BAKU: Azerbaijan Hands Ethnic Armenian Over To Breakaway Karabakh

AZERBAIJAN HANDS ETHNIC ARMENIAN OVER TO BREAKAWAY KARABAKH

Azeri Press Agency
Aug 19 2008
Azerbaijan

Baku, 19 August: A resident of the village of Macqala in Xocavand
District [in Azerbaijan’s breakaway Nagornyy Karabakh region], Hrant
Samvelovich Gabrielyan, born in 1981, was handed over to the opposite
[Armenian] side today [19 August], the State Commission on Prisoners
of War, Hostages and Missing Persons told APA.

Gabrielyan had been detained by an Azerbaijani woman on May 16 and
handed to Azerbaijani servicemen.

The handover took place near the village of Bas Qarvand in Agdam
District at 1430 [0930 gmt] today.

Representatives from the state commission and the Baku office of the
International Committee of the Red Cross participated in this process.

Bloody Launch Of The Turkish Sector Of The Kars-Akhalkalaki Railway

BLOODY LAUNCH OF THE TURKISH SECTOR OF THE KARS-AKHALKALAKI RAILWAY

Hayots Ashkharh
July 26 2008
Armenia

The dramatic events recorded in [Georgian province of
Samtskhe-]Javakheti on the eve of the official launch of the
Turkish section of the Kars-Akhalkalaki-[Tbilisi-Baku] railway
[connecting Turkey and Azerbaijan via Georgia] show that even peaceful
Turkish-Azerbaijani initiatives have a bloody conclusion for us,
Armenians.

It is more than obvious that before the launch of the construction of
the Kars-Akhalkalaki railway, the clashes that started in Akhalkalaki
on 17 July were the result of simple provocation by the Georgian
special services. These were aimed at demonstrating the resoluteness of
the Georgian government to carry out the construction of the railway
via Georgia’s territory without a hitch.

So, notwithstanding how much the methods of struggle chosen by
the United Javakhk organization correspond to the new realities in
the region, the activists of the latter have received the role of
"scapegoats" in this show.

This testifies to the fact that the launch of the construction of the
Turkish section of the Kars-Akhalkalaki railway may be tantamount
to adding new explosive elements to the already tense situation in
the region.

Georgia is under serious political pressure from Russia, which
will reach its peak in December 2008, when the Georgian government
expects to receive full rights to join NATO. It is not incidental that
large-scale military manoeuvres were taking place in the countries
neighbouring Georgia in the north and south while the Georgian,
Azerbaijani and Turkish presidents laid the rails of, as they put it,
"a new silk road" in Kars on 24 July.

The existing situation makes the Armenian government
avoid the temptation to give hasty assessment of the recent
developments. However, one should not forget that the Kars-Akhalkalaki
railway project was not feasible either economically or technically
both in the past and nowadays. It is a lever of political pressure upon
Armenia. The loud words that the Georgian, Turkish and Azerbaijani
leaders said in Kars on 24 July are, in reality, a smokescreen for
the whole civilized world.

To add to it [the smokescreen], the Turkish president said in Kars that
this project was open to any country in the South Caucasus. Concurrent
with his comment, apparently meant for Armenia, Turkey and Azerbaijan
recalled in disguised ways the well-known preconditions set before
our country.

What kind of "open project" are the Turks and Azerbaijanis speaking
about, if Armenia is offered to forget its historical past and
political achievements in order to participate in it? It is clear that
this PR show has been initiated to "save face" in the atmosphere of
the lately activated non-official Armenian-Turkish contacts.

So, until 2011, when the Kars-Akhalkalaki railway is to be launched,
Javakheti’s territory can be used to put pressure upon Armenia and
to organize political provocations. The Azerbaijani contractor which
is to carry out the construction in Javakheti will not stay away from
these provocations as they can spoil Armenian-Georgian relations.

The Turkish special services will also become active in Javakheti,
which will also try to drive a wedge between Armenians and Georgians
and also speed up the return of Meskhetian Turks. Georgia, in turn,
will find itself in an ambiguous situation, as having provided
its own territory for a geo-economic experiment, which has apparent
elements of bluff, it will have to face its negative results sooner or
later. Moreover, no matter how much the countries, which are starting
the construction of the Kars Akhalkalaki railway, try to advertise the
economic "advantages" of their project, it becomes even more obvious
with the lapse of time that they will be in growing need of funding
to complete it on time. It is clear at present that the project will
cost not 400m dollars, but 600m-700m dollars, but this will not be
the final cost.

New elements of tension are being brought in the South Caucasus region
with the construction of the Kars-Akhalkalaki railway under the guise
of a large-scale economic project. Who benefits from this? Armenia and
Armenian diplomats should do their best in the near future so that the
start of the construction of the Kars-Akhalkalaki railway does not
become an opportunity for new clashes and arrests in Javakheti. It
is necessary to win time at least until the end of this year, when
there will be some clarity in Russian-American relations and Georgia’s
participation in NATO programmes. It cannot be ruled out that these
clarifications will be accompanied by a new "round" of tension in
[Georgian breakaway regions of] Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Given the current unfavourable geopolitical shifts, it is very
important that we do not become "a party" to rivalry among superpowers
that have interests in the region, while at the same time gaining
their favour in the issue of overcoming Armenia’s blockade. At some
point then the role and significance of the Armenian factor will be
valued that will stop Turkey’s plans to invade the South Caucasus.

We believe that in the beginning of 2009, Armenia and Armenian
diplomats will be given an opportunity to take more proactive steps
in order to break the circle of blockade and provocations, which
is being created around it as a result of the construction of the
Kars-Akhalkalaki railway.

The Victory Will Belong To People, Levon Ter-Petrosyan Said At The L

THE VICTORY WILL BELONG TO PEOPLE, LEVON TER-PETROSYAN SAID AT THE LPA FOUNDING CONGRESS
by Margarit Yesayan

Aravot
Aug 19 2008
Armenia

A new old political party – the Liberal Party of Armenia – was born
on Saturday [17 August], whose core, according to the founders,
consists of the Liberal Progressive Party of Armenia. Hovhannes
Hovhannisyan was elected the party’s president. As was expected,
the congress was turned into a mini-rally: the slogan "Struggle,
struggle until the end" was heard after each speech.

[Passage omitted: The leaders of the opposition People’s Party of
Armenia, the Republic party, the Armenian Pan-National Movement and
the Liberty party welcomed the foundation of the new party and praised
it in their speeches]

When the congress was coming to its end at about an hour-and-a-half
after its start, when Hovhannisyan was delivering his closing speech,
the first president, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, entered the hall slowly. The
hall exploded in applause, people forgot immediately that they were
at the congress of a different party, and welcomed the first president
as an icon. The first president did not resist, he greeted the people
in the hall, shook Hovhannisyan’s hand and took a seat.

He said in his speech: "Let me express my unexpected admiration that
a new party can be established in such an environment. It looked
like that the era of parties is coming to an end in Armenia, and
let’s admit that people are somehow disappointed in the party system,
people don’t realize that this is not the fault of the party system
but that of the government. If the government were healthy, it would
have been built on the constitutional order, and the parties would
have been healthier than the government. The government’s flaws are
echoed in parties. And we have to accept this as a fact."

Armenian Energy Minister Meets Deputy Iranian Foreign Minister

ARMENIAN ENERGY MINISTER MEETS DEPUTY IRANIAN FOREIGN MINISTER

IRNA
Aug 18 2008
Iran

Tehran, 18 August: Visiting Armenian Energy and Natural Resources
Minister and Armenian head of Iran-Armenia Cooperation Council Armen
Movsisyan here Monday [18 August] met and conferred with Iran’s Deputy
Foreign Minister caretaker of Foreign Ministry’s Middle East and CIS
Affairs Office Ali Reza Sheykh-Attar.

According to the Information and Media Head Office of the Foreign
Ministry, during the meeting in the presence of the Deputy Armenian
Foreign Minister Qarib Janain, the two sides reviewed bilateral ties,
as well as the Caucasus region’s recent developments.

Sheykh-Attar in the meeting referred to the depth and wide span of
the bilateral ties, emphasizing that the two countries’ relations
are still in need of further development.

Movsisyan, too, stressed that Yerevan’s determination for expansion of
its level of cooperation with the Islamic Republic of Iran in various
fields is quite strong, reiterating, "Iran’s role in the region
is quite significant and your country enjoys a unique geographical
status."

Georgia Exposes Macedonia’s Division

GEORGIA EXPOSES MACEDONIA’S DIVISION
by Aleksandar Bozinovski and Cvetin Cilimanov

Nova Makedonija
Aug 16 2008
Macedonia

The war in Georgia has directly exposed the division of the
Macedonian society on the issue of the NATO and Euro-Atlantic
integrations. Although Macedonia, Georgia, and Ukraine were all
rejected at the NATO summit in Bucharest and although the three states
are allies in Iraq, the Macedonian media were dominated by pro-Russian
comments after the Russian invasion on Georgia. The Macedonian analysts
and experts, too, are divided on the issue of the future turn of events
after the blocked NATO enlargement and the war in Georgia. While some
say that we are on the right side and that all we need to do is wait,
others predict that we have seen the end of NATO. Are there really
any Macedonian politicians who would consider changing sides?

We are on the right side, except that Bucharest stalled
us somewhat. Russia should not remain in its positions of the
past. The Russians are perking up because they are gaining power,
but I believe that their leaders will remain down-to-earth and that
the democratization of the Russian society will continue, says Lazar
Elenovski, former foreign [as published – should read defence]
minister and head of the Macedonian Atlantic Club. In his view,
Georgia and Macedonia, and the entire eastern border of NATO are
about one and the same philosophy and ideology – that is, spreading
democratic values, and this should be accelerated.

After the crisis in Georgia, Macedonia’s NATO accession is becoming
more than a priority for the United States, Professor Biljana Vankovska
has told Nova Makedonija.

The events in Georgia are too important not to have a major
global impact, especially on the US-Russian, US-EU, and EU-Russian
relations. The war has indicated a few things. First, Russia is
definitely in good military shape and prepared to play tough where it
has national interests. Second, NATO has proved to be like a paper
tiger, impotent after its debacle in Afghanistan and unprepared
to operate in its European neighbourhood, except with declarative
statements. Third, the war is strengthening the positions of the
Republicans and their Neo-Conservative allies in the US pre-election
period, which will mean continuity in its foreign policy, that is,
a new Bush after Bush, Vankovska says.

The war in Georgia has also raised the question of how sufficient
the US security guarantees are. Georgia had 2,000 troops in Iraq,
which made it a leading US ally in that war, but still, Russia dared
to attack it, to which the United States reacted only with modest
military presence. After its failure to join NATO in Bucharest,
Macedonia asked the United States for military guarantees, which it
received in the form of a declaration.

It was a mere declaration. It is not even an agreement on
military-technical cooperation as we already have. We do not really
need a protection agreement with the United States, as Israel, Egypt,
Taiwan, and Argentina have. We are a NATO candidate state and this
is where we should seek our guarantees, Elenovski says.

The US media related Macedonia to Georgia three times in one
day through a statement by US State Secretary Condoleezza Rice,
a commentary by analyst Joseph Edward in the International Herald
Tribune, and through lobbyist and analyst Randy Scheunemann, who
works on both countries’ NATO accession.

An issue that was raised after Rice’s statement was the appeal
to Greece not to allow the name dispute to block Macedonia’s NATO
membership. At a news conference dedicated to Georgia, Rice was asked
a provocative question by Greek reporter Lambros Papantoniou about
"[Prime Minister] Gruevski’s Skopjean irredentism," but she quickly
reacted, comparing the Macedonian and Georgian issues and pointing to
their NATO entry as a solution to these problems, leaving Greece in
the role of a NATO inhibitor. Earlier this year, the Berlin European
Council for Foreign Relations openly described Greece as the most
pro-Russian state among the European countries and as a Russian
"Trojan horse" in Europe.

If the vision is to spread democratic values and expand the Atlantic
world, bilateral disputes like ours with Greece cannot stop the entire
process, Elenovski says.

According to Professor Blagoja Samakoski, Rice has sent out a clear
message with her statement and it was addressed to Greece.

Who is this message intended for – Macedonia or Greece? Greece would
more easily solve the problem of Macedonia’s potential territorial
aspirations towards Greece if Macedonia were in NATO. Such was the
case of Hungary and Romania, as noted by Rice. Also, Greece would more
easily solve the problem of property and minority rights if Macedonia
were in NATO. An example of this is the dispute between Bulgaria and
Turkey. So if we are to interpret Rice’s statement properly, Greece
has been advised that it should solve the name problem if it wants
to solve its other more serious problems with Macedonia more easily,
Samakoski says.

According to Joseph [former representative of the International
Crisis Group for the Balkans], NATO must immediately admit Macedonia,
thereby sending out a clear message to Russia that NATO’s enlargement
continues. [passage omitted] According to Professor Samakoski, it is
Greece that should tone down its rhetoric.

In essence, no one cares about Joseph’s message about Macedonia’s NATO
accession. It serves to mask the Greek paid message that Macedonia
should tone down its rhetoric. Joseph does not deal with the Nazi
statements by the Greek politicians, who are actually the ones who
need to mellow their speech. Joseph is deliberately twisting the
theories here, Samakoski says.

The issue of lobbyist Scheunemann has brought the Georgian conflict
and the Macedonian hopes for NATO membership right into the US
pre-election campaign. Scheunemann, who is adviser to Republican
candidate John McCain, is paid by the governments of Georgia and
Macedonia to lobby for our NATO membership. Barak Obama’s group has
released this information to reveal that McCain’s group is getting
money to exert influence on the foreign policy.

On the other hand, Obama is receiving money from the US Greek lobby,
which – using similar methods as Scheunemann – is advocating for an
end to the NATO enlargement, at least with regard to Macedonia. As
Nova Makedonija has reported, the leading family in this programme
of Obama’s is Giannoulias, Greek owners of a big Chicago bank who are
significant financiers of Obama. [covered] [passage omitted cites US
deputy envoy to Macedonia on country’s NATO prospect]

Vankovska: Joining NATO Is No Longer a Comfort Zone

>From NATO’s aspect, Macedonia’s accession is becoming more than a
priority. The Georgian Army’s debacle has shown that there is a big
nothing behind the whole story of NATO reforms, military equipment,
and instructors. NATO, or more precisely the United States, wants
an enlargement not because of the new allies’ contribution to NATO,
but for the sake of spreading its global influence in key geostrategic
regions. If Georgia was a potential unsuitable partner because of the
predictable Russian reaction, Macedonia is perfect in that sense! It
has no external threat whatsoever, has an important geopolitical
position also for the oil pipes, and the Balkans is definitely
dominated by US rather than Russian influence. What concerns me in the
long run is that we are entering under the NATO and US umbrella in
a world whose prospects are very uncertain and even terrifying. The
NATO admission can no longer be viewed as a comfortable entry into
a security community and a peace zone. On the contrary, this already
means clearly taking sides in the great powers’ battle, which is yet
to gain intensity. Our geostrategic position may be an advantage for
our Western allies, but for us – I am not sure that it is good to be
close to the Near East and Kosovo. A new world map is in the creation
and Kosovo has increasing chances of remaining a frozen conflict as
an equivalent to the frozen conflict that will remain in Caucasus many
years from now until the redefining of the world, which in my view is
moving towards multi-polarity, which does not mean global stability,
as well, Professor Vankovska says.

Elenovski: Europe Has Not Enough Awareness for NATO’s Joint Mission

According to Elenovski, unlike the United States, the European NATO
members do not have enough awareness for NATO’s joint mission.

The European allies’ mixed relations with Russia, as in the case of
Greece, lead to jeopardizing, from within, NATO’s enlargement and
future. The European allies have no long-term vision and they have
shown to have less interest as the expansion goes further away from
the centre of Europe. They have no vision of the Atlantic world’s
enlargement, but heed only their own interests, Elenovski says,
predicting that NATO’s enlargement will be getting more difficult as
NATO approaches Azerbaijan, Armenia, and other Caucasus states.

The new member states in eastern Europe, which were under a regime
for many years, are much more aware of how difficult it is to build
democracy than the old NATO member countries, to which democracy was
served on a platter after they had been protected by the United States
for so long, Elenovski says.

Warsaw: The End Of Illusions About Russia

THE END OF ILLUSIONS ABOUT RUSSIA
Adam Michnik

Gazeta Wyborcza
Aug 16 2008
Poland

Russia reverting to "Bolshevik aggressiveness"

It is obvious for an impartial observer that Russia is returning
today to its historically well-trodden path of tsarist autocracy
and Bolshevik aggressiveness. This means that the Russian state is
building its identity on a permanent conflict with its neighbours
and other international subjects.

This shift in Russia’s policy is a result of its domestic policies. It
is just a historical regularity that Russia’s aggressiveness outside
has usually been accompanied by a suppression of civil liberties and
terrorisation of the public opinion at home.

Irrespective of how you view President Mikheil Saakashvilli – and
many people in Georgia and elsewhere view him critically – it’s
obvious that Georgia has the right to territorial integrity. The
manner in which Mr Saakashvilli has claimed that integrity this time
is a matter of debate. The Georgian people will surely judge it in
democratic elections.

What is alarming in Russia’s strategy is not only its use of
exceptionally brutal and cruel force, but also the fact that the
Kremlin’s political strategy is based on creating regional trouble
spots: Transnistria, Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia, South Ossetia. This
lets it resort to violence whenever it wants, and provokes violence
from those states that feel their territorial integrity to be under
threat.

My Russian friends will say that America also behaves this way from
time to time, but, while not willing to enter into a debate on US
policies, I can say that no US trespass justifies what happened in
Georgia. Just like none of Hitler’s crimes can be a justification
of Stalin’s.

In the present conflict, everyone’s a loser.

The Georgian president and government are losers, because the operation
aimed at incorporating Ossetia ended in a fiasco.

The Kremlin is a loser, because no one can have any doubts anymore
about what Russia’s true face is and what are the goals of her
military operation.

The Russian democracy is a great loser, because it’s an old truth,
well known to the Russians, that no nation can be free if it oppresses
other nations. Alexander Herzen referred to the way Russian troops
behaved in Poland during the 1863 war as ‘cannibalism’. Andrei Sakharov
called the Afghan war ‘disgraceful’.

I believe that this is exactly how the Kremlin’s latest imperial
affair in the Caucasus will be judged by the Russian democracy.

The most tragic thing in all this is that innocent people are suffering
from Moscow’s imperial policy. Their plight, their pain, their loss
of loved ones -that’s something the politicians playing this game of
chess failed to take into account.

Bloody Divisions Stalk Multi-Ethnic Caucasus

BLOODY DIVISIONS STALK MULTI-ETHNIC CAUCASUS
by Sebastian Smith

Agence France Presse
August 19, 2008 Tuesday 1:15 AM GMT

In the Caucasus, even the mountains seem unable to escape the region’s
bloody feuds.

Legend tells that the twin summits of Elbrus, a 5,642-metre
(18,510-foot) colossus at the Russian-Georgian border, are the cleaved
skull of an ancient giant.

Elbrus, the tale goes, was attacked by his son Mount Beshtau in an
argument over a local beauty, Mount Mashuk. Her tears now form one
of southern Russia’s most celebrated mineral springs.

The exotic story captures the real life complexity of the Caucasus —
and the way fallings out here quickly turn bloody.

Today the world’s focus is on Russia’s attack against Georgia
in response to a Georgian assault on a separatist enclave of
ethnic-Ossetians.

But the Ossetians are just one of more than 50 tiny ethnic groups
in this beautiful region, each speaking a separate language, each
fiercely protective of ancestral lands.

"The Caucasus has the typical complications of a mountain region,
where people from different ethnicities live in isolation from each
other," says Alexander Cherkasov, an expert on the region with the
Memorial human rights group.

The amazing ethnic patchwork of Papua New Guinea and the clan system
of highland Scotland bear similarities, Cherkasov points out.

Add the post-Soviet legacy of corruption, brutality, and floods of
weaponry, and you have the Caucasus.

Other than the fighting over South Ossetia in Georgia, there are bloody
conflicts in Nagorno-Karabakh, the Georgian separatist province of
Abkhazia, and the quagmire of Chechnya, where an estimated 100,000
people have lost their lives in a failed independence bid from Russia.

And yet Caucasian peoples are often able to live in harmony.

Despite today’s horrors, many Georgians and Ossetians are related
through marriage. In Abkhazia, where thousands have died since the
1990s, the ethnic-Abkhaz separatist leader himself is married to
a Georgian.

Even Dagestan, a remarkable district on the Russian side of the
mountains, with more than 30 distinct ethnic groups, has little
history of inter-communal fighting.

The trouble, analysts say, comes when outsiders deliberately stir
the pot.

Russians have long been masters at this, strengthening their dominance
by setting different ethnic groups against each other, said Sergei
Arutunov, a researcher at the Russian Academy of Sciences.

"Every empire from the Romans on has marched under the idea of ‘divide
and conquer,’" he said. "That’s how it’s been here and always will be."

In the 19th century, the tsars used an alliance with the strategically
placed Ossetians to derail anti-Russian resistance leader Imam Shamil’s
attempts to unite the northern Caucasus tribes.

The main Ossetian town, which controls two key mountain passes between
Russia and Georgia, was named Vladikavkaz — literally "ruler of
the Caucasus."

Stalin took the divide and rule concept to extremes, splitting
related groups into different administrative districts and using
forced resettlement to transform the ethnic balance.

Decades on, the effects of Stalin’s machinations keep tearing at the
Caucasus, whether in the Abkhaz struggle for independence to the south,
or a vicious dispute between Ossetians and their Ingush neighbours
to the north.

And Grigory Shvedov, editor of Caucasian Knot, a specialist Internet
site, says the Kremlin still relies on divide and rule, regardless
of the subsequent suffering.

But he also blames local leaders, like Georgia’s first president,
Zviad Gamsakhurdia, an ultra-nationalist who in the early 1990s fueled
hatred between Georgians and their Ossetian and Abkhaz neighbours,
with disastrous results.

"These are conflicts were started artificially, rather than based on
real ethnic feelings," Shvedov said. "Politicians play a big role in
stirring this up."

Arutunov said the dangers of nationalism are well understood in the
Caucasus, but that young hotheads are easily seduced by the rhetoric.

"I hope the wise will prevail," Arutunov said. "They must. Otherwise
they will all slaughter each other and the Caucasus will end up
a desert."

It’s Not Worth Risking A Bigger Conflict For This Disputed Enclave

IT’S NOT WORTH RISKING A BIGGER CONFLICT FOR THIS DISPUTED ENCLAVE

Daily Express
Tuesday August 19,2008
UK

Georgian soldiers under attack as Russia asserts its control of
the region

By Frederick Forsyth FOR anyone studying the Russian-Georgian
hostilities two words should leap off the page and those words are:
Disputed Enclave.

That is what South Ossetia really is: a knob of land, not much bigger
than Norfolk, that is claimed as sovereign terri-tory by Russia to
its north and Georgia to its south.

It has a tiny population, grows nothing, manufactures nothing and
exports nothing. It has no priceless gem stones, strategic minerals
or valuable deposits; and it certainly has no oil or gas, the modern
equivalents of a cause for war.

Is it important enough to justify conflict between Russia and Nato?

Absolutely not. Is it the only such place in the world? Again, no,
no, no.

Let us just look around. Even we British own three disputed enclaves.

Though the Irish constitution has been amended to withdraw the formal
claim to Ulster, 90 per cent of the Irish devotedly believe it is
part of their Republic of Ireland. The IRA sought to prove it for 30
years with bombs and murder.

We say Gibraltar is ours, Spain says it is theirs. And Argentina
insists the Falklands – and, yes, an island or archipelago can be
an enclave in the sea – are theirs; we say they are ours and hav e
fought a vicious war to prove it.

In each case the acid test, a referendum, is something we need not
fear. We know each population would vote to stay British.

That is why the claimants think it a very bad idea. But, then, as
Mandy Rice-Davies once remarked in court, they would, wouldn’t they?

Across the Atlantic, Presi­dent Ydigoras of Honduras once claimed
neighbouring Belize (formerly British Hon­duras) as his and threatened
to invade. We won; Belize got its independence on British terms.

Nearer home there are two Spanish enclaves gouged into the north
coast of Morocco that Morocco wants back. Madrid replied: "No chance."

A resolution by referendum? Ah, here’s the rub. Statesmen only agree
to a plebiscite they know they can win. The last one in Gibraltar
said about 97 per cent of Gibraltarians wanted to stay British. But
in Melilla and Ceuta, the Spanish-Moroccans would probably vote to
rejoin Morocco, so they can whistle in the wind for a referendum.

Governments can become mildly lunatic over the most ridiculous of
land claims. Some years ago, Moroccans landed on a Spanish-owned,
goat-grazing islet called Parsley and a chunk of the Spanish fleet
was put to sea.

For years, China lusted after Hong Kong and Macao but wisely waited
until the treaties of occupation ran out and the British and Portuguese
left peacefully.

Goa was once a Portuguese enclave until the oh-so-peace-loving Indian
premier Pandit Nehru invaded and annexed it in a single afternoon.

President Sukarno, dictator of Indonesia, claimed North Borneo (the
enclaves of Sabah and Sarawak) was his and sent in troops. We claimed
both territories, once ours, belonged to Malaysia and slipped in the
Ghurkas and the SAS.

That usually slows ’em down. The secret war eventually fizzled out. The
two enclaves still belong to Malaysia.

But if there are two pieces of land whose sudden invasion could easily
trigger a huge regional or global war, they are Kashmir and Taiwan.

The latter, formerly Formosa, was the offshore Chinese island to which
the defeated Nation­alist Chinese of Chiang-Kai-Shek retreated in
1949 as mainland China fell to Mao Tse Tung’s Communists.

Since then, Beijing has repeatedly claimed it back. But Formosa is now
Taiwan, a prosperous, democratic, USA-aligned republic and America
would have to take its side ­- and that includes force of arms,
of which America has a mighty arsenal.

The two giants India and Pakistan ought to be the jewels in the
post-Raj Commonwealth crown. Yet they have been at virtual war since
1947 and twice at actual war because of two small but beautiful
enclaves lying between them: Jammu and Kashmir.

India owns and occupies them; Pakistan claims them. Once lovely resorts
for tourists, they are proving grounds for fundamentalist terrorists (o
r patriotic liberators) and given over to kidnaps, murders and riots.

India and Pakistan are incredibly passionate about Kashmir; both
have huge armies and nuclear weapons and Pakistan is profoundly
unstable. Why not a referendum? Because Kashmir is mostly Muslim,
would vote pro-Pakistan and India, therefore, will not grant one.

These disputed enclaves are almost all the residues of former empires
which collapsed and withdrew. The latest such empire was the Soviet
one, of which Vladimir Putin is a loyal son and unreformed devotee. A
majority of Russians absolutely agree with him.

As it ebbed in defeat 17 years ago, the empire left behind, as a tide
leaves rock pools, enclaves of ethnic Russians which Mos­cow had
deliberately implanted to head off any sign of nationalism. Latvia,
Lithu­ania and Estonia, for example, have large Russian minorities.

Some of these disputes aren’t even with Moscow. Nagorno-Karabakh
is 80 per cent Armenian-ethnic but belongs to Azerbaijan, another
potential powder keg.

The end of the Soviet empire was the messiest of them all and left a
tangle of claims and mixed populations, especially in the Caucasus
and around the Black and Caspian Seas. Now a new and ruthless tsar
in Moscow is using his oil wealth to afford the armed strength to
avenge the death of empire, even threatening Ukraine.

South Ossetia and Abkhazia were Soviet, then Georgian, now Russian
again.

Short of an insane war, they are not recoverable. They will die down,
like storms in a samovar.

But what of the future? Will Putin go on? And if he does? The West
can penalise Russia politically, diplomatic­ally, economically. And
we should.

But we must not plunge into war for an enclave in the Caucasian
patchwork quilt no bigger than Norfolk. Sad but true.

–Boundary_(ID_BhcmHlFYWmifNnaPmEsPPA)–

First Group Of Armenian Athletes Back Home From Beijing

FIRST GROUP OF ARMENIAN ATHLETES BACK HOME FROM BEIJING

ARMENPRESS
Aug 19, 2008

YEREVAN, AUGUST 19, ARMENPRESS; The first group of Armenian athletes
was back home today early morning from Beijing, the capital of the
Olympic Games, including five athletes who won bronze medals. All
were given a warm welcome at Yerevan’s Zvartnots airport.

Weightlifter Gevork Davtian, who won bronze medal in 77 kg weight
division, said he wanted very much to win the gold medal, but
failed. "But I realize that Olympic bronze medal is also a big award’
he said.

Tigran Martirosian, another weightlifter, who won bronze in 69 kg
weight category, said the competition was very tough in Beijing.

Greco-Roman wrestler Roman Amoyan, 55 kg, another bronze medallist,
said next time he will win gold.

With five bronze medals Armenia shares so far the 65-th place in the
overall country ranking.

Denmark To Help Armenia Create Educational Standards

DENMARK TO HELP ARMENIA CREATE EDUCATIONAL STANDARDS

ARMENPRESS
Aug 19, 2008

YEREVAN, AUGUST 19, ARMENPRESS: Armenian education and science ministry
is negotiating a plan of joint cooperation with the government of
Denmark in elementary and vocational education.

Artak Aghbalian, head of elementary and vocational education department
of the ministry, told Armenpress that both sides are going to sign soon
a memorandum of understanding. He said as part of cooperation Armenia
will use Danish experience in creating new education standards. Also
teachers of colleges and vocational schools will have training course.

Artak Aghbalian said the training course and creation of new standards
are very important. He said Armenia has so far only 24 operating
educational standards, 27 will have been developed this year and 100
more in 2009-2010.