UN Resolution On Abkhazia Shows Who’s Who On Ethnic Cleansing

U.N. RESOLUTION ON ABKHAZIA SHOWS WHO’S WHO ON ETHNIC CLEANSING
By Vladimir Socor

Eurasia Daily Monitor
May 16 2008
DC

On May 15 the United Nations General Assembly adopted a Georgian
resolution recognizing the right of expellees to return to Georgia’s
Abkhazia region. The voting was 14 countries in favor, 11 against,
and 105 abstaining, with another 63 countries not voting. Adoption of
the resolution puts the General Assembly on record as calling for a
reversal of ethnic cleansing in the case of Abkhazia and potentially
further afield. The arithmetic of the vote, however, shows feeble
international support for pursuing the issue. Russia and Armenia led
the opposition to the resolution.

"Deploring practices of arbitrary forced displacement [such as
the] expulsion of hundreds of thousands of persons from Abkhazia,
Georgia," the resolution cites several times "the reports of ‘ethnic
cleansing’" from that region since 1994. The resolution enshrined for
the first time a set of principles that Georgia and its supporters
had long advocated as a basis for resolving this conflict. First,
it "recognizes the right of return of all refugees and internally
displaced persons and their descendants, regardless of ethnicity,
to Abkhazia, Georgia." Second, it "emphasizes the importance of
preserving the property rights of refugees and internally displaced
persons … and calls upon all member states [read: Russia] to deter
persons under their jurisdiction from obtaining property in Abkhazia,
Georgia, in violation of the rights of refugees." And third, it
"underlines the urgent need for a rapid development of a timetable
to ensure the prompt voluntary return of all refugees and internally
displaced persons to their homes."

Concurrently "emphasizing that the rights of the Abkhaz population have
to be protected and guaranteed," a point included in Georgia’s draft
from the outset, the resolution "requests" the UN Secretary-General
to report comprehensively on the implementation of this resolution
at next year’s session of the General Assembly.

In the debate before the vote, Georgia’s UN envoy Irakli Alasania
reminded the Assembly of the forced exodus of hundreds of thousands
of people of Georgian and other ethnicities from Abkhazia, their
growing despair, and the unlawful seizure of the homes and property
they had to leave behind. Alluding to Russia’s role, he said that
the conflict was an "example of how externally generated conflicts
have been maintained in a frozen situation to subdue the people of
Georgia." He reaffirmed Georgia’s proposals for autonomy and direct
talks with the de facto Abkhaz authorities.

The European Union failed to adopt a common position. Nine member
countries, including eight new ones and Sweden, joined the United
States to vote for the Georgian-proposed resolution. That European
group coincides approximately with the New Group of Friends of Georgia,
which has come into its own since 2007. Up to 17 EU member countries
(all the "old" ones except Sweden) abstained from voting. Speaking
for those countries, Germany, France, and Italy claimed that the UN
Security Council traditionally dealt with this conflict, thus implying
that a General Assembly debate was redundant.

Beyond procedural arguments, however, Germany objected to the
resolution’s content. It claimed that the document "ignored many
other aspects of the situation," i.e., that it did not reflect
Russian views. Germany spoke in its capacity as chair of the UN
Secretary-General’s Group of Friends of Georgia (Russia, the United
States, Britain, France, and Germany). This group operates (when
it does at all) based on consensus with Russia, thereby making it
dysfunctional, while in this case providing Germany with an excuse
to take the position it does.

Turkey also abstained, while calling on "all parties to pursue a
peaceful resolution" and expressing its readiness "to assist in
that effort." Indeed Turkey, home to significant Abkhaz and related
Circassian communities, seems well-placed for a mediating role in
Abkhazia. Nevertheless, for many years Turkey has passed up this
opportunity to gain regional influence. All of the abstaining countries
that spoke in this debate endorsed Georgia’s territorial integrity,
and some of them paid lip service to the expellees’ right of return;
but they fell short of even a symbolic vote for the resolution.

Azerbaijan and Ukraine strongly supported the resolution. Azerbaijan
implicitly drew a parallel between the ethnic cleansing from Abkhazia
and from parts of Azerbaijan’s own territory. Deploring any acceptance
of ethnic cleansing in the South Caucasus, it called for the refugees’
return to their homes as an indispensable basis for resolving the
conflicts. For its part, Ukraine traced the conflict in Abkhazia to
its roots in Soviet policies; "the Russian Federation continued that
notorious tradition by inserting separatism into the GUAM region."

Moldova, the other member of the GUAM group (Georgia, Ukraine,
Azerbaijan, Moldova) broke ranks in abstaining from the vote. The
Moldovan president and government hope to earn Russia’s goodwill for
a resolution of the Transnistria conflict sometime in 2008, ahead of
Moldova’s elections. Moldova could have chosen to be absent from the
vote (as did the U.S.-protected governments of Iraq and Afghanistan
in deserting the United States on this vote), but chose to abstain
in an explicit bow to Russia.

Russia criticized the resolution for "destabilizing UN activities
in settling the conflict" and "leading to a deterioration of
Georgian-Abkhaz relations," without explaining these assertions. It
described the problem as one between Georgia and Abkhazia, not between
Georgia and Russia, a claim that seeks to put an Abkhaz face on the
Russian military’s 1994 ethnic cleansing operation in Abkhazia. And
it made the refugees’ return conditional on a comprehensive political
resolution of the conflict, even as Moscow stonewalls any resolution
that would not put Russia in control.

Joining with Russia to excuse ethnic cleansing was an unusual
constellation of countries: Armenia, Belarus, North Korea, India,
Iran, Myanmar, Serbia, Sudan, Syria, and Venezuela. Some of these
have themselves been involved in ethnic cleansing operations; some
of them side habitually with Russia; and some of them qualify on
both counts. From the last group, Armenia had campaigned against
inclusion of the resolution on the General Assembly’s agenda. Like
Russia, it clearly implied that the expellees’ return to their homes
was contingent on a political resolution acceptable to both sides or,
in other words, it should be left at the discretion of the cleansing
side. Armenia had also tried unsuccessfully to block discussion on
an Azerbaijani-drafted resolution on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict,
which passed last year in the General Assembly (see EDM, March 18).

Georgia persists in seeking direct contact with Abkhaz authorities
parallel to its international activity. On May 12 Georgia’s U.N envoy
Alasania, who is also a negotiator on the Abkhazia conflict, held
talks in Sokhumi to present details of the Georgian government’s offer
of autonomy to Abkhaz leaders (United Nations General Assembly, 62nd
session: Plenary Meeting, May 15, 2008; General Assembly, "Protracted
Conflicts in the GUAM Area," May 15; Civil Georgia, May 15).

TBILISI: EBRD buys equity stake in Armenian meat producer

The FINANCIAL, Georgia
May 18 2008

EBRD buys equity stake in Armenian meat producer

18/05/2008 17:32

The FINANCIAL — Kiev . The EBRD is acquiring a 28.3 percent-stake in
the Armenian meat producer NatFood CJSC for $4 million. The funds will
be used for expanding business by building new production facilities
with state-of-the-art equipment in compliance with international
quality standards.

The Armenian market for processed meat is growing rapidly and the
company’s strategy is to become a leading player. The emergence of a
middle class who can afford and ask for products of better and safer
quality is seen as a special opportunity. The company’s products, sold
under the `Biella’ brand name, already enjoy high reputation on the
local market.

NatFood was established as a spin-off of the meat processing business
of Valletta LLC. Valletta was founded in 1999 as a trading group by
the local entrepreneur Henrik Zakharyants, who was previously the sole
owner. It has since grown into a wide-ranging business group,
including wholesale, retail and food processing.

EBRD First Vice President Varel Freeman said the Bank’s acquisition of
an equity stake showed `our confidence in our new partner. We have
been very impressed by the strong performance of the company over the
past years and we will now support its further development and
strengthening.’

Armen Khudinyan, CEO of NatFood, added: `Having the EBRD on board – in
the truest sense of the word – is a massive boost for our
enterprise. It does not only strengthen us financially but we will
also benefit from the Bank’s expertise and know-how in our country and
region.’

To-date, the EBRD has invested more than ?¬170 million in 50
projects in all sectors of the Armenian economy. The strong growth in
recent years has also resulted in higher demand for EBRD finance.

EuroVision Song Contest: Second Rehearsals Armenia, Netherlands, Fin

SECOND REHEARSALS ARMENIA, NETHERLANDS, FINLAND

TheaterMania.com
news/read/11416
May 16 2008
NY

Day 6 of rehearsals has started with Armenia, the Netherlands and
Finland taking the stage for a second time. You can read the reviews
below from the rehearsals.

Song 14: Armenia – Sirusho – Qele, qele

Another energetic performance from Sirusho for the first technical
rehearsal of the day. Her powerful voice in well suited to this
ethnic pop song. She is joined by three male dancer who show their
athletic prowess on stage. Both dancers and singers interrelate well
on the stage.

Song 15: Netherlands – Hind – Your heart belongs to me

Hind looks very elegant dressed in an sparkling black dressed and
knee length boots. Again she deliver a note perfect performance
of Your heart belongs to me. She relates well with her two male
backing dancers: this provides a perfect platform for her to show
her outstanding vocals.

Song 16 – Finland – Terasbetoni – Missal Meet Ratsastaa

Flashing lights announce the arrival to the Eurovision Song Contest
stage of Terasbetoni, the heavy rockers from Finland. We see heavy
guitar playing and hard drum pounding from the leather clad 5 piece
band. An abundance of piros and flames on the stage complement the
heavy groove of this rock song. Lordi would be very proud of their
fellow countrymen.

After lunch Romania, Russia and Greece will take the stage for a
second rehearsal.

http://www.esctoday.com/

Remembering Stephen Feinstein

REMEMBERING STEPHEN FEINSTEIN

MinnPost.com
ories/2008/05/16/1868/remembering_stephen_feinstei n
May 16 2008
MN

Stephen Feinstein, founder and director of the Center for Holocaust
and Genocide Studies at the University of Minnesota, died suddenly at
age 64 in March. On May 12, at an event at the Humphrey Institute,
friends and colleagues remembered him as a scholar, an activist and
a man who used humor as a "survival technique." Here is a video by
David Feinberg, associate professor of art, that was shown at the
event, and excerpts from three speeches.

By Steve Hunegs, Executive Director Jewish Community Relations Council
of Minnesota & the Dakotas

This past Shabbat was the Minnesota fishing opener. I note it
because it was a rare – if not unique – event for which Steve in his
distinguished career of academics and activism did not:

This next Shabbat, the Torah portion is Behar which discusses – among
other topics – the Sabbath year of rest. This is completely inversely
appropriate to Steve, since he was in perpetual motion and never,
seemingly, at rest.

* * * * *

All of this energy and Steve’s Russian and beaver skin hat were
brought to bear on the Soviet Jewry movement of the Upper Midwest.

Contextually, 50 years after "Red October," the Six Day War sparked a
revolution of a sort among Soviet Jewry by rekindling their national,
religious and cultural identities as Jews. In the years after 1967,
huge numbers of Soviet Jews sought to escape intellectual and spiritual
suffocation through aliyah or emigration to the West. This was a blow
to the Soviet solar plexus and immigration was held hostage to the
trajectory of American-Soviet relations.

Into this moment stepped the American Jewish community, determined
not to repeat its quiescence during the Holocaust. The Minnesota
community, aligned with its tradition, organized activism in size
disproportionate to its numbers.

* * * * *

At the center was Steve Feinstein…

â~@¢ Lobbying for passage of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment tying
trade with the USSR to immigration; â~@¢ Meeting with Refuseniks in
the USSR when attending the Moscow Book Fair; â~@¢ Organizing the
Minnesota delegation to the December 1987 March on Washington during
a visit by Mikhail Gorbachov; â~@¢ Recording telephone messages,
with a new action item each week; â~@¢ Demonstrating at hockey games
or cultural events involving Russians – as Mort Ryweck pointed out,
"no demonstration was too small for his participation"; â~@¢ Leading
Freedom Seders with freedom hagadot; â~@¢ Leading the charge for the
Vladamir Feltsman concert – a former refusenik pianist – which sold
out Orchestra Hall in the late 1980’s.

As chair of the JCRC’s Minnesota-Dakota Action Committee on Soviet
Jews (1985 to 1992), Steve worked with a great cross-section of the
community… . Poignantly, Steve was working — always working. My
last meeting with him, Susan Yana Glikin and Mark Glotter – not
long before he died — was planning a community 30th anniversary
commemoration of the Soviet Jewry movement.

As a friend, student and colleague of Prof. Feinstein, I can say
his work was characterized by the fact that he was equally at home
in the flat of a Leningrad refusenik, the galleries of the Louvre,
the archives of Yad Vashem, among his vintage model trains, and in
the classrooms and lecture halls from the University of Minnesota
to Moscow. He was among the few who both wrote and shaped history —
as only a person of his experience, interests and travels could. He
was and will be remembered as the quintessential community person–who
"respected" no boundaries of the University–and will inspire us for
decades to come.

By Taner Akcam Department of History and Center for Holocaust and
Genocide Studies University of Minnesota

I am here to say publicly what Steve already knew – how thankful I
was to him as a friend and colleague.

In 2001 I was a visiting professor at the University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, looking for a position where I could stay in academia in
the USA. Mutual friends put me in touch with him; his support for my
invitation to teach here was crucial.

Over the next six years, Steve proved to be more than a colleague:
he was my "problem solver." Through every challenge, large or small,
he was always there with a solution.

My office in the Social Science Building was not a permanent
space. "Why don’t you come over to the Center," asked Stephen one
day. "We’ll give you a room; you will have fun here." He was right –
to work beside him every day was a real pleasure.

"You are the real Talat Pahsa," he would say, showing me the fez he
had received from the Minnesota Armenian Community. "Now, we have to
organize a ceremony to turn this over to you."

Steve sought to incorporate not only the Armenian Genocide but
also other 20th century genocides into the comparative scope of the
Center. "The Holocaust can be adequately understood only in perspective
with other Genocides," he used to say.

Let others speak of Stephen Feinstein’s philosophy of comparative
genocide or his one-week summer seminar for teachers on Genocide and
Human Rights. I would rather speak of the Steve who after teaching
all day, went home and slept on the floor, too exhausted even to take
off his shoes.

Now, when it comes to solving practical issues, I am a person with
two left feet – my only talent is reading books. But, when I came to
the Center, I had no book shelves. PEHH – no problem! Steve knew what
to do. "Are you going to build them?" I asked, astonished. There he
was with the lumber, nails and tools.

"Steve, this shared printer in my office is driving me crazy." No
problem, there was Steve drilling a hole in the wall to reroute
the cable connection out of my office. "How can you be so talented,
Steve; we scholars are supposed to be clumsy." Well, "this is what
we learned from the Nazis," he would say. "This is how you survive
in a concentration camp."

He walked in every morning with a joke, tossing a sheet of paper on my
desk, or starting a new story, "have you heard the one about…." He
would come to my office saying, "check your email, I just sent you
something" or he would call me over to his office to watch a video
clip or to read a joke. Steve was hilarious, laughing with full
mouth…. "The jokes are my survival technique," he used to say. But
they were a social pressure for [me]: Oh my god! What should I tell
him today?

He loved to see me in the office everyday from 8 to 5. "I am sorry,
Steve, I had to take my daughter to the doctor." "Steve, I am leaving,
Helin missed the bus, I had to pick her up." "You need a wife,"
he would say. "Tell your Armenian friends they have to find you an
Armenian wife. This cannot go on. You cannot work. They should know
that they are hindering genocide research; this will be their way to
contribute to it."

He used to tell visitors, anyone who walked in the door, "I am looking
for a Jewish wife for Taner. The Armenians cannot find one. So, even
though having a Jewish wife and dealing with Armenian Genocide is very
suspect, we don’t have any other choice." That was embarrassing…..

Steve saw life as a joke and lived it as a joke. His leaving us was
also a joke but one of his worst ones. Steve…my dear friend…you are
always with me, wherever I go. And I am hoping to see you there…to
listen to one more joke from you.

By Henry Oertelt Holocaust Survivor

My association with Steve with goes back at least 25 years, when he
invited me to speak at his class at [the University of Wisconsin],
River Falls. I can say it was "love at first sight." I was taken in
by his easy-going casualness and his wonderful sense of humor. It
was there that I had my first experience with his quick humor.

During my lecturing I had explained that, during my incarceration in
the concentration camps, I was able to utilize my trained profession
of designing and building fine furniture. I had explained that on two
of those occasions I was transported to other camps, without being
able to finish the projects I was working on. During the following
question and answer session, one student wanted to know if I was still
working in that profession. Before I was able to answer, Steve jumped
in and quipped, "What do you think, with that kind of a work record?"

For more information, go to the Center for Holocaust and Genocide
Studies website.

–Boundary_(ID_9ZI9l6wAswww4aPl9l1BxA)–

http://www.minnpost.com/st

ANKARA: Turk Business Association Releases Armenian Bill Report

TURK BUSINESS ASSOCIATION RELEASES ARMENIAN BILL REPORT

Hurriyet
May 16 2008
Turkey

Turkey’s top business association has released a report on an Armenian
bill regarding the incidents of 1915, which was adopted last year by
the Committee on Foreign Relations of the U.S. House of Representatives
but was turned down by the general assembly.

The report on , drawn up by researcher and specialist in law David
Saltzman for the Turkish Industrialists’ and Businessmen’s Association
(TUSIAD), was presented on Thursday at a Washington conference on
Turkish-U.S. relations.

In the report, TUSIAD declared its will to form a platform in which
the incidents experienced by Armenian citizens of the Ottoman Empire
during World War I can be discussed.

The report, "U.S. House of Representatives Resolution 106: Legal
and Factual Deficiencies," said that there had never been a legal
opinion that can justify the 1915 incidents as "genocide," and
those who contend the allegations had never brought them before an
international court.

"The global public opinion is focused on this one-sided view. And
the rejection to acknowledge facts and the failure to consider
the historical background of the incidents help this view attain a
continuity," the report said.

Armenia, with the backing of the diaspora, claims up to 1.5 million
of their kin were slaughtered in orchestrated killings in 1915. The
Armenian diaspora has lately increased its organized activities
throughout the world for the acknowledgment of their unfounded
allegations in regard to the incidents of 1915 as "genocide" by
national and local parliaments.

Turkey rejects the claims, saying that 300,000 Armenians along with
at least as many Turks died in civil strife that emerged when the
Armenians took up arms for independence in eastern Anatolia.

Turkey is of the view that parliaments and other political institutions
are not the appropriate forums to debate and pass judgment on
disputed periods of history. Past events and controversial periods
of history should be left to historians for their dispassionate study
and evaluation.

In 2005, Turkey officially proposed the establishment of a joint
commission comprised of historians and other experts from both sides
to study the events of 1915, utilizing not only Turkish and Armenian
archives, but also those of relevant third-party countries and to share
their findings with the public. Armenia has not responded positively
to this initiative, as yet.

BAKU: Chairman Of Georgian Parliament’s Commission: "Armenia Voted A

CHAIRMAN OF GEORGIAN PARLIAMENT’S COMMISSION: "ARMENIA VOTED AGAINST THE RESOLUTION IN THE UN, AS IT IS CLOSELY CONNECTED WITH RUSSIA"

Azeri Press Agency
May 16 2008
Azerbaijan

Baku. Tamara Grigoryeva-APA. "I do not think that Armenia’s
voting against the resolution in the UN General Assembly will have
serious influence on our bilateral relations", Chairman of Georgian
Parliament’s Commission on Foreign Affairs Konstantin Gabashvili told
APA. He said that Russia had worked much for the voting to fail.

"You know that these countries are closely connected with each
other. That’s why Armenia voted against the resolution. Of course,
we regret this, but the main thing is that the document has been
adopted", he said.

Touching upon GUAM member state Moldova’s abstaining from the voting,
Konstantin Gabashvili said they understood this.

"Moldova also has special relations with Russia. Pressure was exerted
on this country’s ambassador", he said.

Konstantin Gabashvili expressed his gratitude to Azerbaijan for
supporting Georgia.

"I am grateful to Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry and all Azerbaijani
People for supporting us in this hard work", he said.

Out of Africa

Scenta.co.uk, UK
May 18 2008

Out of Africa

‘There have been very difficult times. Harsh times, when it was
frankly hell to be here, but some of us were lucky and survived. Thank
God. Now this place’ – Alemayehu Eshete gestures towards the
shimmering sprawl of Addis Ababa below the terrace where we are
sitting – ‘is finally getting noticed.’

On cue, a giant truck laden with bricks and builders gives a mighty
honk and rumbles past in an evil cloud of dust and diesel, en route to
one of the many construction sites springing up in Ethiopia’s
capital. Equally on cue, a flock of goats trots anarchically past,
whipped into unruly order by their owner, forcing a shining Toyota 4×4
to a halt. Addis is a city of contrasts, where the future and the past
rub constantly, uncomfortably, against each other.

The same might be said of Alemayehu himself. At 60 years of age the
singer has lived out a career that has taken him from teenage Elvis
impersonator to national stardom as Ethiopia’s answer to James Brown,
from singing under duress for North Korean dictator Kim Il Sung in the
Eighties to his trans-American tours of today, playing for the booming
Ethiopian communities of Washington DC, Atlanta and
beyond. Twenty-first century Ethiopia, it transpires, extends way
beyond Africa.

Later this month, Ashete’s career begins a more unexpected chapter
when he and three other veterans from Addis’s ‘Golden Age’ play
London’s Barbican as part of the venue’s ‘Groove Nations’
programme. Then the quartet headline Glastonbury’s Saturday night jazz
stage. Alemayehu declares himself unphased at the prospect of wowing
the Glasto faithful – after what he and his country have endured, you
sense he’s unshockable – but he admits that he and his colleagues are
pleasantly astonished to find the music they pioneered in the early
Seventies is now in first-world vogue.

And what vogue. The Very Best of Éthiopiques was 2007’s cult hit,
swathed in press plaudits, endorsed by Robert Plant and Elvis Costello
– who hailed its ‘soulful, sorrowful and joyful music’ and ‘defiant
human spirit’ – and widely tipped to ‘do for Ethiopia what the Buena
Vista Social Club did for Cuba’. A tall order indeed.

A mixture of rugged funk, mesmeric jazz, blousy soul and harp-drenched
folk, the 28 tracks of The Very Best are distilled from the series of
23 Éthiopiques albums that is the brainchild of Francis Falceto, a
French promoter turned musical curator. Falceto’s series and its Very
Best microcosm capture the flowering of Ethiopian pop during the
fading years of Emperor Haile Selassie’s reign, a brief, gilded age
before a bloodthirsty Communist military junta closed down the country
for 18 years, silencing its music in the process.

Today Addis is once more a boom town. Downtown, mammoth new buildings
are rising, the concrete skeletons of new five-star hotels sheathed in
rickety wooden scaffolding. The city’s ramshackle roads are likewise
being upgraded and carry a surprising number of flashy Merecedes
saloons and Japanese jeeps alongside flotillas of rickety Lada taxis
and bright blue minibuses spewing out black clouds of half-digested
diesel, pictures of Arsenal or Barcelona FC stuck in their windows.

Where all this smart money is coming from is something no one seems
able or willing to say. Dubai is mentioned, and the cheerful Chinese
businessmen in the city’s pizza parlours tell another part of the
story, but the principal source of the new wealth seems to be
first-world aid. Not the humanitarian aid that pulled the country’s
northern provinces out of famine back in Live Aid days, but
politically inspired investment. Ethiopia is, after all, a devoutly
Christian country in a region where Islamic fundamentalism is on the
rise.

As headquarters to the African Union, Addis is already the de facto
political capital of Africa, a place where business is done among
governments, aid agencies and pressure groups. How much the city’s
burgeoning role will benefit its endless shanty towns remains to be
seen, but some of the political gloss is already rubbing off on the
city’s culture. Last year Beyoncé Knowles chose Addis for the opening
date of her world tour – at the city’s cavernous Millennium Hall. VIP
tickets cost 4,000 Birra (£200), a colossal sum for most Ethiopians,
though much of the audience were students with free tickets.

The signs of a musical and artistic revival don’t stop there. Out
beyond the old leper hospital on the city’s fringes I visit a spacious
art gallery opened last year, whose paintings are selling for a
healthy £2,000 apiece. Downtown there are swish, cosmopolitan bars and
jazz venues like Club Alize, alongside the rootsier tedjbets, drinking
holes where all manner of bluesy, folky music is played. Some of this
activity is driven by the return of exiles and expatriates, especially
from the USA. Various figures are bandied around for the number of
Ethiopians in the States, with a million as a mean average, of whom
around 100,000 are resident in Washington DC alone.

Though the music you hear pumping from the tape decks of lorries and
taxis might include the odd blast of American R&B or rap, it’s local
stars who dominate with tunes laced with synths but still chiming with
the odd harmonies of East Africa – pin-up Teddy Afro, or the hugely
popular Gossaye Tesfaye.

For the moment, though, it is the music of the past that is attracting
the attention of the West. Éthiopiques gathers an array of talents,
among them singer Mahmoud Ahmed, who lifted a BBC World award last
year, Alemayehu Eshete, saxophonist Getatchew Mekurya, and
‘Ethio-jazz’ bandleader Mulatu Astatke. It’s these four who are
heading for Europe, backed by the US jazz troupe Ether Orchestra.

The album’s totem tracks probably belong to Mulatu, not least because
his spellbinding music featured heavily in the soundtrack to Jim
Jarmusch’s 2005 comedy-drama Broken Flowers. Jarmusch had become
entranced by Astake’s discordant brass and quavering keyboards after
hearing the Éthiopiques 4 release dedicated to him. So entranced that
the director searched out Astatke in New York, then wrote an Ethiopian
character into the movie to accommodate his music.

Astatke, a solemn, well-spoken 64-year-old, is a very different
personality to the effervescent Eshete. I catch up with him before a
triumphant show at the Cargo club in London, where he is brilliantly
backed by local jazzers the Heliocentrics. Coming from a well-off
family, he was packed off to boarding school in Wrexham, where he
first developed an interest in music, learning trumpet and
clarinet. After moving to London to study music at Trinity College, he
became interested in classical and jazz, and was quickly sucked into
the capital’s musical life, playing for Latin bandleader Edmundo Ros
and absorbing Soho’s jazz scene. ‘It was a thrilling time,’ he
says. ‘I became great friends with [club owner] Ronnie Scott and met a
lot of talented players – Tubby Hayes in particular, who played both
tenor sax and vibes. It was Tubby who first inspired me to take up
vibes.’

After a spell at Berklee College in Boston, Astatke founded the
Ethiopian Quintet in New York, making his first album in 1966 and
returning home at the end of the decade. It was the era of ‘Swinging
Addis’. An ageing Haile Selassie still ruled the country like a feudal
monarch but the Ethiopian capital had loosened up under the sway of
the younger generation and the tides of internationalism. Alongside
Ethiopian music the state radio broadcast soul music, much of it
introduced via young American peace corps.

In Addis’s downtown hotels resident big bands in crisp tuxedos pumped
out a brash fusion of American soul and Amharic pop for a
sophisticated audience – then, as now, Addis had an affluent upper
class and was an international capital. In the new mood of youthful
discontent, even the state monopoly on recording and importing records
found itself challenged by an uppity 24-year-old record shop owner,
Amha Eshèté. Recording in his back room and sending his tapes to India
for pressing, Amha Records’ first release was by Alemayehu Eshete.

For Alemayehu, speaking on a hotel terrace in Addis, where he still
lives, such times are both distant and oddly present. ‘We got away
with our defiance,’ says Alemayehu, ‘then the Philips label, who had
the monopoly, got in on the act, some others too.’

As lead singer with the Police Band, Alemayehu was already a star
turn. Not that he was actually in the police force – Ethiopia’s music
scene had been largely generated through the various marching bands
that had begun in the Forties on the Emperor’s orders. On a visit to
Turkey, Selassie had been greeted and impressed by an Armenian brass
band and had promptly inaugurated his own musical strike
force. Armenian instructors were drafted in and a host of official
bands founded, the most eminent being the Imperial Bodyguard
Band. Later, the Bodyguard band would fall from grace, when several
members were implicated in 1960’s attempted coup.

‘The bands would hire singers, players and dancers,’ relates
Alemayehu, who was well known even at school for his cover versions of
Elvis Presley. ‘You can’t start from nothing, you have to start from
something, and I had watched a lot of Elvis movies. I dressed like an
American, grew my hair, sang "Jailhouse Rock" and "Teddy Bear" –
sometimes we would do "Strangers in the Night".’ At this he laughs and
gives a creditable croon. ‘But the moment that I started singing
Amharic songs my popularity shot up.’

By the time Alemayehu was making records, James Brown had replaced
Elvis as his principal influence. ‘Sam Cooke, Brook Benton, Bobby
Bland, Nat King Cole… I loved them all, but James was the greatest.’

Listening to the Éthiopiques series, it’s easy to think that black
America had more of an influence on Ethiopia than turns out to be the
case. It’s not much of a step, for example, from the cosmic jazz of
Sun Ra to the mysterious sounds of Mulatu Astatke, or from the primal
free jazz saxophone of Albert Ayler to the visceral warrior wails of
Getatchew Mekurya. After all, in the era when Addis briefly
flourished, black America was turning increasingly to the ‘motherland’
for inspiration, sporting Afro haircuts and dashikis, its jazz
champions cutting records called ‘Black Nile’ or ‘Home is Africa’.

For confirmation, I hand Alemayehu a new Blue Note compilation,
African Rhythms: Afrocentric Homages to a Spiritual Homeland,
featuring the likes of Lee Morgan and Wayne Shorter. After inspecting
it he shakes his head, bemused. ‘We weren’t aware of this at all,’ he
says.

Even Mulatu, a sophisticated international, turns out to have been
unaware of the rippling electronic keyboards of Sun Ra that so much
resemble his own. His principal western inspirations were, he says,
the orchestral styles of Gil Evans and Duke Ellington – the latter he
famously met and worked with when the Ellington band was touring
Africa, staying a few days in Addis. Mulatu wrote an arrangement for
the Duke, using Ethiopian notation. ‘He was surprised – he said he
wasn’t expecting an African to come up with something like that.’

In a country where the voice rules music and lyrics count for a great
deal (often saying one thing and meaning another), Mulatu’s
instrumental music has never been especially popular, though his
arrangements for others, notably singer Tlahoun Gèssèssè, are much
admired. Mulatu was responsible for introducing instruments like
Fender keyboards, wah-wah pedals, vibes, organs. A musical scholar who
is a fellow at Harvard, Mulatu likes to talk technically about the
distinctive qualities of Ethiopian music and its use of the five-note
pentatonic scale rather than the West’s eight-note scale. He’ll
compare the diminished scales used by Ethiopian tribes to Debussy’s,
and explain how he melded chants from the Coptic Church, which traces
its origins back to at least the third century, into his arrangements.

All Ethiopians, it seems, have a well-developed sense of their
country’s uniqueness, be it in their music, religion, language
(Amharic is a one-off) or history. Of all the African nations,
Ethiopia alone remained independent of the European colonial land grab
of the 19th century, keeping its ancient royal line intact down to the
overthrow of Haile Selassie in the revolution of 1974.

Selassie’s downfall remains an ambiguous moment for many
Ethiopians. Though widely admired by outsiders as a symbol of African
stability and even modernity, at home the Emperor was an unpopular
autocrat – one of the biggest hits of 1973 was ‘I Can’t Take It
Anymore’, a political slogan disguised as a love song.

‘We couldn’t be open in what we sang,’ says Alemayehu, ‘because there
was no democracy. Most of the people were against the government
because the law wasn’t straight. The king had become old and ministers
were just doing what they liked. Still, it was 100 per cent better
than what came after…’

Swinging Addis stopped rocking abruptly in 1974 when widespread street
protests and anti-government strikes opened the way for a military
coup. Headed by Mengistu Haile Mariam, the Communist junta – the
‘Derg’ – imprisoned Selassie, cracked down on dissenters and imposed a
night-time curfew that silenced Addis’s nightlife. Amid civil unrest
at home, the Derg pursued old enmities against its neighbours –
Eritrea, Somalia, Tigray – coming close to defeat in the process, and
being saved only by massive military intervention from Soviet and
Cuban forces.

For the next couple of years, Ethiopia was plunged into a campaign of
‘Red Terror’ as dissent was ruthlessly suppressed. Military and
civilian murder squads roamed the country eradicating ‘enemies of the
revolution’, and thousands died or were imprisoned as Mengistu
established a ‘Socialist Paradise’. In reality the country was turned
into a prison and Mengistu into a Stalinist caricature of an emperor
who was by then dead, his body buried beneath a toilet in the palace
from which Mengistu now held sway.

Many musicians were among those who fled into exile. Others remained,
though unable to perform more than the odd state-sponsored show or
sneak the occasional cassette recording through the cultural
clampdown. ‘That time was hell,’ says Alemayehu, simply. ‘A lot of
people were detained and killed, though not me, I was still popular
and even some of the Derg liked me.’

Alemayehu found himself pressed into state service, under government
orders to play prestige shows in other African countries or on
occasion for allies like Cuba, Russia and North Korea. ‘I was ordered
to sing a song in Korean for Kim Il Sung, which I learned, though I
had no idea what I was singing. At the theatre people stood up and
started clapping for no apparent reason – it was because the president
had left his home and was on his way to the show. The applause didn’t
stop until he was sat down.’

The 10th anniversary of the Derg’s accession to power in 1984 was
accompanied by lavish, Soviet-style celebrations – parades, gymnastic
displays, triumphal arches and monuments – though these were soon
overshadowed by the calamitous famine that gripped the country’s
north. The extent of the tragedy, in which hundreds of thousands of
peasants and refugees starved, was at first concealed by
Mengistu. When the world’s television screens eventually revealed the
unfolding catastrophe, a deluge of humanitarian aid flowed in, led by
Band Aid and the following summer’s Live Aid concert.

Though drought and a failed harvest had much to do with the famine,
Mengistu was also culpable. Agricultural collectivisation and the
scorched earth tactics used by the military against Tigrayan
independence fighters also played their part in the tragedy, while the
£150m raised by Live Aid was roughly equivalent to the sum lavished by
Mengistu on his anniversary celebrations.

For the outside world, the words ‘Ethiopia’ and ‘famine’ became
inseparable. For Francis Falceto, the force behind Éthiopiques, this
has been a tragedy of a lesser order. ‘The images of the famine on
people’s TV screens implanted the idea that Ethiopia was a desert
where people die of hunger, whereas most of the country is green,
fertile uplands. I wanted to show that Ethiopians were a cultured
people, not incompetent beggars who couldn’t feed themselves. I wanted
the Éthiopiques series to help break this cliche and change the West’s
perception.’

A quixotic figure who ‘has aways been drawn to unknown and
experimental music’, the 56-year-old Falceto is an eloquent and
inspirational figure, a mover and shaker whose devotion to Ethiopian
music underpins much of what has happened over the past decade. He
made his first visit to Ethiopia in 1984. A promoter and champion of
experimental music, he had fallen in love with a Mahmoud Ahmed record
a friend had given him. He decided to visit Addis in the hope of
recruiting Ahmed for a European tour. The city he found was a ghost
town with his – and everyone else’s – move monitored. ‘I had never
been to Africa so it was very frightening and very hard work.’

Falceto’s plans to tour Mahmoud came to nothing, but he met the star,
and his brief taste of Addis had him hooked. He began to visit
regularly, building up a library of the country’s vanishing musical
legacy. ‘I bought every cassette and 45 I could get my hands on,
rooting round dusty stalls and back street shops, and befriending the
label owners.’ The results of his obsession appeared in 1997, when the
first of his beautifully presented Éthiopiques albums was released.

By then the Derg was history, overthrown in a 1991 coup led by the
country’s current prime minister Meles Zenawi. Since then Ethiopia has
made a stumbling transition into a neo-democracy – the 2005 elections,
for example, led to a police massacre of 190 dissenters and the
imprisonment of Zenawi’s rivals. Military action against independence
movements in Ogaden and Somalia continues amid allegations of human
rights abuses.

‘Whatever you think of the current regime, at least musicians are
allowed to play what and where they want,’ says Falceto, who for the
last few years has been promoting an annual festival in Addis. His
co-promoter, Heruy Arefaire, grew up in Washington and returned to a
homeland he hadn’t known as an adult. He talks passionately about the
‘Addis Acoustic Renaissance’, and the revival of instruments like
clarinet, accordion and mandolin that were once fixtures in Ethiopian
music.

This year’s Addis festival included a French jazz group from Toulouse,
Les Tigres des Platanes, whose repertoire covers Fela Kuti, the Art
Ensemble of Chicago and assorted Ethiopian tracks. Falceto plans to
record them alongside Ethiopian singer Etenesh Wassie.

In general, however, Falceto is gloomy about the state of Ethiopian
music, which by the time he visited the country had declined into
gloop synth players in hotel lounges. ‘Imagine you were 17 in 1974 –
for 18 years you couldn’t go anywhere – by the time the regime falls
and the curfew ends in 1991 you are 35. That means that no one in that
country under 50 has a real folk memory of the glory days of Ethiopian
music.’

Yet the country’s appetite for its own brand of pop hasn’t
disappeared. Roadside stalls selling bootleg CDs do a brisk trade, and
the growing American Ethiopian population provides an eager audience
for visitors, and for a growing number of Ethiopian acts, like singers
Gigi and Aster Awake, who are based in North America, and who have
started to fuse tradition with new flavours.

For Falceto, the Éthiopiques ‘project’, as he calls it, is
ongoing. There are more old records to re-release, but you sense that
the archaeological phase is over. The sleeping giants whose music he
brought to the world are now playing, not just to Ethiopians but to
Westerners. Against all odds, there has been a resurrection. ‘It’s all
I dreamed of,’ says Mulatu Astatke, ‘for Ethiopia to get
recognised. It’s beautiful.’

· Ethiopiques play the Barbican, London EC2 on 27 June and Glastonbury
on 28 June. Éthiopiques: The Very Best of Éthiopiques is out now on
Manteca. To hear Mulatu Astatke at his recent London show at Cargo, go
to

Who was Haile Selassie?

Born Tafari Makonnen, Haile Selassie ruled Ethiopia with an iron fist
between 1930 and 1974. But in Jamaica, particularly, he was also
hailed as a living God (or ‘Jah’) following the interpretation of a
Biblical prophesy by members of a new movement called Rastafari. Bob
Marley later did much to popularise the faith. In Ethiopia, there is
now a Rasta colony in Shashamane. ‘Rastas promote our flag,’ according
to one young writer, ‘but the rest – the Selassie worship, the
drugging and idling – have nothing to do with us.’

55/out-of-africa.htm

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

http://tiny.cc/xz4ZQ
http://www.scenta.co.uk/music/news/cit/17221

BAKU: Iranian Amb: "Even If The Whole World Recognizes Nagorno Karab

AMBASSADOR: "EVEN IF THE WHOLE WORLD RECOGNIZES NAGORNO KARABAKH AS ARMENIAN TERRITORY, IRAN WILL RECOGNIZE THIS AREA AS AZERBAIJAN’S TERRITORY"

Azeri Press Agency
May 16 2008
Azerbaijan

Baku. Elnur Mammadli-APA. Ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary
of Iran to Azerbaijan Nasir Hamidi Zare has today held a press
conference in connection with the 60th anniversary of Israeli state,
APA reports. The ambassador said that territories of Palestine
were occupied 60 years ago and illegal Israeli state was declared
there. Nasir Hamidi Zare expressed his regret that this date was
celebrated as a holiday in a number of countries.

"I think Azerbaijani People share the grief of Iran and Palestine and
all the peoples of all the three countries do not approve the injustice
of great states. Of course, double standards of a number of countries
caused this injustice. Who tries to liberate its occupied lands is
called a terrorist. Azerbaijani People will be called terrorists,
if they attempt to liberate their occupied territories", he said.

The ambassador said that the peoples of Iran, Azerbaijan and Palestine
resisted the occupants.

Nasir Hamidi Zare mentioned that Iranian people liberated their lands
after eight-year struggle.

"Azerbaijani People will also liberate their lands", he said.

The diplomat said Iran supported Azerbaijan’s position on Nagorno
Karabakh problem and recognized its territorial integrity.

"Even if the whole world recognizes Nagorno Karabakh as Armenian
territory, Iran will recognize this area as Azerbaijan’s territory",
he said.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Armenian opposition members jailed on coup charges

Houston Chronicle, TX
May 18 2008

Armenian opposition members jailed on coup charges

Bloomberg News

As many as 54 Armenian opposition members remain in prison awaiting
trial on charges including attempting to overthrow the government in
March 1 riots that left eight dead and hundreds injured.

Armenian prosecutors on May 2 charged 91 opposition members with
attempting a coup, illegal use of weapons and creating a
disturbance. The riots followed 11 days of demonstrations after the
Feb. 19 presidential election, in which Serzh Sargsyan defeated Levon
Ter-Petrosyan, a former president. The opposition says the vote was
rigged.

Then-President Robert Kocharyan responded by imposing a 20- day state
of emergency. As many as 106 opposition members, including members of
parliament, were arrested following the clashes between protesters and
riot police.

"Several opposition leaders have been released on bail and told not to
leave the country," Sona Tryzian, a spokeswoman for the Armenian
Prosecutor General’s Office, said last week from the capital Yerevan.

Tryzian said the 54 opposition members "were detained based on clear
evidence that they illegally used weapons during the March rallies."

EuroVision Song Contest: The First Three Participants To Rehearse To

THE FIRST THREE PARTICIPANTS TO REHEARSE TODAY AT THE BELGRADE ARENA WERE ARMENIA’S SIRUSHO, THE HIND FROM THE NETHERLANDS AND THE FINNISH ROCKERS OF TERASBETONI

Eurovision.tv
May 16 2008
Switzerland

First rehearsal of the day was Armenia’s Sirusho, who astonished
everyone at her first rehearsal last Monday and her great performance
at the party thrown by the Russian delegation at the Euroclub. Sirusho
and her three backing dancers once again delivered a steady
performance, opening with the dancers entangled around Sirusho’s legs,
making Sirusho wave in the air when she stoops. Sirusho did not wear
her final outfit for the semi-final on the 20th of May, but it was
revealed by a person from the Armenian delegation: Sirusho’s dress
is classy, sexy and shiny. During the rehearsal, fire was blowing
up from the stage and the pyrotechnics were tried out. Given the
expressions on Sirusho and her dancers’ faces, it was seeming like
they were quite content with rehearsals. Later at the press conference,
Sirusho and the Armenian delegation expressed their satisfaction with
today’s rehearsal. Furthermore, Sirusho told the fans and accredited
press that there had been some security issues regarding some of the
elements which were supposed to be used in the act. Sirusho explained
that this of course is unfortunate, but it does not matter because
in the end it is the vocal perfomance that counts.

The second delegation to perform today was the Netherlands with
their experienced singer Hind. Rehearsing Your Heart Belongs To Me,
one could clearly see that the cute Dutch singer really enjoyed being
on the stage in the Belgrade Arena. The whole rehearsal looks very
polished already with big white chandeliers being projected on the
enormous LED screens, and yellow colours used at the front part of
the stage. Hind is on stage with two male dancers and three backing
singers who are all dressed in dark blue. Hind herself is wearing a
dark blue dress as well which has lots of glittering elements on it
which looked really elegant on screen. The Dutch singer is one of
the most secure singers in the contest this year and she interacts
brilliantly with the camera, too. Lots of people were hugely impressed
by the Dutch rehearsal today! The Dutch press conference was opened
by Hind singing a Dulce Pontes song which went down really well with
the audience being present. Hind also revealed that she met Marija
Serifovic yesterday and had a nice chat with her.

The metal rockers Terasbetoni from Finland were the third to enter
the stage at the Belgrade Arena this morning. As Terasbetoni usually
do they gave a powerful and flawless performance of their song Missa
Miehet Ratsastaa. The Finnish group were wearing various leather
outfits, and some of them did not wear anything on the upper part
of their bodies. The smoke on the stage as well as the fire balls
blowing up from the stage enhances the intensity of the song. In
the last rehearsal full pyrotechnics were tested. Finland has in
many recent years sent rock songs to the Eurovision Song Contest,
and it may come to their advantage this year, since they stand out
compared to most other participating countries. Today’s rehearsal
revealed that the Finnish rockers clearly are ready for the dress
rehearsals. After the rehearsal, the Finnish delegation showed up
for a press conference. Head of Delegation Terhi Norvasto told the
accredited press and fans that they are very pleased about the just
finished rehearsal and the organization of the event in general. A
journalist asked whether Terasbetoni has received advice from former
Finnish winner Lordi, but they had not since they have actually never
met Lordi in person.