Month: September 2008

The Australian, Australia
Sept 1 2008

Russia to absorb breakaway states

Tony Halpin, Moscow | September 01, 2008

THE Kremlin moved at the weekend to tighten its grip on Georgia’s
breakaway regions as South Ossetia announced it would soon become part
of Russia, which will open military bases in the province under a deal
to be signed tomorrow.

The Deputy Speaker of the South Ossetian parliament, Tarzan Kokoity,
announced that the region would be absorbed into Russia soon so its
people could live in "one united Russian state" with their ethnic kin
in North Ossetia.

The declaration came less than a week after Russia defied Western
criticism and recognised South Ossetia and Georgia’s other separatist
region of Abkhazia as independent states.

South Ossetia’s leader, Eduard Kokoity, agreed it would form part of
Russia within "several years" during talks with Russian President
Dmitri Medvedev in Moscow at the weekend.

The disclosure will expose Russia to accusations it is annexing land
regarded by the West as part of Georgia. Until now, Moscow has
insisted its troops intervened in the region to protect South Ossetia
and Abkhazia from Georgian aggression.

The Interfax news agency quoted a Russian official as saying Moscow
planned to establish two bases in Abkhazia.

Abkhazia’s Foreign Minister, Sergei Shamba, said an agreement on
military co-operation would be signed within a month.

The Russian Foreign Ministry confirmed that agreements on "peace,
co-operation and mutual assistance" with Abkhazia and South Ossetia
were being prepared on the orders of Mr Medvedev. Abkhazia said it
would ask Russia to represent its interests abroad.

Georgia announced it was recalling all diplomatic staff from its
embassy in Moscow in protest at the continued Russian occupation of
its land, saying this was in defiance of the ceasefire agreement
brokered by French President Nicolas Sarkozy.

The parliament in Tbilisi declared Abkhazia and South Ossetia to be
under Russian occupation. Vice-Speaker Gigi Tsereteli dismissed South
Ossetia’s claim to become part of Russia, saying: "The world has
become different, and Russia will not long be able to occupy sovereign
Georgian territory.

"The regimes of Abkhazia and South Ossetia should think about the fact
that if they become part of Russia, they will be assimilated, and in
this way they will disappear."

Georgian Prime Minister Lado Gurgenidze scrapped agreements that
permitted Russian peacekeepers to operate in the two regions after
fighting between separatist and Georgian forces in the early 1990s,
and called for their replacement by international troops.

Moscow’s ambassador to Georgia, Vyacheslav Kovalenko, described
Tbilisi’s decision to sever relations as "a step towards further
escalation of tensions with Russia, and the desire to drive the
situation into an even worse deadlock".

Russia criticised the Group of Seven after the US, Britain, France,
Germany, Italy, Canada and Japan condemned its "excessive use of
military force" in Georgia. In a joint statement, they called on
Russia to "implement in full" the French ceasefire agreement.

The Russian Foreign Ministry said the G7 was "justifying Georgian acts
of aggression" and insisted Moscow had met its obligations under the
six-point peace agreement.

Having been rebuffed on Thursday by China and four central Asian
states, Russia will seek support next week from the Collective
Security Treaty Organisation for its recognition of Abkhazia and South
Ossetia.

The CSTO comprises Russia and the six former Soviet republics of
Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.

The signing of the military agreement with South Ossetia will take
place the day after a summit of European Union leaders to discuss the
crisis.

Russia lashed out at NATO, saying it had "no moral right" to pass
judgment on the recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Meanwhile,
the US confirmed that the flagship of its Sixth Fleet, the USS Mount
Whitney, would deliver humanitarian aid and supplies to Georgia next
week. Two other US warships are already moored off Georgia’s Black Sea
port of Batumi.

Mr Medvedev has accused the US of shipping weapons to Georgia along
with aid.

, Turkey
Aug 31 2008

Turkish PM hints President Gul to visit Armenia
Turkey’s PM Erdogan signalled that President Gul might have actually decided to accept invitation of Armenian President Serzh Sargsian.
Sunday, 31 August 2008 15:32

Turkey’s Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who attended the August
30th victory reception hosted at the Gazi officer’s club in Ankara,
signalled Saturday that President Abdullah Gul might travel to
Armenia.

Commenting on the possibility of President Abdullah Gul’s travelling
to Armenia for a national soccer match after decades of no diplomatic
exchange with this country, Erdogan said he wished it would bring
positive results, hinting that the President might have actually
decided to accept invitation of Armenian President Serzh Sargsian.

Erdogan also said Turkey’s Foreign Minister Ali Babacan would
accompany Gul during the trip to discuss relations with Armenia.

However, Gul, who also attended the reception, told reporters that
they did not reach a decision on the matter yet saying that they were
still contemplating.

Armenian President Sargsian, who publicly declared that he would
shortly take steps to revive relations with Turkey, has recently
invited his Turkish counterpart Gul to Armenia to watch together the
2010 World Cup qualifying round game between the two countries on
September 6th.

Yerivan based Mediamax news agency quoted Sargsian as having said this
game "would contribute to normalisation of relations between the two
countries," during a visit to Moscow in June.

On July 24th, Babacan expressed Turkey’s willingness to normalize
relations with Armenia at a press conference in New York, saying that
Turkey also wanted to create an atmosphere of dialogue with Armenia.

Referring to letters Turkish president, prime minister and other high
level officials sent to their Armenian counterparts shortly after the
recent elections in this country, Babacan had announced that these
letters aimed at opening a new door of dialogue with the new
(Armenian) administration.

Babacan said it was natural for Turkey –whose aim was to have zero
problems with its neighbors– to expect concrete steps from Armenia
and expressed his belief that Turkey’s problems could be solved
through dialogue, and underlined importance of setting up a joint
committee of historians to deal with the incidents of 1915.

Later in July, Armenian Foreign Minister Eduard Nalbandian told
Mediamax that they wanted to normalise relations with
Turkey. Nalbandian said to this end they wished Gul would accept
Sargsian’s invitation to watch the qualifier in Yerevan, adding that
it would create an opportunity to discuss bilateral relations.

Nalbandian said Armenia took a step by inviting Gul. "This initiative
received positive response in the international arena. Now it is
Turkey’s turn."

Relations with Armenia

While Turkey recognized the independence of the new Armenian State in
1992 along with the international community after the collapse of the
Soviet Union, it suspended diplomatic relations with this country when
it (Armenia) invaded Azarbaijan’s territory.

Despite this Ankara has taken some concrete steps aiming to establish
good neighbourly relations with this country, while Yerevan made
demands like "talks without preconditions" or "opening of the border
passes", which merely postponed the solution of existing problems.

Turkey sent food stuff to Armenia as humanitarian aid, started
schedules flights between Istanbul and Yerevan, allowed around 70
thousand Armenian citizens to work in Turkey, and restored some
Armenian artifacts in Anatolia depicting Armenian life.

However Armenia did not take any constructive steps about
controversial issues between the two countries like; its ongoing
invasion of Azarbaijan territory for 15 years, making Armenian
allegations regarding 1915 incidents as a priority in its foreign
policy, remarks of high level Armenian officials including Sargsian
suggesting that the current border line between Turkey and Armenia was
illegitimate and their claim to Eastern Turkey with the title "Western
Armenia", use of Mount Agri located in Eastern Turkey as a state
symbol.

AA

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Reuters, UK
Aug 31 2008

Moldova rebel region recognises S.Ossetia, Abkhazia

31 Aug 2008 12:06:53 GMT
Source: Reuters
By Dmitry Chubashenko

TIRASPOL, Moldova, Aug 31 (Reuters) – Moldova’s breakaway region of
Transdniestria followed Russia’s lead on Sunday by recognising
Georgia’s breakaway Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states.

But the move is unlikely to ease Russia’s diplomatic isolation:
Transdniestria itself is not recognised internationally and no state
has so far joined Russia in recognising the two Georgian regions.

Relations between Moscow and the West sunk to a new low last week
after President Dmitry Medvedev recognised the breakaway regions, just
weeks after a brief conflict with Georgia over its breakaway South
Ossetia region.

Moldova, located between Ukraine and EU-member Romania, fought a brief
war in Transdniestria in the early 1990s after the region declared
independence. The fighting ceased after Russia intervened and an
uneasy peace still holds.

"We have recognised each other," Transdniestria’s self-styled
president Igor Smirnov told an annual news conference that precedes
the Transdniestrian Independence Day on Sept. 2. "I once again
congratulate our brothers in Abkhazia and South Ossetia."

Transdniestria is one of several "frozen conflicts" resulting from the
breakup of the Soviet Union. These also include Georgia’s two regions
and Nagorno-Karabakh, which sparked a war between Azerbaijan and
Armenia in the 1990s.

Nagorno-Karabakh has also recognised South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
Russian allies Belarus and Venezuela have expressed support for
Russia’s recognition but have stopped short of granting recognition
themselves. (Writing by Sabina Zawadzki; editing by Tony Austin)

The Associated Press
Aug 31 2008

Russia support for separatists could have ripples
By PAISLEY DODDS

LONDON (AP) – Russia’s conflict with Georgia and recognition of its
small breakaway territories as independent states may have broad
repercussions for separatist movements in the former Soviet sphere and
around the world.

The crisis could give a jolt of energy to other breakaway regions,
especially those with links to Russia, or embolden China to pursue a
tougher line in Tibet and Taiwan in the absence of tough Western
measures.

"Any country that has a potential separatist movement will view the
events in Georgia through its own unique prism," Richard Holbrooke,
the former U.S. envoy who mediated peace in Bosnia in the mid-1990s,
told The Associated Press.

"But the greatest cause for concern lies in the Ukraine, Azerbaijan
and Moldova – all states that border Russia."

With the exception of the Balkans, post-Soviet era Europe has grown
accustomed to the notion of territorial integrity as stable – if not
sacrosanct.

Russian’s push into Georgia and its recognition of the territories of
South Ossetia and Abkhazia have undermined this status quo – and may
start to warm up so-called "frozen conflicts" in Moldova’s
Trans-Dniester region and Azerbaijan’s Nagorno-Karabakh, where Moscow
backs separatist movements.

Azerbaijan and Armenia are locked in conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh,
which is encircled by Azerbaijan but controlled by ethnic Armenian
forces. Russia has close historical and economic ties to Armenia,
which surrendered control of key sectors of its economy to Russia in
exchange for debt forgiveness.

For the Kremlin, the stakes in oil-rich Azerbaijan have been raised by
Washington’s plan to build a military base there – a project that has
incensed the Russians, who have a large military installation in
Armenia with hundreds of personnel, fighter jets and air defense
systems.

Russia also continues to back the breakaway Russian-speaking province
of Trans-Dniester, that has split from Moldova over its feared
reunification with Romania.

Russian troops remain stationed in the province to guard a huge
stockpile of Soviet-era military equipment. It’s a situation with
eerie echoes to South Ossetia – the flashpoint of the Russia-Georgia
conflict – where Russia kept "peacekeepers" before the eruption of
this month’s war.

"By illegally recognizing the Georgian territories of Abkhazia and
South Ossetia, Dmitry Medvedev – Russia’s president – made clear that
Moscow’s goal is to redraw the map of Europe using force," Georgian
President Mikhail Saakashvili wrote in an editorial that appeared in
the Financial Times on Friday.

Perhaps nowhere are concerns about Russian designs in its
"near-abroad" so acute as in Ukraine.

The country the size of France with a population of 46 million has
long held a special place in Russian hearts and Moscow has been
humiliated by its drive to join the European Union and NATO.

Many now fear Moscow has its sights on the strategic Crimea peninsula
on the Black Sea – once one of the glories of the Russian empire.

Russia has not explicitly declared it wants to regain control of
Crimea but nearly 1.2 million of the region’s 2 million residents are
ethnic Russians, many of whom believe Crimea should be Russian.

Russia has a lease that gives it control of the Sevastopol military
base until 2017 and has hinted that it does not want to leave when the
lease runs out.

The events in the Caucasus have been watched closely by a resurgent
China, which has tried to extinguish separatist movements in Tibet and
its far western province of Xinjiang, where Beijing says radicals are
trying to set up an Islamic state.

For Beijing, the Russia-Georgia conflict may be double-edged.

On one hand, the spectacle of South Ossetia and Abkhazia making a big
leap toward independence with Moscow’s backing may send chills through
the Chinese ruling elite as it struggles with its own separatist
movements.

On the other, the Kremlin’s use of military might to reassert
dominance in a region it considers own backyard could set a valuable
precedent for Beijing as it maneuvers to assert its will in places
like Taiwan – which China has vowed to take back by force if
necessary.

That may account for Beijing’s ambivalent response to Russia’s request
for support at a meeting last week in Tajikistan.

China, along with four Central Asian nations, refused to endorse the
invasion or recognize the breakaway provinces – but also criticized
the West and signed a statement praising the "active role of Russia in
promoting peace and cooperation" in the region.

"We have our Western friends and those in Central Asia who are not in
agreement with Russian actions. But we also have a strong relationship
with Russia," said Shi Yinhong, a professor of international relations
at People’s University in Beijing.

"So China just needs to take a middle road."

The Georgian conflict is unlikely to have a direct effect on
separatist movements elsewhere but may provide a strong psychological
boost – and teach irredentists the value of cultivating powerful
patrons.

In Spain, the Basque separatist group ETA’s fight for an independent
homeland has steadily lost support after a long and deadly battle that
has killed hundreds in terror attacks. Any sign of separatists
triumphing elsewhere in Europe may help revive morale among Spain’s
separatists.

"The Georgian conflict isn’t likely to have a direct effect on the
emergence of new separatist or secessionist movements but it has the
potential to create a long-term precedent," said Nicu Popescu with the
European Council on Foreign Relations.

Cellular-News, UK
Aug 31 2008

Three Firms Shortlisted for Armenian Mobile License

Three companies, Orange, Tele2 and Ireland based Blackrock
Communications have been shortlisted for Armenia’s 3rd mobile operator
license. A statement from the Transportation and Communication
Ministry said that although 17 companies applied for the tender
documents, only six companies submitted a bid, Orange, CEO Blackrock
Communications, V-Tel, Tele2, Auroratel and PJ Engineering.

The three companies now have forty days to submit their formal bids
and the winners should be announced within a few weeks of the closing
date.

Armenia currently has two mobile networks, Armentel (majority owned by
Russia’s VimpelCom) and VivaCell (majority owned by Russia’s
MTS). Russia’s other main operator, Megafon had been regularly cited
as the certain winner of the tender – so the shortlist has proven to
be a surprise.

Armenia’s Public Services Regulatory Commission (PSRC) announced the
tender last month and said that there will be a reserve price of US$16
million for the license and the winner will be required to invest a
minimum of US$320 million in the network rollout.

The two incumbent operators have confirmed that they will launch 3G
services shortly.

Figures from the Mobile World show that the country ended last year
with a shade under 3 million subscribers – representing a population
penetration level of 61%.

The Daily Star, Bangladesh
Sept 1 2008

Luxury tomtoms on last legs

400 Years of Dhaka
by Shahnaz Parveen

A quaintly decorated tomtom on a city street. Photo: Syed Zakir Hossain

Gani Mia, the 20-year-old kochoan (coachman), was feeling quite
blissful sitting on his newly decorated carriage tomtom, though yoked
to two malnourished horses. Compared to the dreary look of other
tomtoms standing nearby, Gani’s one was shimmering amidst the hustle
and bustle of Gulistan.

The red rexin hood with yellow tassels is hanging from four corners
over the red seats while the rest of the tomtom’s body has spotless
white decoration.

`This is my dream job. I only wish I could ride my carriage in a more
open road. This horrible traffic jam ruins all the fun,’ said Gani,
oblivious of the fact that he has been carrying on with a 200-year-old
heritage of the city.

Gani, who has been a kochoan for the last eight years, said during
weekends he usually stands near places where people spend leisure time
such as Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban or Dhaka University campus. `Many people
still admire horse carriage and hire it for a brief joy ride on
weekends or special festival days,’ he noted.

However, during weekdays the carriages become passenger carriers
plying from Sadarghat to Gulistan. The route starts from Sadarghat
launch terminal and ends at Gulistan near Golap Shah Mazar via English
Road, Johnson Road and Nababpur Road.

Although designed for six, these vehicles are usually crammed with as
many as 12 persons in every trip. The fare for a trip from Sadarghat
to Gulistan is Tk 12. To hire the carriage for a special occasion it
will cost about Tk 400 to Tk 500 per hour.

The owner earns around Tk 1500 of which Tk 500 is spent on feeding the
horses.

Usually run by young boys the carriages make six or seven trips
daily. Most of them stay at the carriage owner’s place. Their job also
includes taking care of the horses and the cart.

Gani said most horses are brought from Bikrampur and Mymensingh area
and they can run till the age of 11 or 12. However, most of these
animals and the carts are in an appalling condition. Good breed of
imported horses are very expensive, he said.

According to eminent historian Prof Muntasir Mamoon horse carriage was
on the only mode of transport in Dhaka city back in the 19th century.

The first horse carriage landed in Dhaka from Kolkata in mid-19th
century. According to Prof Mamoon, it was brought in by the Armenian
community who used to live in Dhaka at that time and played an
important role in trade in Bengal.

"By the end of 19th century horse carriage became the main mode of
transport in Dhaka. Following the colonial culture, local zamindars
and the elite started using it to flaunt their status," he said.

After the arrival of horse carriages the roads of Dhaka had to be
redesigned and renovated with materials suited to its need.

According to Prof Mamoon, there were various designs of this carriage
available in Kolkata. In Dhaka, however, the palki style became very
popular. As the name suggests it was designed following another
traditional transport, palki.

The horse carriage of today is a slight modification of sedan, used
mostly by the zamindars and rich of that period. Palki was more
popular among the middle class.

The palki gari had four wooden wheels and was usually pulled by two
horses. The sitting area had wooden roof and was covered from all
sides just like a palki. Unlike the ones we see today it was designed
for six passengers.

The driver of the horse carriage is called the kochoan or
sahis. Besides, the zamindars always had one attendant standing at the
rear of the carriage.

Tomtom is the carriage pulled by one horse. The carriages have
different names in different areas such as tanga, jurigari or
ekka. These were mostly two-wheel without roof.

Painter and cartoonist Rafiqunnabi (Ranabi) lived for many years at
Narinda in Old Dhaka from 1950s. Nabi described the horse carriage he
saw during his childhood.

"I was a student of class three when my family arrived in Dhaka in
1953. I saw this fascinating transport for the first time when we got
off from the train at Fulbaria station. Outside the station stood the
four-wheeled gorgeous ride," Nabi recalls.

He said the horse carriage was a common mode of transport at a time
when motorcars were very few in Dhaka. From Gulistan to Sadarghat the
fare was Tk 1 in the 1960s.

Prof Mamoon said until 1950s horse carriage was the main transport of
Dhaka. After that the city gradually became modern. With the arrival
of motor vehicles, horse-drawn carriages could not compete
anymore. Its usage died out with the passage of time.

Today only 20 to 30 horse carriages are left in the city to carry on
with the century-old heritage. The owners have to take licence from
the wheel tax department of Dhaka City Corporation for running the
carriage in the street.

Pakistan Daily, Pakistan
Sept 1 2008

Turkey tries to promote peace in Caucasus region

Monday, 01 September 2008 01:08

Turkey has proposed forming a regional cooperation group to stabilise
the Caucasus region following the war between Russia and Georgia.

The group would include Turkey and four nearby Caucasus nations –
Russia, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia – Turkish Foreign Minister Ali
Babacan said on Sunday.

Babacan detailed the proposal during a visit to Turkey by Georgian
Foreign Minister Eka Tkeshelashvili. She said Georgia would only
consider joining such a group after Russian forces leave her
country. `It is hard for us to consider cooperation without the
cease-fire being fully implemented,” said Tkeshelashvili.

French President Nicolas Sarkozy crafted a cease-fire agreement
between Russia and Georgia after the war broke out on Aug 7 over
Georgia’s separatist republic of South Ossetia. Georgia and some other
European nations say Russia has ignored the agreement’s requirement to
return all forces to pre war positions. `We are waiting for Russia to
keep its promise first. We won’t take part in cooperation before we
know Russia can be a reliable partner,” Tkeshelashvili said.

The so-called Caucasia Cooperation and Stability Platform would also
include Armenia and Turkey’s Muslim ally Azerbaijan, two South
Caucasus nations that are locked in a dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh,
Babacan said.

Nagorno-Karabakh has been under control of ethnic Armenian forces
since a six-year conflict that erupted in the waning days of the
Soviet Union. Some 30,000 people were killed and about 1 million
driven from their homes before a cease-fire was reached in 1994.

Persistent gunfire along the Azerbaijan-Armenian border and in regions
near Nagorno-Karabakh has raised fears of a new war. Turkey has no
diplomatic ties with Armenia and the Turkish-Armenian border has been
closed for years. Turkey objects to Armenian forces’ occupation of
Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenia insists the deaths of about 1.5 million
ethnic Armenians in the early 20th century should be recognized as
genocide. Turkey says the number is inflated and that killings were
result of civil war. Babacan said he had discussed the cooperation
group with his Azeri counterpart, and that a Turkish delegation would
visit Armenia this week for talks about the proposed pact. Russian
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov will also visit Turkey on Tuesday to
discuss Turkey’s proposal, Babacan said.

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Sept 1 2008

ErdoÄ?an says Gül will visit Yerevan, Gül cautious

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip ErdoÄ?an has indicated that
President Abdullah Gül will go to Yerevan next week to watch a
World Cup qualifying game between national teams of the two countries,
but Gül remains cautious on the matter, saying he is still
considering whether to accept the invitation from his Armenian
counterpart, Serzh Sarksyan.

ErdoÄ?an was speaking to reporters about the Caucasus Stability
and Cooperation Platform, a scheme that calls for new methods of
crisis management and conflict resolution, on Saturday evening at a
reception held by the General Staff command at Gazi Orduevi in Ankara
for Victory Day. Ankara aims at bringing Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia
and Turkey around the same table via this platform.

"Why did we call this [initiative] the ‘Caucasus Stability and
Cooperation Platform’? Why is Armenia included in this, why is Georgia
included in this? Because we chose [them] for inclusion [in the
platform] on a geographic basis. We have to succeed in this so that
the region will become a region of welfare and ease," ErdoÄ?an
was quoted as saying by the Anatolia news agency.

Following these remarks, ErdoÄ?an was asked whether he wanted
Mr. President to go to Yerevan for the match, in an apparent reference
to Sarksyan’s invitation to Gül to watch the World Cup
qualifying game between the national teams of the two countries on
Sept. 6.

"I hope it will be good," ErdoÄ?an said, adding, "The Armenia
dimension ¦ our foreign minister will accompany him [President
Gül] and a meeting will take place there," in remarks
interpreted as Gül having decided to go to Yerevan and that
Foreign Minister Ali Babacan would also accompany him in order to have
talks there concerning Armenia’s participation in the Caucasus
Stability and Cooperation Platform.

At the same reception, however, when asked whether he would go to
Yerevan, Gül reiterated what he has been saying for the past
few weeks, stating that his evaluation of the issue is still ongoing.

Turkey closed its border with Armenia and severed formal ties after
Armenia occupied Nagorno-Karabakh. Normalization of ties depends on
Armenian withdrawal from the Azerbaijani territory, Yerevan shelving
support for Armenian diaspora efforts to win international recognition
for Armenian genocide claims and formal recognition by Armenia of the
current border with Turkey.

Azerbaijan, Turkey’s regional and ethnic ally, is likely to be
offended by any rapprochement between Turkey and Armenia. But the
recent crisis in the Caucasus may force a rethinking of regional
balances. The Russian operation in Georgia raised questions about the
security of regional transportation and energy transfer lines. With
its Armenian border closed, Turkey relies on Georgia as an outlet to
the Caucasus.

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Sept 1 2008

Turkish delegation to visit Armenia for Caucasus talks

A Turkish Foreign Ministry delegation will visit Yerevan this week to
discuss a proposed platform for the troubled Caucasus, Foreign
Minister Ali Babacan announced yesterday.

Babacan, speaking at a joint press conference with his Georgian
counterpart, Eka Tkeshelashvili in Ä°stanbul, said the
delegation will present Turkish ideas concerning the Caucasus
Stability and Cooperation Platform, proposed by Turkey as a mechanism
to develop conflict resolution methods among the Caucasus
countries. The proposed platform is planned to be made up of Turkey,
Russia, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia.

"Next week, a delegation from the ministry will go to Yerevan. They
will discuss this issue ahead of a possible visit by our president to
Armenia," Babacan said, referring to a visit President Abdullah
Gül is expected to make to Yerevan at the invitation of his
Armenian counterpart, Serzh Sarksyan, to watch a World Cup qualifying
game between the national teams of the two countries on Saturday.

"We will present our views concerning the Caucasus platform to our
counterparts in Yerevan." The visit of the Turkish diplomats to
Yerevan marks a turning point in Turkey-Armenia relations, frozen
since 1993 following Armenian occupation of a chunk of Azerbaijani
territory over a dispute in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Turkey was
one of the first countries to recognize Armenia as an independent
state following the collapse of the Soviet Union, but they have no
formal ties. The Foreign Ministry recently confirmed that there have
been contacts between diplomats of the two countries in a third
country.

The question of how to establish contact between the estranged
neighbors Turkey and Armenia is just one of the obstacles that the
proposed Caucasus platform faces. Azerbaijan is unlikely to warm to
any sort of cooperation or contact with Armenia due to the continued
occupation of Nagorno-Karabakh. Georgia, for its part, refuses any
contact with Russia unless Russian forces withdraw from Georgia.

Tkeshelashvili reiterated in Ä°stanbul that what Russia must do
now is to withdraw from Georgian territory and fully implement a
cease-fire agreement. After that Georgia can begin assessing proposals
for contacts with Russia in a multilateral setting, she said. Russia,
she said, should see that it cannot act the way it used to in the
past.

She said Russia declared part of Georgian territory as independent
states, referring to South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which Russia
recognized last month, and called for joint effort to reverse Russia’s
"expansionist" policies.

Babacan admitted there were problems in implementing the Caucasus
platform, which calls for regional conflict resolution mechanisms and
broader economic cooperation among the five countries
involved. "People are wondering when we can officially start
this. This will happen when the conditions are ripe," he said. "Every
country has their stances and concerns. We will talk about
these. There will be intense diplomacy traffic. When the guns are
silenced, it’s time for diplomacy."

Analysts say with so many issues of dispute among the five countries,
the idea to bring them around the same table to discuss disputes could
be mere wishful thinking. But contacts have been intense since Prime
Minister Recep Tayyip ErdoÄ?an announced the
proposal. ErdoÄ?an has visited Moscow, Tbilisi and Baku to
discuss the proposal. The Azerbaijani foreign minister had talks in
Ankara on Friday and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov is
expected to arrive in Ä°stanbul today for talks on Tuesday.

"We need to shape the future of the Caucasus together," Babacan
said. "It is a time when we need to take brave steps to prevent the
regional tension from turning into global turmoil. Channels of
dialogue must be kept open," he added.

Azerbaijan worries

Analysts warn that contacts with Armenia could offend Azerbaijan,
Turkey’s regional ally which also shares close ethnic and linguistic
ties. Babacan assured his Azerbaijani counterpart, Elmar Mammadyarov,
on Friday that Turkey was a strategic partner of Azerbaijan in all
areas but signs of tension were visible during the one-day visit. The
two ministers gave a very brief press statement after their talks and
Mammadyarov said before meeting Babacan that his country would
consider "profitability" concerning a Russian proposal to buy
Azerbaijani oil, a move that would undermine a US-backed pipeline to
transfer Caspian oil to Europe via Turkey.

The government’s apparent plans to initiate dialogue with Armenia are
receiving criticism at home as well. Main opposition Republican
People’s Party (CHP) leader Deniz Baykal told reporters yesterday that
the government was trying to reverse the official policy without
Armenia meeting any of the conditions requested by Turkey for
normalization of ties.

He warned against alienating Azerbaijan, saying this country is of
vital importance for Turkey in many respects. "I want the government
to refrain from taking any step that would harm Azerbaijan," he said
and added that he would rather go to Baku than to Yerevan to watch the
World Cup game.

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Sept 1 2008

Black Sea Euroregion initiative needed more than ever’

Yavuz Mildon, president of the Council of Europe’s Congress of Local
and Regional Authorities (CLRA), says they are planning a second
Euroregion in the Black Sea whose bylaws will be open for signature on
Sept. 26 in Varna.

The congress launched the first Euroregion in Adriatic in 2006, he
said, but the task is more difficult in the Black Sea: "The political
climate in the Black Sea region is not quite warm as in the
Adriatic. So signatures would be collected in more time, not
immediately."

Mildon says Turkish and Russian participation in the initiative is
uncertain and points out that they do not aim to form a political
institution, but an institution to facilitate direct cooperation among
the provinces in the region. Referring to the brief war between
Georgia and Russia, he says it is important to have Russia and Georgia
around the table, because "big conflicts can be solved with the
efforts of the local administrations."

Mildon, elected president at the end of May by a unanimous vote,
elaborated on the role of the local administrations and changes to
Turkish laws regarding local authorities in an interview for Monday
Talk.

First of all, congratulations on your election as president. Have
there been any changes at the Congress of Local and Regional
Authorities since your election?

Thank you. We brought a 30 percent quota for women at all 47 national
representative delegations at the congress. It’s been a great pleasure
for me that a step toward increasing women’s political participation
has been taken during my term. Following this measure, we should work
toward increasing women candidates. I am hopeful to see more women
candidates in Turkish local elections next year as well.

At the local administrations level, Turkey’s record is embarrassing
when we look at women’s participation. There are 3,225 elected mayors
and only 18 of them are women, compared to an EU average of 20 percent
women. What can be done to improve this record?

We need special programs geared toward solving this problem. The main
problem is that a lot of Turkish women have not gained their economic
independence yet. For becoming a candidate in any election, you need
necessary financial resources. Except being a mayor, most local
positions are voluntary, so you need income from other sources, either
from your salaried job or business, to support yourself. Several
political party leaders in Turkey are working toward achieving more
women’s participation. In addition, the Turkish public expects this as
well.

What are the recent trends in Europe at the local and regional
administrations levels, and how can Turkey catch up?

Turkey’s municipalities need to develop more strategies at the local
level to catch up with all the developments — because provincial
councils are not passive as they used to be — and start to make their
voices heard more and more at the regional level. The EU has funds to
support developments, but on a project basis. Therefore, Turkish
administrations need to increase the number of projects.

What kind of projects can they develop?

There are many areas, from health and education to environment and
culture. Turkey does not have enough projects in that regard, even
though the latest changes in the law regarding municipality budgets
revenue gave the municipalities more financial power. The
municipalities now have about 45 percent more revenue and they should
use it to serve the people. The Council of Europe would follow the
developments in all member states regarding the issue. We should not
forget that local and regional administrations plus the civil society
organization, are going to carry Turkey to the European Union. It’s
not realistic to have expectations only from the government to realize
Turkey’s membership in the EU. Municipalities and civil society groups
have a major role in this direction, so they should be in close
partnership with each other. The local and regional administrations
should open their doors wide to civil groups in order to have a voice
in the EU. Just having rules changed and laws passed is not enough. We
need to see implementation. ¦ And in the implementation process, we
need to see more transparency to comply with the principles of the
Council of Europe.

What are those principles?

Human rights, democracy and the rule of law. I want to give an example
from Austria. A regional parliament member from Austria — at the same
time an active member of the congress that I am heading — once had a
record as a careless driver, and his driving license was
suspended. Next day he was found to be driving again. Following that,
his party asked for his resignation and he was erased from the
political arena.

We know that Turkey has been under observation at the general
parliamentary level by the Council of Europe. Is it watching Turkey at
the local level as well?

Yes, this is the job of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities
of the Council of Europe.

Are there any scheduled observations?

Yes, rapporteurs will be in Turkey in October or November to prepare a
report. One of the rapporteurs is Anders Knape, president of the
Swedish Association of Local Authorities, and the one is Hans Ulrich
Stockling, former minister of education of Switzerland.

How often do such rapporteurs come to Turkey?

They may come in response to some complaints as well. In the past,
they have come in 2001 and 2005.

What type of complaints do they receive, and from whom?

It’s usually been the southeastern municipalities presenting some
written complaints regarding some issues. And Turkey has responded to
those. The complaints are usually related to technical issues and
there are some big issues related to the circumstances in the
Southeast too, but those concern the Turkish government.

Should Turkey expect a lot of criticism in the report that has yet to
be prepared?

In the latest report in 2005, the biggest problem was that the law
regarding municipality revenues had not been passed, although other
laws on municipalities and their responsibilities had passed. The
municipalities would have the responsibility to meet demands without
resources. So this main wrong has been corrected, and we don’t expect
a major problem.

You also point out the international role of the local
administrations. Would you elaborate on that?

Local and regional administrations have started to take on roles in
diplomacy. We call that `city diplomacy.’ I’ll explain that with an
example. After the latest crisis in Georgia subsides, I believe
Turkish municipalities will play a key role in helping out with the
problems of the municipalities in Georgia. The Georgian municipalities
will need support to correct their infrastructure, plus support in
strengthening their local democracies. And Turkish municipalities have
been good examples for Azerbaijani municipalities and municipalities
in the Balkans. I’m planning a visit to both Russia and Georgia in
September. I will go to both South and North Ossetia, because from day
one of the conflict there have been thousands of people who have moved
from the south to the north. We will document the damage to the
infrastructure and make sure ways of convening local and regional
assemblies remain open.

Are there new international projects of the Congress?

We are planning a second Euroregion in the Black Sea. On Sept. 26 in
Varna, we will open its bylaws for signature. We also had our
preparatory meeting in [the Turkish Black Sea province of] Samsun.

Where is the first Euroregion?

We launched it in the Adriatic in 2006. It is important that those
Euroregions cover both member and non-member states. So all regions
around the Adriatic has been members. However, political climate in
the Black Sea region is not quite warm as in the Adriatic. So
signatures would be collected in more time, not immediately.

What would a Black Sea Euroregion yield?

In the Black Sea, the intergovernmental platform has been represented
by the Black Sea Economic Cooperation] BSEC [inter parliamentary
platform has been represented by PABSEC [Parliamentary Assembly of the
Black Sea Economic Cooperation]. There has not been an
inter-territorial platform, and that’s what we are trying to
establish. We don’t aim to form a political institution. For example,
the northern Black Sea province of Sinop can have more cooperation
with Ukraine’s Odessa in the cultural and economic fields within the
limits of municipality issues. Look at the world during World War
II. They were able to make long-lasting peace due to the cooperation
of the local administrations. And in today’s circumstances, it is
important to have Russia and Georgia around the table, because big
conflicts can be solved with the efforts of the local authorities.

What are the countries which are likely to support the Black Sea
Euroregion initiative?

As EU member states, Bulgaria and Romania want to take an active role
in this. Armenia said that it will participate. Ukraine is positive. A
region in Georgia will be represented. We don’t know the attitudes of
Turkey and Russia yet. I think the Turkish Interior Ministry will
participate and some Black Sea provinces of Turkey will be in Varna.

Do you plan to have more Euroregions?

We are planning another in the Baltic.

In various positions on the Council of Europe, you served as observer
of elections in many new democracies. What have you seen in those
places?

I served as an elections observer in new democracies such as Albania,
Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia. The Council of Europe
played a big role in the democratic transition of these countries,
especially at the local administration level. We base our principles
on a document that requires autonomy at the local administrative
level. This basic document of the Council of Europe has been signed by
almost all 47 countries and has been implemented. Election observation
has played a crucial role in the new democracies because they complied
with our reports to improve their systems.

Would you give a few examples regarding your observations in those
countries?

One thing immediately comes to mind. The head of the family would come
to the [polls] and cast votes for the members of the family. This had
widespread application but has been reduced nowadays.

Have you noticed any such cases in Turkey?

Even if there are some, those are few. I should note that the Turkish
election system is much better than a lot of Western democracies. I
say that especially after seeing what has happened as a result of the
election in Florida in 2000. And the Council of Europe has played a
key role in Turkey, too. As I mentioned, it prepared a report based on
election observations in 2001 and 2005. There will be another one
coming up. The 2005 report was prepared after Turkey passed new laws
regarding special administration of its provinces.

What are those changes specifically?

Those laws helped Turkey’s democratization process a lot. As a result,
the office of the governor has been reformed. Previously, the head of
the provincial council was the governor. Now, the head of the
provincial council is elected among the members of the provincial
council. The [Justice and Development Party] AK Party government was
courageous enough to pass those laws that were not previously changed
by other governments.

Why?

It is not so easy to change established institutions like the system
regarding the governor because the system has been there for at least
a hundred years. Even the Western democracies have difficulties in
doing that, though they often give advice to Turkey.

Could you talk about those difficulties in the West?

Take France, for example. They have a regional structure; first a
central government, then regions, then departments and then
communes. There are 36,000 communes in France. They know that so many
communes are not necessary but they cannot reform it. In one commune,
called Verdun, there are no constituents, but a mayor!

Yavuz Mildon He was elected by unanimous vote on May 27 as the
President of the Council of Europe Congress of Local and Regional
Authorities, which represents over 200,000 communities in 47
countries. He is also the leader of the Turkish delegation to the
congress and has been a member of the Provincial Council of
Ã?anakkale since 1994. He joined the Congress of Local and
Regional Authorities in 1995. He was elected vice president of the
Chamber of Regions in 2000 and president of the chamber in
2004. Occupying a variety of posts, including member of the Standing
Committee, he acted as rapporteur on several occasions, particularly
on regional democracy in Moldova and Albania.

He was president of the Gelibolu Chamber of Commerce and Industry from
1988 to 1992 and a member (2000) then chair (2002) of the Board of the
Unions of Seafood and Meat Exporters of Turkey. He runs the Mildon
Fish and Shellfish Company in Gelibolu and has been chairman of this
seafood export company since the 1980s.

01 September 2008, Monday
YONCA POYRAZ DOÄ?AN Ä°STANBUL