthen separatist trends in the Caucasus,
which will result in forming many ethnic states. Beyond all this,
the dissolution of the current world order can be identified, which
will, by itself, reflect on the whole World. Thus, not only we,
Caucasians and our historical neighbors, but the global society,
interested in the presented South Caucasus stability formula.

GT: Georgians, whose historic territories have been seized in front
of the whole World and proclaimed as independents states, find it
difficult to review the Caucasus problem from a global perspective. The
basic goal of Georgians is to restore Georgia’s territorial integrity
and sovereignty. Without this major component, any idea and formula
is pointless.

NG: Probably there are peoples who imagine the restoration of
territorial integrity in a reactive way. Let us agree that such
projects are politically reckless ventures. The cruel political reality
dictates that we have to be cautious, thoughtful and patient. We have
to move to the goal slowly but in the right way. Georgia already made
the initial and important step in this direction when it declared
to the whole world that it will never tolerate the occupation of
its territories. The global community has unanimously backed this
statement of Georgia. If your state is perceptive and brave enough to
start peaceful initiatives, I am sure that means of restoring Georgia’s
territorial integrity will be identified and will be acceptable to all.

All recognize unanimously the fact that stability and cooperation
can be possible only in a peaceful setting. None the less, other
Caucasian problems are notable. Ethnic separatism is expanding with
the support of domestic forces. Respectively, it is necessary to
neutralize this dangerous, sometimes not-so-well conveyed political
trends are necessary. In the South Caucasus, there is a peculiar
political syndrome of orienting toward a powerful neighbor, ally. At a
glance there is nothing abnormal in the case of small countries. But
in the current post-Soviet area with complex geopolitical relations,
the inertia of political thinking pushes the South Caucasus republics
to search for a reliable, strong ally. Such a policy will ensure the
resolution of national security issues. Just not so long ago many
regarded the CIS as the panacea of resolution of our problems.

But reality has deceived these hopes, the main initiator and inspirer
of formation of this organization has appeared with a member of the
organization in military confrontation. Moreover, Russia is a member
of Collective Security Agreement Organization. Respectively, members
of this Agreement and their geographic and historical neighbors,
such as Georgia and Armenia, have to share the responsibility of
compromising the CIS and future fate of this organization. This
organization appeared to defend its member from hostilities only
feebly. In a new situation, already incapable GUUAM also appeared
totally feeble and confused. This is another example of ineffective
policy. Yet another aspect of the problem is that many see NATO and
the EU as saviors. Frankly, EU accession is a long-term prospect. As
for NATO, during the military psychosis for some reason we forgot
that the Caucasus war was provoked by the hastened striving toward
this organization. Therefore, naturally, a question emerges: maybe
the aspiration toward a strong neighbor and the idea of seeing an
ally in it has exhausted itself?

GT: What is the solution?

NG: Let us consider the tragicomic result of the policy carried out
in the South Caucasus. Tbilisi sees its future only in NATO. Yerevan
has tied its strategic future firmly with Russia. Baku is torn on
many fronts. In case of a move toward NATO, a respective step toward
Russia can not be made. Such strategies have oddly established that
regional leaders and now the West, too, regard the Caucasus only in
the frame of its geopolitical interests.

It would be much more logical to come out with a different political
opinion from this contradictory "club." It is necessary to find
effective and mutual political dependence with each other and the
rest of the world without accession into any blocks, political unions
or military agreements. Such logic will ultimately take us to the
election of a new course by the South Caucasus states, which will
naturally give rise to secured neutrality and the departure from any
block, union and similar organizations.

GT: Does this requirement apply to self-proclaimed republics as well?

NG: Of course. Guaranteed neutrality is a mutual
responsibility. Regional and world centrist forces will commit to
avoid involvement in domestic issues of South Caucasus states. While
these states, in their turn, will reject solving national problems
through military means or strengthening their positions through
accession of the above-listed organizations or unions. The viability
of such policy directly depends on domestic forces that have to reject
rivalry and increase of political influence in the Caucasus. It is also
necessary to change the opinion about the Caucasus as a geopolitical
area. Caucasian geo-economic strategy has to become a priority of
the International Community. The South Caucasus will be reviewed as
part of practical politics in this aspect. It is to be noted that
such a model allows the South Caucasus and its energy components to
maximally utilize communication potential. And, this is an actual
possibility for transforming the Caucasus, in terms of stabilizing
relations among regions and security. All this will be done through
large transcontinental projects and international interests and not
through interests of divided states.

GT: The prospect is truly attractive and in case these projects are
brought to life it is entirely possible to change political situation
in the Caucasus and around it; but Russia has recognized independence
of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Besides this, a multi-year conflict
has caused the estrangement between the people. How do you envision
the resolution of this problem?

NG: The co-existence and cohabitation in the South Caucasus states
in the setting of guaranteed neutrality is regarded in entirely
different conditions. This has to happen without mutual accusations,
claims, doubts, and in the setting of demilitarization. The efforts
of people that have been freed from all negative emotions have to be
directed toward resolving issues, establishing social and economic
order, and physically modernizing the public sector. Without all
this, talks about European integration are useless and remain only a
wish. The status of self-proclaimed republics remains frozen. Radical
separatists will be deprived of their secret hope of integration with
other states. Until now these states were protecting the separatist
enclaves due to their geopolitical considerations. At the same time,
they are given a realistic chance of independent development. This
is the test for quasi-governmental elements. For some reason they do
not talk about this, although this is necessary for all states that
are claiming independence. Thus, they will naturally appear in a very
specific condition of the transition period. Let’s admit that for over
20 years, Georgia and Azerbaijan do not exercise control over these
administrative units. How long shall we remain in such condition? At
a glance, it may seem that the proposed model for mitigation issues
gives self-proclaimed republics some chance. While, in reality any
kind of restrictions on historical, geopolitical, administrative and,
lastly, human cohabitation, is removed. Mountainous Karabagh and
Ossetia were always regarded as organic parts of the mother-state,
and they were represented by their official state status. It is
a historical outlook that this is how they will remain as a joint
union with globalized political systems. If somebody thinks that
it is possible to establish tiny states in the Caucasian mountains,
which will serve as the example to other nations and ethnic groups,
let them try. It is doubtful this will result in constant modification
of the Caucasus political map. In turn, this means that the idea of
democratic development and welfare of Caucasus will be gone.

GT: There is an impression that your global project is directly linked
to the syndrome called "Caucasian ambition." The South Caucasian
countries have to deny many stereotypes for the sake of peace,
welfare and cooperation. But in the first place, they have to give
up ambitious evaluation of their own dignities, since ambition about
one’s own dignities does not leave room for justice and equality.

NG: We are not alone in our ambitions. The global initiative,
regardless of the presenter, is similar to ours and is a test to
super-powers, regions and global forces. This test is nothing more than
the aspiration that will result in peace and welfare to the people
of the Caucasus. If Caucasian states are able to reach agreement on
mutual welfare and peaceful cohabitation, this will herald a new
era and stage. Otherwise, those who are directing the fate of the
world still wish to divide and rule. In this thorny South Caucasian
problem, the decisive issues will be global geopolitics and the role
of the Caucasian peoples, if they realize the lack of perspective of
separatist policy and territorial seizure. I am sure there is a way
out of this vicious circle, centered on a neutral South Caucasus.

New formulas for resolving the Caucasus conflicts are widely reviewed

Russians met with understanding the "Platform of Stability and
Cooperation in the Caucasus," which was presented in Ankara. Russia
considers it reasonable to hold dialogue in Baku and Tbilisi. The EU
and the USA shared this initiative of Turkish authorities. Ahmadinejad,
President of Iran, came up with the initiative in the profile for
resolving conflicts in the Caucasus. He regarded the 3 + 2 plan
suggested by the Turkish party as flawed since this plan implies
three South Caucasus republics, plus Turkey and Russia. Officials
in Teheran consider that the plan of establishing stability in the
Caucasus would be much closer to current geopolitical reality if Iran
were represented in it as well.

The article published in Georgian Times in late 2007 reviewed the
problem of resolving conflicts in the Caucasus exactly from this
angle. Nejad Guliev, the author of the above-mentioned article
envisioned the inclusion of the EU and the United States of America
in his formula (3 + 3 + 2), since he deemed the resolution of the
problems through their participation as much more productive.

The presented plans have confirmed that the parties are in agreement
on basic mechanisms of resolving issues in the Caucasus. Just one
issue remains problematic: how will the authors realize their plans
given actual politics?

This was the topic, about which Malkhaz Gulashvili, President of
Media Holding Georgian Times talked to Najad Guliev.

Nejad Guliev – Ex-head of Azerbaijan Economic Sector and author of
large-scale economic projects in the Heidar Aliev government. The
construction of Batumi-Kobuleti highway was performed under the
leadership of Nejad Guliev. Guliev is the author of a number of
works that are about the peculiarities of geopolitics and the
public-political system in the Caucasus.

GT: Initiatives presented in the profile of resolution of Caucasian
problem are just schemes that do not say anything about political
ideas or implementation mechanisms. In your opinion, how is the actual
resolution of the mentioned problem going to happen?

NG: The goal is to intensify the peace model. The efforts of three
peacekeeping countries, Russia, Turkey, and Iran, have to focus on the
three Caucasus republics – Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Obviously,
all this has to be implemented under the aegis of US and EU guarantees,
these two parties have to make political and legal actions that will
ensure the realization of a peaceful Caucasian model in practice.

All of the above-mentioned implies the recognition of territorial
integrity of the South Caucasus republics, refusal to mutual accusation
and territorial claims, demilitarization of conflict regions, balanced
relations among regions, etc.

The peace mission had to adopt a resolution on the restoration of the
status quo at the initial stage. Such status existed and regulated
relations between the leadership of the republic and its autonomous
regions.

GT: You will agree with me that the actual political reality rejected
all these suggested schemes. The events have once again demonstrated
that those forces that the small states wanted to use for resolution
of territorial issues, regardless of their operation under the mandate
of reputable, international organizations, still frequently are guided
by private interests. This alone establishes a vicious cycle and there
is no force which can break this cycle. As a result the sovereignty
of internationally recognized states has been violated and they
were fragmented. In the present and radically changed circumstances,
do you still believe in the effectiveness of the proposed formula?

NG: I do believe in it, since other decisions and directions are still
aimed at forcefully mitigating the situation. Now it is already clear
that such an approach is unacceptable. Four years ago I proposed the
3 + 3 + 2 formula. Then, such important factors were still present,
including a high degree of trust and close cooperation among leading
geopolitical players. In my opinion, fateful development of events did
not exclude the possibility of regional leadership and peacekeeping
forces with the goal of establishing peaceful and friendly relations
in the Caucasus. Now it is clear for everybody that a political moment
entails confrontational elements. It is necessary to demonstrate more
self-control and common sense, otherwise the South Caucasus will
become engaged in constant wars and chaos. This means that Europe,
namely, the world hydrocarbon market, will say good-bye to the idea
of an energy corridor in the Caucasus for a long time, if not forever.

Taking into account the strategic springboard of the South Caucasus,
there is the danger of a much fiercer opposition of centrist forces,
which excludes the establishment of strong state systems, as well
as implementation of democratic, economic and social reforms. This
threat will gradually strengthen separatist trends in the Caucasus,
which will result in forming many ethnic states. Beyond all this,
the dissolution of the current world order can be identified, which
will, by itself, reflect on the whole World. Thus, not only we,
Caucasians and our historical neighbors, but the global society,
interested in the presented South Caucasus stability formula.

GT: Georgians, whose historic territories have been seized in front
of the whole World and proclaimed as independents states, find it
difficult to review the Caucasus problem from a global perspective. The
basic goal of Georgians is to restore Georgia’s territorial integrity
and sovereignty. Without this major component, any idea and formula
is pointless.

NG: Probably there are peoples who imagine the restoration of
territorial integrity in a reactive way. Let us agree that such
projects are politically reckless ventures. The cruel political reality
dictates that we have to be cautious, thoughtful and patient. We have
to move to the goal slowly but in the right way. Georgia already made
the initial and important step in this direction when it declared
to the whole world that it will never tolerate the occupation of
its territories. The global community has unanimously backed this
statement of Georgia. If your state is perceptive and brave enough to
start peaceful initiatives, I am sure that means of restoring Georgia’s
territorial integrity will be identified and will be acceptable to all.

All recognize unanimously the fact that stability and cooperation
can be possible only in a peaceful setting. None the less, other
Caucasian problems are notable. Ethnic separatism is expanding with
the support of domestic forces. Respectively, it is necessary to
neutralize this dangerous, sometimes not-so-well conveyed political
trends are necessary. In the South Caucasus, there is a peculiar
political syndrome of orienting toward a powerful neighbor, ally. At a
glance there is nothing abnormal in the case of small countries. But
in the current post-Soviet area with complex geopolitical relations,
the inertia of political thinking pushes the South Caucasus republics
to search for a reliable, strong ally. Such a policy will ensure the
resolution of national security issues. Just not so long ago many
regarded the CIS as the panacea of resolution of our problems.

But reality has deceived these hopes, the main initiator and inspirer
of formation of this organization has appeared with a member of the
organization in military confrontation. Moreover, Russia is a member
of Collective Security Agreement Organization. Respectively, members
of this Agreement and their geographic and historical neighbors,
such as Georgia and Armenia, have to share the responsibility of
compromising the CIS and future fate of this organization. This
organization appeared to defend its member from hostilities only
feebly. In a new situation, already incapable GUUAM also appeared
totally feeble and confused. This is another example of ineffective
policy. Yet another aspect of the problem is that many see NATO and
the EU as saviors. Frankly, EU accession is a long-term prospect. As
for NATO, during the military psychosis for some reason we forgot
that the Caucasus war was provoked by the hastened striving toward
this organization. Therefore, naturally, a question emerges: maybe
the aspiration toward a strong neighbor and the idea of seeing an
ally in it has exhausted itself?

GT: What is the solution?

NG: Let us consider the tragicomic result of the policy carried out
in the South Caucasus. Tbilisi sees its future only in NATO. Yerevan
has tied its strategic future firmly with Russia. Baku is torn on
many fronts. In case of a move toward NATO, a respective step toward
Russia can not be made. Such strategies have oddly established that
regional leaders and now the West, too, regard the Caucasus only in
the frame of its geopolitical interests.

It would be much more logical to come out with a different political
opinion from this contradictory "club." It is necessary to find
effective and mutual political dependence with each other and the
rest of the world without accession into any blocks, political unions
or military agreements. Such logic will ultimately take us to the
election of a new course by the South Caucasus states, which will
naturally give rise to secured neutrality and the departure from any
block, union and similar organizations.

GT: Does this requirement apply to self-proclaimed republics as well?

NG: Of course. Guaranteed neutrality is a mutual
responsibility. Regional and world centrist forces will commit to
avoid involvement in domestic issues of South Caucasus states. While
these states, in their turn, will reject solving national problems
through military means or strengthening their positions through
accession of the above-listed organizations or unions. The viability
of such policy directly depends on domestic forces that have to reject
rivalry and increase of political influence in the Caucasus. It is also
necessary to change the opinion about the Caucasus as a geopolitical
area. Caucasian geo-economic strategy has to become a priority of
the International Community. The South Caucasus will be reviewed as
part of practical politics in this aspect. It is to be noted that
such a model allows the South Caucasus and its energy components to
maximally utilize communication potential. And, this is an actual
possibility for transforming the Caucasus, in terms of stabilizing
relations among regions and security. All this will be done through
large transcontinental projects and international interests and not
through interests of divided states.

GT: The prospect is truly attractive and in case these projects are
brought to life it is entirely possible to change political situation
in the Caucasus and around it; but Russia has recognized independence
of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Besides this, a multi-year conflict
has caused the estrangement between the people. How do you envision
the resolution of this problem?

NG: The co-existence and cohabitation in the South Caucasus states
in the setting of guaranteed neutrality is regarded in entirely
different conditions. This has to happen without mutual accusations,
claims, doubts, and in the setting of demilitarization. The efforts
of people that have been freed from all negative emotions have to be
directed toward resolving issues, establishing social and economic
order, and physically modernizing the public sector. Without all
this, talks about European integration are useless and remain only a
wish. The status of self-proclaimed republics remains frozen. Radical
separatists will be deprived of their secret hope of integration with
other states. Until now these states were protecting the separatist
enclaves due to their geopolitical considerations. At the same time,
they are given a realistic chance of independent development. This
is the test for quasi-governmental elements. For some reason they do
not talk about this, although this is necessary for all states that
are claiming independence. Thus, they will naturally appear in a very
specific condition of the transition period. Let’s admit that for over
20 years, Georgia and Azerbaijan do not exercise control over these
administrative units. How long shall we remain in such condition? At
a glance, it may seem that the proposed model for mitigation issues
gives self-proclaimed republics some chance. While, in reality any
kind of restrictions on historical, geopolitical, administrative and,
lastly, human cohabitation, is removed. Mountainous Karabagh and
Ossetia were always regarded as organic parts of the mother-state,
and they were represented by their official state status. It is
a historical outlook that this is how they will remain as a joint
union with globalized political systems. If somebody thinks that
it is possible to establish tiny states in the Caucasian mountains,
which will serve as the example to other nations and ethnic groups,
let them try. It is doubtful this will result in constant modification
of the Caucasus political map. In turn, this means that the idea of
democratic development and welfare of Caucasus will be gone.

GT: There is an impression that your global project is directly linked
to the syndrome called "Caucasian ambition." The South Caucasian
countries have to deny many stereotypes for the sake of peace,
welfare and cooperation. But in the first place, they have to give
up ambitious evaluation of their own dignities, since ambition about
one’s own dignities does not leave room for justice and equality.

NG: We are not alone in our ambitions. The global initiative,
regardless of the presenter, is similar to ours and is a test to
super-powers, regions and global forces. This test is nothing more than
the aspiration that will result in peace and welfare to the people
of the Caucasus. If Caucasian states are able to reach agreement on
mutual welfare and peaceful cohabitation, this will herald a new
era and stage. Otherwise, those who are directing the fate of the
world still wish to divide and rule. In this thorny South Caucasian
problem, the decisive issues will be global geopolitics and the role
of the Caucasian peoples, if they realize the lack of perspective of
separatist policy and territorial seizure. I am sure there is a way
out of this vicious circle, centered on a neutral South Caucasus.

Zemun, A Slice Of Old Austria-Hungary

ZEMUN, A SLICE OF OLD AUSTRIA-HUNGARY
By Aleksandar Vasovic

BalkanInsight.com
13 October 2008
Serbia

It may have been swallowed up by Belgrade in recent decades but
‘Zemunci’ remain fiercely proud of their town and of its very different
history and identity.

One does not always have to leave Belgrade to find oneself in a
completely different place. Right across the confluence of Sava
and Danube and in full view of the Kalemegdan fortress lies Zemun,
or Semlin, as it was called in the days of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Cross the city’s Branko’s bridge and head to the right. Past the former
Communist Party Central Committee tower and the sprawling compound of
the former federal government and another five minutes’ drive brings
you to a town within the city, which is, and isn’t, Belgrade.

In the 1970s, the rapidly expanding city of Belgrade and its
conglomerate of drab apartment blocks enthusiastically called Novi
Beograd (New Belgrade) swallowed up Zemun.

According to historians, a settlement at Zemun dates back as far as
the 3rd Century BC. But the present name was first mentioned in the
12th century, by which time the area formed the southern frontier of
medieval Hungary. As wars devastated the Balkans over the next 500
years, control over Zemun passed back and forth between the Hungarians
and the Ottoman Turks. Habsburg Austrian armies finally took over in
1717, to stay for two centuries.

Zemun grew as a border town, located in a highly strategic position,
next to the Ottomans’ northern fortress of Belgrade. It was a key
port and an assembly point for smugglers, rebels, insurgents, spies
and politicians coming and going from Serbia. The population was
mixed, comprising Serbs, Croats, Hungarians, Germans, Jews, Gypsies,
Armenians, Turks, Slovaks and even a few Italians. "It is like that
even now," says Zdenko, a Zemun-born Croat. "The local community is
more multiethnic than any other in Belgrade and we are proud of that."

After the collapse of Austria-Hungary in 1918, Zemun became a part
of the new Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, later renamed
Yugoslavia. Between 1941 and 1945 it formed part of the Nazi-style
Independent State of Croatia and thousands of Jews and others perished
in a nearby death camp, the Judenlager Zemlin, located at the former
Belgrade Fair compound. After the Partisan victory, it again became
part of Yugoslavia.

In administrative terms, Zemun is now no more than a municipality
of Belgrade. But it still fights to preserve its distinct identity
as a town with a very different history from that of Belgrade. Its
Central European architecture and character remain strikingly different
from those of its more Byzantine neighbour. Locals stubbornly insist
they are "Zemunci", not "Beogradjani". "It is a different mentality,
a different way of living," according to Zdenko.

Sadly, Zemun became famous for altogether different reasons in the
1990s, when the town spawned an infamous underworld clan that played
a key part in the 2003 assassination of prime minister Zoran Djindjic,
among others.

Zemun is best explored on foot, starting at the Danube quay, which
begins right after the Hotel Jugoslavija and is good for rollerblading
and cycling. A sprawling marina that spans more than a kilometre
offers views of roughly half of all the boats moored in Belgrade. For
the tired or the hungry there are plenty of floating restaurants and
cafes, dubbed "splavovi", or rafts, often boasting live music.

Fish, often caught nearby in the Danube, is the real specialty of
Zemun’s restaurants but there is also a good selection of alternatives
on local menus. Venues range from more traditional Stara Carinarnica
(Old Customs Depot), with its exhibition of historic photographs
and artefacts, to Sent Andreja, Kod Kapetana (Captain’s Inn), Saran
(Carp), Reka (River), with its live music and colourful local artwork,
and Radecki (Radetsky), a dilapidated watering hole frequented by
colourful local characters.

Past the Radecki, some steep steps bring amblers to the Old Town,
containing Gardos hill and Pregrevica. With its narrow cobbled streets
and Austro-Hungarian atmosphere, this old quarter is a step back in
time. Dozens of cafés such as Burence (Barrel) or Majcina (the word
forms part of a famous Serbian curse), restaurants and churches dot
the area. The most striking landmark is the Millennium Tower, built
in 1896 on the site of a medieval fort to commemorate the 1,000th
anniversary of the Kingdom of Hungary. Years ago it housed a café
at the top. Now it is in a state of disrepair but it may be restored
soon enough. "It looks a sorry sight now but Belgrade city hall has
allocated funds for renovation," a city official said.

Downtown Zemun has a couple of interesting more modern buildings,
too. The Air Force command is a fine an example of the pre-Second
World War Bauhaus architecture, though it was badly damaged in the
1999 NATO bombing. The Magistrates’ building, near the green market,
is another local landmark. Built in the 19th century, it is worth a
look before taking the road back to Belgrade proper.

–Boundary_(ID_ZlT+za8jWKQOawfhpbGn9g)–

A La Une – Armenie/Turquie : Le Passe Nous Appelle A La Prudence

A LA UNE – ARMéNIE/TURQUIE : LE PASSé NOUS APPELLE A LA PRUDENCE

CollectifVAN.org
Publié le : 13-10-2008
France

Info Collectif VAN – – Le Collectif VAN vous
soumet la traduction de cet article du journal arménien Azg parue
sur le site de la Fédération Euro-Arménienne pour la Justice et la
Démocratie le 12 octobre 2008. La visite du président turc Abdullah
Gul en Arménie et la prochaine visite du Président Serge Sarkissian
ont déclenché l’euphorie des deux côtés de la frontière, plus du
côté turc qu’arménien. C’est comme si les vannes ont été ouvertes
dans la presse turque pour donner une importance historique a cette
tournure des événements.

Avec le blocus et le refus d’établir des relations diplomatiques
avec l’Arménie, Ankara avait l’intention de mettre l’Arménie a
genoux. Bien que cette perspective ne se soit jamais matérialisée,
un ressentiment était né dans le subconscient de la population
arménienne que toutes les difficultés qu’elle a subi, sont venues du
conflit du Karabakh. L’Arménie avait remporté sa première victoire
monumentale depuis mille ans et libéré une partie historique de sa
patrie ancestrale, mais elle n’a jamais été capable de digérer sa
victoire. En fin de compte, sa ténacité a payé.

–Boundary_(ID_EFL+Dv1Xy9Z2hr5lA Sx9NQ)–

www.collectifvan.org

Iraq Police Deployed In Mosul Christian Areas

IRAQ POLICE DEPLOYED IN MOSUL CHRISTIAN AREAS

Middle East Online
2008-10-13
UK

Reinforcements in place

Nearly 1,000 police to patrol Christian areas of northern city of
Mosul to protect them from violence.

MOSUL – Iraq ordered nearly 1,000 police to patrol Christian areas
of the northern city of Mosul on Sunday as thousands of members of
the minority group fled the worst violence against them in five years.

The action came as Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki ordered an immediate
investigation into the murders of Christians in Mosul and pledged to
take all steps necessary to protect the threatened community.

"We will take immediate action to resolve the problems and difficulties
faced by Christians in Mosul," Maliki said in a statement released
by his office after a crisis meeting with two Christian lawmakers.

Two brigades of national police were deployed in the city, considered
by US and Iraqi commanders as the last urban stronghold of Al-Qaeda
in Iraq, interior ministry spokesman Abdul-Karim Khalaf said.

Despite the reinforcements, at least eight people including a
Christian were killed in four separate attacks on Sunday, security
officials said.

Two investigation teams, one security and the other criminal, have
also been sent to probe a spate of attacks on Christians in Mosul
since September 28, in which at least 12 members of the community
have now been killed, Khalaf added.

Police were seen setting up checkpoints at churches in the city’s
four largely Christian areas and were patrolling the streets on foot.

At the Vatican, Pope Benedict XVI on Sunday condemned the violence
against Christians in both Iraq and India.

"I invite you to pray for peace and reconciliation as situations
cause concern and great suffering…. I think of violence against
Christians in Iraq and India," he said.

Nearly 1,000 Christian families have fled their homes in the city
since Friday, taking shelter on the northern and eastern fringes of
Nineveh province, according to provincial governor Duraid Kashmula.

Kashmula said the violence was the worst against Christians in
five years.

"(It) is the fiercest campaign against Christians since 2003,"
Kashmula said on Saturday. "Among those killed over the past 11 days
were a doctor, an engineer and a handicapped person."

At least three homes of Christians were blown up by unidentified
attackers on Saturday, security officials said.

In the latest incidents in the city, at least eight Iraqis were killed
and several dozen wounded in four attacks, including a shooting and
two suicide car bombs aimed at American and Iraqi soldiers, the US
military and police said.

One Christian was killed and his nephew wounded late Sunday when
unidentified gunmen opened fire in the eastern neighbourhood of Hay
al-Ekhaa, an officer with the local police said.

Earlier a suicide car bomb targeting coalition forces killed five and
wounded 10 Iraqis, US army spokesman Staff Sergeant Sam Smith said,
adding that no American soldiers were among the casualties.

Among the dead were three young boys, he said.

"The second car bomb was targeting Iraqi police and wounded 25
Iraqis. We don’t know how many were police or civilians," Smith said.

In another incident, two Iraqis died and three were hurt as a homemade
device exploded outside a prison, a Mosul policeman said.

Since the US-led invasion of 2003 more than 200 Christians had
been killed and a string of churches attacked, with the violence
intensifying in recent weeks, particularly in the north.

There were around 800,000 Christians in Iraq at the time of the
invasion, a number that has since shrunk by around a third as the
faithful have fled the country, according to Chaldean Archbishop
Louis Sako.

In March, the body of the Chaldean archbishop of Mosul, Paul Faraj
Rahho, 65, was found in a shallow grave in the city two weeks after
he was kidnapped as he returned home from celebrating mass.

Iraq’s Christian community includes various denominations, including
Syrian Orthodox and Catholic, Armenian Orthodox and Roman Catholic
congregations.

Matthew Bryza: "We Hope For Azerbaijani And Armenian Presidents’ Mee

MATTHEW BRYZA: "WE HOPE FOR AZERBAIJANI AND ARMENIAN PRESIDENTS’ MEETING IN THE WEEKS COMING"

ArmInfo
2008-10-13 23:02:00

ArmInfo. "We hope that after Azerbaijani and Armenian foreign
ministers’ Bishkek meeting, the next step will be an arrangement of
Azerbaijani and Armenian presidents’ meeting in the weeks coming",
American Co-Chair of OSCE Minsk Group Matthew Bryza told APA.

Commenting on Armenian Prime Minister’s recent statements, Matthew
Bryza noted that he could confirm his county’s position only: "I can
only repeat Vice-President Richard Cheney’s words that we are looking
for a mutually agreed solution variant. This solution variant starts
from the territorial integrity principle of Azerbaijan and covers
other mutually agreed principles". To Matthew Bryza, he will not
arrive in Azerbaijan to follow the presidential elections.