Screams of the injured rise from residential streets

Telegraph.co.uk

Saturday 09 August 2008

Georgia conflict: Screams of the injured rise from residential streets

Dispatch from South Ossetia: Fighting between Georgia and Russia
intensifies, forcing hundreds from their homes.

Adrian Blomfield in Gori
Last Updated: 4:48PM BST 09 Aug 2008
The ground shook and a series of explosions rippled through the air.
>From the middle of a housing estate in the Georgian town of Gori a huge
fireball rose into the sky, twisting and mushrooming as if in slow motion.
Choking dust swirled above the debris, darkening the sky. A brief silence
followed and then the screaming started.
For two days, Georgia has been convulsed by a Russian air and ground assault
in a conflict that has escalated rapidly from a localised war against
separatist rebels in South Ossetia into a full-scale military confrontation.
But this was the first time that Russian bombs had struck a residential
area.
The fighter jets responsible for the devastation had been targeting a
military barracks in the built-up outskirts of Gori, a Georgian town 15
miles from the Ossetian frontier. They missed.
Just one of their bombs struck the base. At least two others fell in a
compound of long, low-slung apartment blocks, five of which were quickly
reduced to blackened shells. A third hit a small secondary school, which
crumbled to the ground in a pile of rubble and twisted girders.
>From the gutted buildings, survivors began to emerge, some hobbling, others
bleeding from shrapnel and flying glass, all covered in a cloak of soot and
dust.
Then they brought out the dead.
In front of a row of garages, a corpse, covered in a chalk-like film, lay on
the ground. Kneeling beside the body of her son, a middle-aged builder
identified by neighbours as Iano, the white-haired woman cursed the
Russians, then cursed God. Then she beseeched his forgiveness and cursed the
Russians again.
"You have taken my boy, you pigs, you criminals," she said in a low voice,
before turning her face towards her dead son as she tenderly stroked his
matted hair. "I loved you like I loved no other. Now be with God."
Standing to one side, her frail husband propped himself up on a walking
sticks and stared into space, blank incomprehension in his eyes.
Up a small flight of steps in a nearby courtyard, a young man, bare-chested
and kneeling on the ground, cradled the head of his brother in his lap.
Shaking off hands offered in comfort from neighbours, he moaned in agony and
begged – in ever more frantic tones – for his brother to live.
Still wailing, he was hauled away from the body by Georgian troops who
bundled the corpse into the back of a Lada. His face streaked in his
brother’s blood, the man raced to keep up with the car, his hand repeatedly
pawing the rear window.
Slowly, his legs buckling beneath him, he began to fall behind. Giving up
the chase, he knelt unmoving in the middle of the road, his face staring in
the direction of the receding car.
More dead were brought out of the buildings, among them a mother and her
daughter who were laid side by side in the back of a military truck.
Those who survived stood in small groups on the road outside their shattered
homes, bewilderment etched on their faces.
Russia denies deliberately targeting civilians, and insists that the
offensive in Georgia is not war but a "peacekeeping mission".
Few of the people of Gori believe that. So powerful were the bombs aimed at
the barracks that they shattered windows in a half-mile radius. Even if all
had hit their intended target, the chances of collateral damage would have
been high.
As a lone fire engine battled the inferno, with flames spreading across the
roofs of two blocks of flats, this small part of Gori began to resemble
another scene of Russian military retribution: Grozny.
The Chechen capital was pounded into submission in 1999 on the orders of
Vladimir Putin, the Russian prime minister, with little regard for civilian
life. By the time Chechen rebels lost the city, barely a single building
stood intact, forcing residents to eke out an existence in cellars and
basements for six years until Moscow finally began serious reconstruction in
2006.
While the bombing of Gori has not been remotely comparable, Grozny was in
the back of many peoples’ minds as they took shelter.
"We know what the Russians are capable of," said Nina Kogiddze, a teacher
who was flung to her kitchen floor by the force of the blast as she was
brewing coffee. "Do you think that when they fight wars, they abide by
civilised rules? They hate Georgians. They would be happy to kill us all."
No official death toll from the apartment bombings has been released as yet,
but there can be no doubt that the casualty rates would have been much
higher if most of Gori’s residents had not fled the previous day, after the
first Russian bombs fell.
It was fortunate, too, that the school holidays were under way.
"If classes were in progress, we would have a hundred children dead," said
Givi, the headmaster of the Lyceum College, as he surveyed his devastated
school.
Other Russian bombing raids in Gori killed at least two civilians in another
block of flats in a nearby suburb.
On the road to Tskhinvali, South Ossetia’s ramshackle capital, and the main
stronghold of the Moscow-backed rebels, Russian jets maintained their
bombardment, strafing Georgian artillery positions in the fields near the
frontier.
The rebels, who have been reinforced by Russian tanks and ground troops,
claimed to have retaken the town after intense hand-to-hand fighting.
Georgia says it still controls a significant portion of Tskhinvali and
claims to have shot down four Russian jets yesterday. Georgian officials
showed to Western reporters the papers of one Russian pilot they claimed to
have captured.
Russia also launched air strikes across Georgia’s wider territory for a
second day, striking an airport at Kutaisi in the west and the country’s
main Black Sea port of Poti.
"The Russians are now bombing civilian targets at will, including a port, an
airport and a railway station where 17 people were killed," said Shota
Utiashvili, an interior ministry spokesman.
Mikheil Saakashvili, Georgia’s pro-western president, was preparing to
declare martial law, a process that would involve the full mobilisation of
every man of fighting age, Mr Utiashvili said.
Against the might of the million-strong Russian army, it is unclear how
effective such a strategy would be. Reservists have already been drafted
onto the front line, but few have any battle experience and most have had
just a week’s training.
When a bomb fell close to their positions, one company of new recruits
scattered frantically for cover, ignoring pleas and orders from their
commanders to remain in place.
"On Tuesday I was a bank clerk," one fresh-faced reservist said. "Then they
woke me up in the middle of the night and gave me half-an-hour to report.
I’ve been up on the front line and I’ve never been so scared in my life."
Given the challenges, it may prove difficult for Mr Saakashvili to sustain
morale.
Already his tactics seem to have back-fired, analysts and diplomats say that
he may have launched military actions with the intention of forcibly
reclaiming South Ossetia, which broke away from Georgia in a short but
brutal war 17 years ago. His gamble may have been that Russia would not
intervene militarily.
Moscow, increasingly belligerent on the international stage and long at
loggerheads with Georgia over its pro-Western policies, has given financial
and military support to the rebel republic, but there have been rumours of a
fall-out between the secessionist leader Eduard Kokoity and the Kremlin.
It was suggested that Russia was fed up with the tiny state, just
one-and-a-half times the size of Luxembourg, that has largely sustained
itself on smuggling, the counterfeiting of money and alleged pension fraud
against the Russian authorities. US diplomats say that half the fake dollar
bills on the American east coast are manufactured in South Ossetia.
Instead Russia was said to be concentrating its support on helping Abkhazia,
another, much larger, breakaway region that has long been a popular holiday
destination and has a much more advanced economy than South Ossetia’s.
Russian planes yesterday bombed the Kodori Gorge, a region of Abkhazia still
under Georgian control, raising the prospect of the conflict spreading to a
second front.
Yet from the Russian perspective, the reincorporation of South Ossetia would
bring Georgian accession into NATO, a move strongly opposed by Moscow,
closer. European members opposed a US push earlier this year to bring
Georgia into the alliance on the grounds that the frozen conflict of South
Ossetia and Abkhazia had yet to be settled.
Russia, which has repeatedly punished Georgia with economic and diplomatic
sanctions for its pro-western Rose Revolution in 2003, is determined not to
lose one of the last few holds it has over its querulous neighbour, analysts
said.
Mr Saakashvilli may also have banked on support from his closest ally, US
president George W Bush, whose administration is said to have given tacit
support for a Georgian assault on South Ossetia in the believe that the
territory could be recaptured within 48 hours.
But as events have unfolded differently, Washington has offered Georgia –
one of the largest contributors of troops in Iraq – little more than
lukewarm vocal support.
In a demonstration of the fact that Georgia could be abandoned by its chief
ally, President Bush warmly embraced Mr Putin at the opening ceremony of the
Olympic Games in Beijing on Friday.
With the West apparently unwilling to participate in a proxy war with Russia
at a time when relations with Moscow are already highly strained, Georgia
now faces potential isolation in its conflict with its giant neighbour.
Already the economic consequences of the war are being felt as Western
specialists involved in helping Georgia develop its infrastructure began to
flee.
Americans and Britons gathered in hotels in the capital Tbilisi to organise
road convoys into neighbouring Armenia after Russia closed its air space and
most airlines cancelled flights after a military base close to the airport
was bombed on Friday.
"Its the last straw," said a British architect who was preparing to leave
Georgia for good. Three days ago we were making promising progress but now
two thirds of our staff have been called up and its simply too dangerous to
stay in Tbilisi."
The Georgian government yesterday ordered the evacuation of the country’s
parliament and all official buildings amid fears that they could become new
Russian targets.
By a swimming pool in one hotel, a nervous American clutching a Blackberry
read out the latest advice from the US Embassy to her friends. All
dependants had been ordered to evacuate and anyone in the country for
"non-essential" reasons was also urged to leave.
At the news, one of her friends sank his head into his hands.
"The Georgian dream is over," he said.

Americans for Artsakh Launches Executive Training in Stepanakert

Contact: Americans for Artsakh
c/o NKR Office
Sarah Ludwig, Executive Director
1140 19th St, NW, Suite 600
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 223-4330

AMERICANS FOR ARTSAKH LAUNCHES EXECUTIVE TRAINING IN STEPANAKERT

Americans for Artsakh (AFA) recently completed its first of a series of
training courses for government employees in Nagorno-Karabakh, Artsakh.
The course was held at the NKR Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was titled
"Business English for NKR Diplomats." The Armenian General Benevolent
Union (AGBU) funded the project. Sarah Ludwig, AFA Executive Director and
also a language specialist at the International Center for Language
Studies in Washington, DC, conducted the course.

"I commend the AGBU for appreciating the paramount importance of education
and continued professional training. Artsakh remains excluded from any such
international projects, so, on behalf of my government, I thank the AGBU for
stepping up and sponsoring this pioneer training course," said Vardan
Barseghian, NKR Representative to the United States, who worked with both
organizations on this project.

In completing the course, participating members of the Ministry gained
valuable skills in various aspects of working with foreign counterparts,
including giving presentations, conducting meetings, and social
interaction.

Most of the Diaspora and foreign-sponsored programs that have been carried
out in the region following independence have focused on humanitarian and
developmental needs. As NKR works towards formal recognition of its
independence, AFA considers it imperative that these types of programs be
implemented in order to fill the wide gap left open because few professional
training programs have been offered there.

Irina Beglaryan, Head of the Department of Multilateral Cooperation at the
Ministry, commented that, "The course will be very useful for our future
dealings with foreigners. It will improve our ability to interact with the
international community on many different levels. We hope that AFA will
offer similar courses in other areas, as well".

AFA plans on conducting training courses for NKR government employees to
include disciplines such as international public law, diplomacy, public
administration, economics, and management. In addition, it also envisages
developing a wide range of educational programs at the school and university
levels in order to provide students with knowledge of global,
rapidly-developing subjects to which they would not otherwise have access.
These types of programs will prove to be a crucial part of
Nagorno-Karabakh’s path towards greater development.

Americans For Artsakh is a non-profit 501(c)(3) tax-exempt organization
established to preserve freedom, strengthen democracy, foster economic
development, protect the cultural identity and promote the heritage of the
people of Artsakh. The founding Board of Directors includes: Zaven Khanjian,
President; Dr. Hratch Abrahamian, Vice President; Savey Tufenkian,
Treasurer; Rita Balian, Secretary; and Edward Chobanian.

The West Would Be Wise to Stay Out – Plucky Little Georgia?

Weeke nd Edition
August 9 / 10, 2008

The West Would Be Wise to Stay Out
Plucky Little Georgia?

By MARK ALMOND

For many people the sight of Russian tanks streaming across a border in
August has uncanny echoes of Prague 1968. That cold war reflex is natural
enough, but after two decades of Russian retreat from those bastions it is
misleading. Not every development in the former Soviet Union is a replay of
Soviet history.

The clash between Russia and Georgia over South Ossetia, which escalated
dramatically yesterday, in truth has more in common with the Falklands war
of 1982 than it does with a cold war crisis. When the Argentine junta was
basking in public approval for its bloodless recovery of Las Malvinas, Henry
Kissinger anticipated Britain’s widely unexpected military response with the
comment: "No great power retreats for ever." Maybe today Russia has stopped
the long retreat to Moscow which started under Gorbachev.

Back in the late 1980s, as the USSR waned, the red army withdrew from
countries in eastern Europe which plainly resented its presence as the
guarantor of unpopular communist regimes. That theme continued throughout
the new republics of the deceased Soviet Union, and on into the premiership
of Putin, under whom Russian forces were evacuated even from the country’s
bases in Georgia.

To many Russians this vast geopolitical retreat from places which were part
of Russia long before the dawn of communist rule brought no bonus in
relations with the west. The more Russia drew in its horns, the more
Washington and its allies denounced the Kremlin for its imperial ambitions.

Unlike in eastern Europe, for instance, today in breakaway states such as
South Ossetia or Abkhazia, Russian troops are popular. Vladimir Putin’s
picture is more widely displayed than that of the South Ossetian president,
the former Soviet wrestling champion Eduard Kokoity. The Russians are seen
as protectors against a repeat of ethnic cleansing by Georgians.

In 1992, the west backed Eduard Shevardnadze’s attempts to reassert
Georgia’s control over these regions. The then Georgian president’s war was
a disaster for his nation. It left 300,000 or more refugees "cleansed" by
the rebel regions, but for Ossetians and Abkhazians the brutal plundering of
the Georgian troops is the most indelible memory.

Georgians have nursed their humiliation ever since. Although Mikheil
Saakashvili has done little for the refugees since he came to power early in
2004 – apart from move them out of their hostels in central Tbilisi to make
way for property development – he has spent 70% of the Georgian budget on
his military. At the start of the week he decided to flex his muscles.

Devoted to achieving Nato entry for Georgia, Saakashvili has sent troops to
Iraq and Afghanistan – and so clearly felt he had American backing. The
streets of the Georgian capital are plastered with posters of George W Bush
alongside his Georgian protege. George W Bush avenue leads to Tbilisi
airport. But he has ignored Kissinger’s dictum: "Great powers don’t commit
suicide for their allies." Perhaps his neoconservative allies in Washington
have forgotten it, too. Let’s hope not.

Like Galtieri in 1982, Saakashvili faces a domestic economic crisis and
public disillusionment. In the years since the so-called Rose revolution,
the cronyism and poverty that characterised the Shevardnadze era have not
gone away. Allegations of corruption and favouritism towards his mother’s
clan, together with claims of election fraud, led to mass demonstrations
against Saakashvili last November. His ruthless security forces – trained,
equipped and subsidised by the west – thrashed the protesters. Lashing out
at the Georgians’ common enemy in South Ossetia would certainly rally them
around the president, at least in the short term.

Last September, President Saakashvili suddenly turned on his closest ally in
the Rose revolution, defence minister Irakli Okruashvili. Each man accused
his former blood brother of mafia links and profiting from contraband.
Whatever the truth, the fact that the men seen by the west as the heroes of
a post-Shevardnadze clean-up accused each other of vile crimes should warn
us against picking a local hero in Caucasian politics.

Western geopolitical commentators stick to cold war simplicities about
Russia bullying plucky little Georgia. However, anyone familiar with the
Caucasus knows that the state bleating about its victim status at the hands
of a bigger neighbour can be just as nasty to its smaller subjects. Small
nationalisms are rarely sweet-natured.

Worse still, western backing for "equip and train" programmes in Russia’s
backyard don’t contribute to peace and stability if bombastic local leaders
such as Saakashvili see them as a guarantee of support even in a crisis
provoked by his own actions. He seems to have thought that the valuable oil
pipeline passing through his territory, together with the Nato advisers
intermingled with his troops, would prevent Russia reacting militarily to an
incursion into South Ossetia. That calculation has proved disastrously
wrong.

The question now is whether the conflict can be contained, or whether the
west will be drawn in, raising the stakes to desperate levels. To date the
west has operated radically different approaches to secession in the
Balkans, where pro-western microstates get embassies, and the Caucasus,
where the Caucasian boundaries drawn up by Stalin, are deemed sacrosanct.

In the Balkans, the west promoted the disintegration of multiethnic
Yugoslavia, climaxing with their recognition of Kosovo’s independence in
February. If a mafia-dominated microstate like Montenegro can get western
recognition, why shouldn’t flawed, pro-Russian, unrecognised states aspire
to independence, too?

Given its extraordinary ethnic complexity, Georgia is a post-Soviet Union in
miniature. If westerners readily conceded non-Russian republics’ right to
secede from the USSR in 1991, what is the logic of insisting that
non-Georgians must remain inside a microempire which happens to be
pro-western?

Other people’s nationalisms are like other people’s love affairs, or,
indeed, like dog fights. These are things wise people don’t get involved in.
A war in the Caucasus is never a straightforward moral crusade – but then,
how many wars are?

Mark Almond is a history lecturer at Oriel College, Oxford.

This article originally appeared in the Guardian<;.

http://counterpunch.com/almond08092008.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/&gt

Russia bombs Tbilisi airport, says official

Russia bombs Tbilisi airport, says official
Sat Aug 9, 2008 10:05pm EDT

TBILISI (Reuters) – Loud explosions rocked Georgia’s capital early on
Sunday, and a senior official said Russia had bombed Tbilisi’s international
airport.
"Russian jet fighters have dropped three bombs on Tbilisi’s airport," Shota
Utiashvili, the head of the Georgian Interior Ministry’s information
department, told Reuters.
Reuters correspondents working in Tbilisi heard the three loud bangs shortly
after

RA DM: Russian planes don’t take off from Armenia to raid Georgia

Hye-Tert, Turkey
Aug 9 2008

RA DEFENSE MINISTRY: RUSSIAN PLANES DON’T TAKE OFF FROM ARMENIA TO
RAID GEORGIA

Kaynak: armtown.com
Yer: Armenia
Tarih: 9.8.2008

Russian planes don’t take off from Armenia to raid Georgia, RA Defense
Minister’s spokesman, colonel Seyran Shahsuvaryan told a PanARMENIAN.Net
reporter.

`This is nothing but provocation and misinformation. There are no
bombers at the 102 military bas in Gyumri. Furthermore, taking off
from Armenia, the planes’ route would lie over Tbilisi and the
Georgian anti-missile system would detect them,’ he said.

Yesterday, some Georgian media circulated information that Russians
planes may have taken off from the Armenian territory. The Azeri press
took up the information concluding that `planes from Russian military
base in Armenia were enabled in bombing of the Georgian territory.’

As UN Stalls on Georgia, Talk of Oil Pipelines and Armenia Airbases

Inner City Press, NY
Aug 9 2008

As UN Stalls on Georgia, Talk of Oil Pipelines and Armenia Airbases

Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis

UNITED NATIONS, August 9 — With explosions all over Georgia, Russian
and U.S. representatives were similarly downbeat on the chances for
the Security Council to adopt the three sentence statement they’ve
spent two days and nights negotiating. Facts have changed too quickly
on the ground for the draft press statement, submitted Thursday night
by Russia, to have much chance of passing. Outside the Council
chamber, a well-placed diplomat clutching a Blackberry told Inner City
Press that the conflict’s impact on the BTC pipeline is the talk of
oil-trading circles. The T in the middle is Tblisi, Georgia’s capital.

At Friday’s UN noon briefing, Ban Ki-moon’s spokesperson Michele
Montas was asked what calls, if any, Ban had made about the conflict.
"None," Ms. Montas said. "He hasn’t done any special effort today to
try to reach people since the Security Council is right now examining
the situation." Inner City Press asked, How about Vijay Nambiar, who
was at the Council’s meeting Thursday night? Ms. Montas answered, "No,
we haven’t done anything specific because, as I said, it is a matter
right now in the hands of the Security Council and we’ll leave it to
the Security Council." Transcript here. And what of UN Political
chief, the American Lynn Pascoe, present at Friday’s fruitless
meeting?

Amb. Churkin and team in the Council, cheese on a string not shown

As the acting chief of UN Peacekeeping, Edmund Mulet, Saturday
briefed the Council behind closed doors, presumably on the spillover
of the conflict from South Ossetia to Abkhazia and the Kodori Gorge, a
Georgian diplomat told Inner City Press he was multitasking, trying to
arrange for a car to take his family from their misbegotten vacation
spot in the Georgian countryside back to the capital, Tblisi. "I don’t
know what the next step after that would be," he said. He was also
spinning, telling Inner City Press that Russia is flying bombing raid
from out of a rented airbase in Armenia. "It’s very bad," he
said. "Georgia has had good relations with Armenia." But what about
Nagorno-Karabakh, one wag wondered?

He said that Georgia has shot down six Russian planes. Are you
holding any pilots? Four or five, he said. They will come in handy.

One reporter analogized the situation to the cartoon in which a cat
jumps for a piece of cheese on a string, and get slapped. South
Ossetia was the cheese, Georgia was the cat, and Russia is now
slapping.

sossetia080908.html

http://www.innercitypress.com/unsc4

Losers is S Osset Conflict are pro-Westerners in Ukraine, Moldova…

The FINANCIAL, Georgia
Aug 9 2008

Losers is South Ossetian Conflict are pro-Westerners in Ukraine,
Moldova, Balts and Europe

STRATFOR
09/08/2008 22:12

The winners in the developments in South Ossetia are the
Transdneisters, Abkhaz, pro-Russian Ukrainian s and NKs, Eurasia
analyst of Stratfor Lauren Goodrich said in exclusive interview with
APA Azeri news agency.

"Now that Russia is obviously in charge in Georgia, I don’t see how
the Government of Azerbaijan has a precedence to do something in
NK. This should also worry Azerbaijan and Armenia to do anything
without explicit approval of the Russians now. Russia has once again
proved its strength and there are quite a few winners and losers in
the situation. The winners are the Transdneisters, Abkhaz, pro-Russian
Ukrainian s and NKs, because they will be proud of Russia
re-establishing its credibility as a security guarantor. Of course the
so-called losers are pro-Westerners in Ukraine , Moldova, Balts and
Europe", analyst said.

"Armenia and Azerbaijan are a different situation than everyone
else. They have a small region (NK) that may feel empowered by
this. But to be honest, Russia doesn’t see NK as they do South Ossetia
and they sure as hell can’t support them in the same way. And Armenia
will not act without Russian consent. They know it is a suicide
mission without the Russians and MOSCOW is now pre-occupied with other
matters".

"As far as the big organizations like the UN & OSCE… I’m sure
they’ll hold some nice meetings and release some "strong statements
and warnings"…. you know I don’t believe in the power of those
groups when it comes to things like this. Russia and the US are
talking today, Russia and China are talking tomorrow and Russia and
Germany are talking later this week all on head-of-state level… This
is where the important meetings are and decisions will be made",
Lauren Goodrich said.

Iran offers ‘any help’ in S.Ossetia crisis

Agence France Presse
Aug 9 2008

Iran offers ‘any help’ in S.Ossetia crisis

TEHRAN (AFP) ‘ Iran, watching conflict in the Caucasus unfold
virtually on its doorstep, said Saturday it was "ready to offer any
help" to end the crisis in South Ossetia.

"The Islamic republic voices concern over the military conflicts in
South Ossetia that have led to the killing of defenceless people and
calls for an immediate halt to the clashes," foreign ministry
spokesman Hassan Ghashghavi said.

"Iran is ready to offer any help … under its principal policies of
contributing to the establishment of peace and stability in the
region," added Ghashghavi, quoted by the Iranian student news agency
ISNA.

"A worsening of the crisis could affect the whole region with its
negative consequences," he said, urging the two sides to negotiate.

Iran borders on two of Georgia’s neighbours in the Caucasus — Armenia
and Azerbaijan — and historically maintains a close geopolitical
interest in the volatile region.

Its capital Tehran lies 880 kilometres (550 miles), as the crow flies,
from Georgia’s capital Tbilisi — about the same distance as Paris and
Berlin.

Beijing: Judo Preview: Kedelashvili and Carrascosa Zardgoza ones

Beijing 2008, China
Aug 9 2008

Judo Day 2 Preview: Kedelashvili and Carrascosa Zardgoza ones to watch
Updated: 2008-08-09 23:27:43

(BEIJING, August 9) — The Judo competition of the Games moves into
its second day on Sunday, August 10, with judoka in the Men’s 60-66kg
and Women’s 48-52kg weigh classes vying for Olympic glory. Here are
eight athletes to look out for:

Men’s 60-66kg

Zaza Kedelashvili of Georgia is ranked No. 1 in the world by the
European Judo Union (EJU). Gold medal winner at the European Judo
Championships in 2006, 2007 and 2008 and a three-time World Cup gold
medalist, Kedelashvili hopes to add Olympic gold to his burgeoning
Judo career

Challenging Kedelashvili for first place in Beijing will be EJU World
No. 2 Miklós Ungvár of Hungary who won bronze at the 2007 and 2008
World Judo Championships won gold once and silver twice at the
European Judo Championships.

High expectations are also on Cuban judoka Yordanis Arencibia, the
bronze medalist in Athens in 2004 and the silver medalist at the 2007
World Championships in Rio de Janeiro.

Armen Nazaryan the 26-year-old judoka from Armenia, also hopes to be
in the medal mix. Though he finished in a disappointing seventh place
at the 2008 European Judo Championships, the EJU World No. 4 is a
favorite to reach the podium each time he competes. From 2003 to 2006
he earned two bronze, one gold and one silver at the European
Championships and a gold medal finish at the 2008 Super World Cup in
Moscow indicates he still has what it takes to compete for the top
spot.

adlines/judo/n214522189.shtml

http://en.beijing2008.cn/news/sports/he