US Assistant Sec. of State satisfied with coop with the South Caucas

US Assistant Secretary of State satisfied with cooperation with the South
Caucasus

ArmRadio.am
31.03.2007 14:23

US Assistant Secretary of State Matthew Bryza is content with the
level of relations with the countries of the South Caucasus. In the
framework of this cooperation he emphasized the mission of the
Georgian peacekeepers in Iraq and the rearmament of the military
airport of Azerbaijan, `Trend’ reports. Bryza underlined that the
cooperation of the United States with both Armenia and Azerbaijan is
very vigorous, active and practical especially in the security
sphere. He stressed also that many planes, including American ones,
fly to Afghanistan through the territories of Azerbaijan and
Georgia. `In case of emergency we would like to have the opportunity
to use the military airport of Azerbaijan for landing of our planes,’
Matthew Bryza noted.

100 Members of UK Parliament Recognize 1915 Events as Genocide

One Hundred Members of the UK Parliament Recognize Events in Ottoman
Turkey in Early 20th Century as Armenian Genocide

Arminfo
2007-03-31 11:36:00

One hundred members of the UK Parliament recognize the events in
Ottoman Turkey in the early 20th century as the Armenian Genocide, the
web-site of the "Orange" British newspaper ()
reports. According to the source, a milestone on the road to Armenian
Genocide recognition in the UK was passed yesterday, when Ed Davey
became the 100th MP in the House of Commons, London, to sign a Motion
recognizing the Armenian Genocide. The motion was put by Bob Spink MP
in December.

There are over a thousand motions in the House of Commons at this time
but this is the only motion opposed to government policy which has
accumulated 100 names. The motion will run until November so there is
still plenty of scope for the number to increase. The Genocide issue
is a high priority amongst MPs, and they express willingness to vote
on the issue in the late autumn.

Of the motions on international issues, only motions on Burma,
Zimbabwe and Darfur have gained more signatures. The House of Commons
consisting of 650 MPs is elected for 5 years.

www.wanadoo.co.uk

BAKU: Armenia’s top leaders could be interested in premier’s death

Armenia’s top leaders could be interested in premier’s death – Azeri website

Day.az website, Baku
27 Mar 07

Text of report by Xabar analytical group on Azerbaijani website Day.az
on 27 March headlined "The secret of Armenian Prime Minister Andranik
Margaryan’s untimely death"

The sudden death of Armenian Prime Minister Andranik Margaryan not
only became a tragedy for his family and relatives, but also shocked
his numerous supporters and comrades in the Republican Party of
Armenia (RPA) he led.

Meanwhile, this tragedy gave rise to many questions, including the
opinion that the death of one of the most significant figures in
Armenian politics was not a natural one. It looks like there are
enough reasons to back such opinions when one tries to find out who
would benefit from the sudden death of the prime minister.

According to the close circle of the prime minister, Margaryan and his
family members received threatening phone calls recently demanding
that he resign and voluntarily leave the RPA he led. Many in Armenia
linked this to the election campaign and the plans of the forces close
to [Armenian President] Robert Kocharyan to neutralize Margaryan, who
until recently, enjoyed one of the highest ratings among the
politicians seeking high offices in the country.

In addition, it is reported that in his capacity of prime minister,
Margaryan possessed compromising documents about corruption in the
country’s armed forces, illegal property deals involving the top
military leadership of Armenia, as well as facts of illegal waste of
budget money envisaged for military purposes, and that he planned to
make those facts public before the parliamentary election set for 12
May 2007.

According to experts, who checked up Margaryan, the cardiac arrest was
provoked by an external factor that put enormous psychological
pressure on him and by nervousness not usual for the prime
minister. His relatives also seem to be suspicious about the late
arrival of ambulances during the cardiac arrest.

The analysis of the political developments in Armenia in the past
years, rich in facts of removal (including physically) of many of the
current regime’s opponents, indicates that only one force could be
very interested in the death of Margaryan, and that is the "Karabakh
clan" headed by President Robert Kocharyan and the mighty defence
minister, Serzh Sargsyan.

According to some information, the resignation of Andranik Margaryan
from the post of prime minister was mulled as early as in 2001 in the
corridors of power. President Kocharyan considered Margaryan’s
candidacy as a "transitional figure" and was planning to sack him
after strengthening his grip on power.

There were several reasons for that. First, the leaders of the
"Karabakh clan" did not trust a Yerevan native, who was trying to play
his own game. Second, the prime minister maintained close ties with
the opposition, and in particular, the Republic Party, which united
many comrades of Margaryan.

Margaryan’s resignation, however, could have serious negative
consequences for the president and his circle. Taking into account
that the issue of Kocharyan’s power being illegitimate is hot, should
the chairman of the RPA that has the majority in parliament switch to
the opposition, this could result in initiating an impeachment of
Kocharyan backed by other anti-Kocharyan factions. Because of these
reasons, Kocharyan had to tolerate the unwanted premiership of
Margaryan until the confrontation between the head of the cabinet and
the representatives of the "Karabakh clan" reached its peak. The
forthcoming parliamentary election was the reason for this. The thing
is that the RPA has great chances to lead a majority in the National
Assembly [parliament] as was the case with the past two elections.
However, the prospect of Serzh Sargsyan, who was included in the RPA
last year, with a further nomination for prime minister, escalated the
confrontation between the Margaryan supporters and the "Karabakh
clan". Apparently, Andranik Margaryan too, who, in the past years,
managed to take control practically of all the regions and local
governments, was not very enthusiastic about such a prospect. He was
prepared to become a "used material" in the hands of scriptwriter
Kocharyan.

Therefore, Andranik Margaryan became a touchstone for the plan of
Kocharyan and the corrupt defence minister, Serzh Sargsyan, to protect
the political and economic longevity of the "Karabakh clan" in
Armenia. And in the fight for survival, that stone had to be either
buried to blown up. No other way is acceptable to these people as life
shows.

U.S. counts on Azeri airdrome for military use

PanARMENIAN.Net

U.S. counts on Azeri airdrome for military use
31.03.2007 13:09 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The U.S. counts to use the Azeri airdrome if
necessary, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European and
Eurasian Affairs Matthew Bryza told a news conference in Tbilisi.
`There are plenty of planes flying above Georgia and Azerbaijan
towards Afghanistan. Under such circumstances we want to have the
possibility to use the Azeri airdrome,’ Bryza said when asked to
comment on modernization of one of Azeri airdromes by American
specialists.

At the same time Mr Bryza said that the U.S. enjoys healthy
cooperation with Azerbaijan in the military sector and also cooperates
with Armenia in the defense sector, reports the New Region.

Armenia rates second in `super growth’ companies index

PanARMENIAN.Net

Armenia rates second in `super growth’ companies index

31.03.2007 13:59 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The U.S. tops the Grant Thornton International Super
Growth Index for the third year running. 44% of US companies hit
`super growth’ status, an increase of 5% over the previous year. The
Index measures the country with the highest proportion of "super
growth" companies.

This year Armenia (38%) has replaced India in second position.

`Super growth’ companies are defined as those which have grown
considerably more than average. To identify ‘super growth’ companies,
Experian Business Strategies, the economics consultancy, took four key
indicators to create a weighted index. The four indicators were:
absolute growth in turnover (adjusted for inflation); the percentage
growth in turnover (adjusted for inflation); absolute growth in
employee numbers; the percentage growth in employee numbers. By this
measure, 23% of all privately held businesses surveyed worldwide are
classified as ‘super growth’.

Russian expert says `color revolution’ unlikely in Armenia

From: Sebouh Z Tashjian <[email protected]>
Subject: Russian expert says `color revolution’ unlikely in Armenia

PanARMENIAN.Net

Russian expert says `color revolution’ unlikely in Armenia
31.03.2007 14:50 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Attempts to carry out a `color revolution’ were made
in all post soviet states, said Sergey Markov, Director of the
Institute for Political Studies. `This method of seizing the power is
specific to the 21st century with the leading role of media, NGOs and
dependence from outer factors. Armenian opposition would like to
replay the `color revolution’ scenario but it has no chances, in my
opinion, since Armenia doesn’t experience a deep political crisis as
it was in Ukraine. Unlike Leonid Kuchma, President Robert Kocharian
keeps the high rating. Besides, opposition doesn’t have bright leaders
like Victor Yushchenko or Mikhael Saakashvili,’ he said. When
commenting on the possible outcomes of the parliamentary election and
Robert Kocharian’s successor, Sergey Markov said, `Defense Minister
Serge Sargsyan is the most likely presidential contender from the
Republican Party, whose main goal is to accomplish the campaign
successfully. In this case the party will nominate Serge Sargsyan and
he will win,’ Kreml.org reports.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Who killed LA dealer in knife frenzy?

Who killed LA dealer in knife frenzy?

Briton Neil Revill has spent six years awaiting trial for a brutal
double murder, despite evidence linking the crime to drug gangs. As a
petition goes to the Prime Minister, he explains why he believes he
can still win his case

David Rose in Los Angeles
Sunday April 1, 2007
The Observer/UK

Even for Los Angeles, a city inured to violence, the double slaying of
drug dealer Arthur Davodian and his girlfriend Kimberley Crayton was
exceptional in its brutality. It seemed evident to the detectives who
surveyed his apartment in the northern LA hills that Davodian, 22, was
murdered first – stabbed 17 times in the body – before his head was
severed with a butcher’s precision and removed. It was found ten days
later, wrapped in a carrier bag in the front yard of a Masonic lodge,
by a schoolboy who was puzzled by its overpowering smell. Crayton, 21
– who suffered terrible wounds on her hands and arms – had locked
herself in their bedroom while her lover died. But the killer or
killers smashed down the door and dispatched her with equal
ferocity. Only her baby Kaylee, aged 14 months, survived.

This summer, nearly six years after his arrest, Neil Revill, a
semi-blind dyslexic from Consett in Co Durham, will face a jury in the
downtown LA courthouse which once hosted the trial of O.J. Simpson. He
is accused of both murders and the prosecutors are seeking the death
penalty. His face pasty and drawn, Revill, 33, sat in a white
breeze-block room in the North Los Angeles County maximum security
jail last week and gave an exclusive interview to The Observer,
conducted via a video link. ‘All these years I’ve kept thinking that
something was about to happen: that there would be some new piece of
evidence that would make them drop the charges and set me free,’ he
said. ‘Maybe that’s a delusion.’ Revill, who has no previous
convictions and has always protested his innocence, spoke in the tones
of middle England, his voice betraying few signs of his years in
America or of his origins in the north east of England. His emotions
surfaced visibly only once, when he described the effect of his being
charged with a capital murder on his relationship with his mother,
Brenda, and his father, Graham, a retired RAF mechanic. ‘One good
thing has come of this,’ he said. ‘We’ve become a lot closer. They
visit whenever they can and they’re going to be here for the trial,
though it’s expected to last four months. We were never a very close
family. Now we are.’

This week Clive Stafford Smith, the director of the London-based human
rights group, Reprieve, will write to Tony Blair, asking him to
support a new petition by attorneys from the LA Public Defender office
asking the prosecutors to drop their insistence on the death
penalty. They will point out that the case against Revill is
circumstantial and far from conclusive. There were no eyewitnesses,
nor a confession, no murder weapon has been recovered, and while there
were samples of Revill’s DNA at the crime scene he has always said
that Davodian was a friend, and that he went to his apartment as an
invited guest on the night before the killings.

Meanwhile, evidence has emerged that Davodian was a police informant,
whose information led to the arrest of powerful figures in the
Armenian and Israeli mafias – gangs whose signature punishment for
snitches is decapitation.

Neil Revill and his alleged victim Kimberley Crayton shared an
unfortunate characteristic. Both had been lured from secure,
law-abiding backgrounds to the deeper reaches of the LA drug scene,
seduced by its illusory glamour. Neither really belonged. Crayton, a
niece of the jazz singer Al Jarreau, was brought up amid the sunny
affluence of Orange County, south of LA. Having married her
high-school sweetheart and given birth to his child, she abruptly
changed direction, abandoning her husband to use substantial
quantities of crack cocaine and the still more powerful crystal
methamphetamine. When she died, she had been living with Davodian for
only a month – the last of several brief relationships that revolved
around drugs.

Revill’s trajectory was longer and less direct. He spent several years
in Germany, where his father was based: later, when he turned 18 and
his father was posted to Cyprus, he elected to stay with his
grandfather, a retired miner, in Consett. His dyslexia meant that his
only GCSE was in metalwork, while his blindness from birth in his
right eye deprived him of fulfilling his dream of following his father
into the RAF. For 18 months he lived with a woman in Sunderland,
working in kitchen and bathroom sales. Finally, he said, in the summer
of 1996 and at the age of 23: ‘I began to get bored and kind of upped
sticks. I bought a ticket to Amsterdam and hitch-hiked to Munich.’ He
stayed at a hostel, securing free board and lodging in return for a
little work. Already in residence was a woman he would shortly marry,
a slim American law student on vacation.

Revill’s ex-wife, now a partner in an international LA law firm,
agreed to talk to The Observer on condition of anonymity. ‘I still
care a lot about him, and I guess I always will,’ she said. ‘Even when
we separated, I made sure we stayed friends. He was always a good
guy. I can’t believe he is capable of these murders, physically or
psychologically. He was always so gentle. He watched out for me. And
Neil is a little clumsy. He just doesn’t have the kind of precision
you’d need with a knife to be able to sever a man’s head.’ Davodian,
meanwhile, was a muscley, tattooed strongman. At the time of the
murders, Neil, who is six foot three, weighed only 11 stone. ‘Quite
frankly,’ his former wife said, ‘if he had attacked Davodian, it
should have been Neil who ended up on the slab.’

If ever a marriage were made from opposites, this was it. While his
driven, focused partner completed her studies at law school, Revill
made money as a rock concert roadie and as a guinea pig for drug
trials. Over the following year he made several trips to visit her in
America and eventually asked her to marry him. She said yes. Her
parents laid on a grand wedding at their home in Athens, Georgia in
November 1997. Revill and his wife lived there too for more than a
year. In December 1998, the couple moved to LA – where their
relationship started to fall apart.

>From the beginning, Revill and his wife dabbled in the club and drug
scene. ‘We were just experimenting. No one we knew was really
hardcore back then,’ she said. ‘It was very rare we’d ever do drugs
outside the weekend. But it was a big underground scene; a lot of new
places were opening up. We had a lot of fun.’ The problem was that
‘if you know what you’re doing, LA is a little playground. But if you
don’t, you can easily get lost. That’s what happened to Neil’.

While she hunted for the perfect attorney’s job, he worked in a
delicatessen and later sold mobile phones. When his wife began an
affair, they split up in the spring of 1999, only to be reconciled
before Christmas. But ‘the spark and the trust had gone,’ Revill said,
and they separated for good the following May. For a while he did well
on his own: promoted to phone store manager, he got his own apartment,
a car and a high credit rating. Two months later the US Immigration
Service started asking questions about the status of his marriage, and
whether he was still entitled to work. ‘That was when my world
crumbled,’ Revill said. ‘I lost my job and I had a broken heart. I
went on a party rampage. I took out four new credit cards, borrowed on
them to the limit and blew the lot on drugs. I was already using
ecstasy and speed and had tried crystal meth in small quantities. I
started going on four-day binges, immersing myself in the club
scene. When the money ran out, the only thing I thought I could do was
to start to sell drugs.’

Before long, Revill was friends with Davodian, who lived in a yellow
concrete condominium at 10149 Commerce Avenue in Tujunga, a scruffy,
working-class neighbourhood beset by gangs. Four months before the
murders, Revill was arrested, driving some of Davodian’s drugs to a
dealer who lived across town in Glendale. He was bailed and told to
expect a sentence of six months. ‘I thought, OK, I’ll do my time, get
deported, and then the party’s going to be over: it’s time to move on
and grow up,’ said Revill. ‘What worried me most was how to tell my
parents.’

Davodian and Crayton were murdered in the early afternoon of 11
October, 2001. Revill was arrested on 22 November – the fourth
anniversary of his wedding.

In his 20 years as an LA public defender, Doug Goldstein, Revill’s
lead lawyer, has never known a case like Revill’s. ‘Usually death
penalty trials are about mitigation, trying to get them life,’ he
said. ‘The evidence of guilt is pretty clear-cut: there’ll be
eyewitnesses, a confession, DNA and fingerprints. This is
different. It’s like a Chandler mystery. And I’ve never had a client
like Neil, either. He’s pleasant, polite and articulate; the kind of
guy you’d invite home to dinner. He’s goofy, kind of humble. It’s very
hard to imagine he did something like this.’

The extraordinary delay in bringing the case to trial has arisen
because new evidence has regularly been discovered suggesting that
someone else – probably at least two people – killed Crayton and
Davodian. Each new disclosure has required further investigations by
both prosecution and defence while the scientific evidence – which
turns on the exact interpretation of DNA from the crime scene – is
extremely complex. There was blood in Davodian’s flat from at least
two unknown males.

And long after Revill was charged, documents emerged that showed
Davodian had made dangerous enemies. Four months before his murder, he
had been busted but made a deal with prosecutors known as ‘snitch
three, go free,’ which meant that, if he gave information that led to
three successful prosecutions, he would avoid going to prison. One of
the three was Revill. There was also at least one much bigger fish –
Andre Bolandi, a leader of a gang called Armenian Power, and
Davodian’s main supplier. Thanks to his information, Bolandi is now
serving a long sentence. Other witnesses interviewed by police have
said that Davodian snitched on drug kingpins still further up the
supply chain, including a leading figure in LA’s Israeli mafia.

Davodian’s neighbours have cast further doubt on whether Revill is the
murderer. One, who lived in the house opposite, says he heard men
shouting at Davodian a day or two before the murders, including a
threat to cut off his head. Michael Gregorian, who discovered the
bodies, says he saw two Armenians wearing uniforms from a
carpet-cleaning firm leaving the building a short while earlier. No
carpet cleaners had been working there officially at the time.
Finally, the man who lived and worked in the flat below the room where
Davodian was killed says he saw two men entering the condo and heard
sounds of a struggle.

Revill said that, as the trial approaches, he is starting to feel
nervous. ‘All these years I feel like I’ve shut myself down. I’ve
dealt with this by taking it day by day; I measure my life by the
passage of each eight-hour guard shift. When I first got here, it was
an enormous culture shock. Shutting myself down was the only way I
could cope, especially with so many delays. But I’m still optimistic.’
Revill might be home by Christmas. ‘But I’m not a fool. I know I
could lose and be sent to death row. And if I do, I understand what
might happen.’

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Don’t destroy my neighborhood, LAUSD

Los Angeles Times, CA
April 1 2007

Don’t destroy my neighborhood, LAUSD

His house, along with many others in his community, may be forcibly
condemned to make way for a public school.

By Marcos M. Villatoro, Novelist and poet Marcos M. Villatoro is a
professor of English at Mount St. Mary’s College and a columnist for
Tu Ciudad Los Angeles magazine. (marcosvillatoro.com)
April 1, 2007

RULE NO. 1: Always, always open your junk mail.

I almost didn’t. I saw "LAUSD" and thought: "Probably a public
awareness flier." But there was that subtitle, "Real Estate Office."
Then all three phones rang: two cells and our land line. All of our
neighbors in this corner of Van Nuys opened their junk mail that day.

Nowhere does the letter say "eminent domain," but there it is, in all
its overstuffed, half-apologetic rhetoric: the legal taking, if
necessary without consent, of private property.

"We plan to build a new elementary school in your community…. The
property(s) you own and/or occupy … is located within one of the
sites being considered for this school."

So our little neighborhood is part of a grand scheme. The district
has already spent billions of dollars to put up 65 schools since
2000. It plans to build 80 more. So far, the district says it has
"successfully relocated" 2,200 businesses and households.

At a public meeting on Wednesday, with 300-plus enraged homeowners in
the audience, Al Grazioli, the Los Angeles Unified School District
development manager, shared the vision: The district wants Elementary
School No. 14 to be built on one of two contiguous full blocks north
of Vanowen Street, between Tobias and Willis, Hart and Bassett. The
new school, he said, would relieve the populations of five other
schools in our area and help put schools back on the traditional
calendar.

Earlier, Grazioli’s real estate manager told me over the phone that
my neighborhood needs to look at the greater good. And fear not: The
LAUSD will hire an appraiser and buy our homes at market prices.

We will sell "voluntarily" to the district or get involuntarily
"condemned," unless the plan changes.

My interpretation: Not only can the government take my land without
my permission, it can also set the price . And here, between the
little streets of Tobias and Willis, Hart and Bassett, it can
bulldoze a community that’s taken decades to build.

Over the years, I’ve learned to be mistrustful. I don’t take much to
the phrase "the greater good." Especially when it comes out of the
mouths of powerful monoliths like the LAUSD.

The school district’s ability to use eminent domain may blind it to
what its power does to the folks on the ground. Our neighborhood
anecdotes may come off as subjective, one-sided and irrelevant
measured against the need for more schools. But perhaps the LAUSD
could humor me for a moment.

After the letter arrived, my wife, Michelle, walked the blocks, house
to house.

Half of our neighbors are Spanish speakers. Though the letter also
came in Spanish, Michelle explained the situation to them: No matter
which of the two blocks is chosen, 22 houses will have to go. All
afternoon she heard, "I had no idea what this was about," usually
followed by, "Oh no. Not here in America!"

"Where will we go?" asked Mona, who’s lived here over 35 years. "We
have nothing, nothing but our house." Next to her, Rejo, who just
moved in his young family three weeks ago, is too stunned to speak in
either English or Indonesian.

Neighbors across our street received no letters. Yet they’re as upset
as those of us waiting to be condemned. We meet on the sidewalk,
something we’ve done for a dozen years. Because this is that type of
neighborhood. We throw block parties a couple of times a year –
potato salad and pupusas in my driveway, two barbecues filled with
four meats on Ron’s patio. We hand over our house keys to one another
while on vacation. We’re the Latino-Jewish-white-Armenian Wilmas and
Bettys, gossiping at the fence.

People outside our neighborhood don’t see this. They don’t see Chi,
who ran an electric line from his house to next door so his neighbor
could finish his bathroom renovations. Nor do they see Constance and
Dwayne, who’ve lived here almost 50 years and have made their home
and gardens into a gorgeous Japanese-motif setting.

We live in one of those hidden places you pass while driving down
Victory Boulevard or Sherman Way. The place of potholes (we’ve asked
the city for 17 years to repave our street), the place where all
those brown people aren’t raking the yards, but instead walk through
their own front doors after work.

We have our hell-raisers. Norma lives across the street. Whenever
something smells of injustice, Norma always gets that Cesar Chavez
look in her eyes.

Norma is the president of our community organization, the Cedros
Associated Neighborhood, made up of the residents of the two targeted
blocks. She’s studied the letter and has done her own homework. The
letter states that "there is simply no vacant, safe land in the
location where the school is needed." Yes, there is. There’s a huge,
fallow field one block north of us, owned by a church. Six blocks
east of us stands a plot that the LAUSD bought up over a year ago.
The houses are still there, behind barricades. There are overgrown
fields, an abandoned Ralphs, an empty Red Cross building.

At the public meeting, I couldn’t tell whether Grazioli and his
district compadres were absorbing the outrage or wearing Teflon
suits. Did he hear us when we said to cheers, applause and outcries
that we do not want to leave our homes? If the meeting was meant to
"educate" – I read that as "pacify" – the locals, it didn’t work. We
were already mad as hell; after the meeting, we were madder. More
schools – that’s important, but isn’t there another way?

Something that was once so safe, the place you ran to when afraid or
tired, can be taken away. Just like that – with a form letter,
dressed up as junk mail. But the people on these two city blocks in
Van Nuys have more to lose: One another. Community. A word the
district doesn’t use on its site-selection-criteria form.

The LAUSD, with its clumsy, ham-fisted, photocopied letter and the
fear it delivered, has ironically made our strong community stronger.
The district would blindly tear apart a lively, close-knit, vintage
community. Here on the ground, those who crouch under the bulldozing
shadow of eminent domain ask only one thing from it: Don’t.

‘Devil Came on Horseback’ details genocide in Darfur

Deseret News, UT
April 1 2007

‘Devil Came on Horseback’ details genocide in Darfur

By Dennis Lythgoe
Deseret Morning News

THE DEVIL CAME ON HORSEBACK: BEARING WITNESS TO THE GENOCIDE IN
DARFUR, by Brian Steidle and Gretchen Steidle Wallace, Public
Affairs, 230 pages, $29.95

Genocide, the systematic destruction of an entire race of
people – or an ethnic or religious group – has been practiced around
the world for centuries. Often it is ignored by the rest of the world
because it seems too complicated to intervene.
During the past century we saw documented examples of genocide
when the Turks killed more than a million Armenians in 1915, Hitler’s
Nazis slaughtered 6 million Jews during the Holocaust, Indonesia
purged hundreds of thousands of alleged Communists in the 1960s, the
Khmer Rouge conducted huge massacres in Cambodia in the ’70s and ’80s
and tribe-on-tribe slaughter overwhelmed Rwanda in 1994.
Now it is happening again in Darfur.
Brian Steidle, a former U.S. Marine, was one of three Americans
hired by the African Union to document the situation in Darfur, which
had been classified as genocide by September 2004, the month he
arrived. He thought that if he witnessed and documented numerous
incidents of genocide, outside governments would intervene and stop
it.
When it didn’t happen, Steidle resigned his position and began
an effort to educate people around the world to the atrocities he has
seen. Essentially, "The Devil Came on Horseback" tells the story of
the Arab government’s systematic destruction of its black African
citizens, during which, allegedly, anyone of any age who is
considered "too dark" must be killed.
Steidle wrote the book with his sister, Gretchen Steidle
Wallace, as part of his campaign – and a documentary played at the
Sundance Film Festival this year. It’s a seamy, horrendous account of
massive killing with impunity.
The author swears to the accuracy of his descriptions of what
he witnessed, as recorded in audio journals, e-mails, recollections
of phone conversations from Sudan, still photographs, notes, maps and
sketches written in many notebooks.
In graphic terms, Steidle describes the huddling together of
children who were then burned alive; he saw large groups of men also
burned alive because they were trying to protect their families; he
met a woman carrying a wounded child, a child shot through the back
before her mother was brutally killed.
Incident after incident – and he had no power to stop it.
The question he asks is why doesn’t the United Nations and/or
the United States jump into this catastrophic situation before
millions more are killed?
The book is sobering and disturbing.

Book: `Skylark Farm’ illustrates genocide of Armenians

The Decatur Daily, AL
April 1 2007

`Skylark Farm’ illustrates genocide of Armenians

By William S. Allen
Special to THE DAILY

This book has been compared to `Schindler’s List.’ In the sense that
both books contain descriptions of genocide, that is true. In other
ways, they are not at all alike. `Skylark Farm’ is more personal,
and, if you can believe it possible, more intense.

Antonia Arslan, an ethnic Armenian, has lived her entire life in
Italy and this novel was originally written in Italian. The
translator has done a wonderful job of capturing the melding of
Armenian and Italian word imagery and thought patterns.

Even the voice of the narrator, which at first seems overly
intrusive, soon becomes more like that of your favorite aunt telling
stories of the old days.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Ottoman Empire was in
decline. It had become known as `The sick man of Europe.’ The
government, as is often the case, chose a scapegoat to divert
attention from its failings. Not for the first time, the scapegoats
were the Armenian citizens of Turkey. The Armenians had endured
violence and pillaging in the past, but had remained in the empire.
It was home.

In 1915, leaders of the empire began a new program, one of
`relocation.’ Armenian men and boys were rounded up and slaughtered.
Women, girls and the elderly were forced from their homes and sent on
long marches toward Syria with the false hope they would be safe
there. Thousands died on the way, many of starvation and exhaustion.

Kurdish bandits and the Turkish guards escorting the columns looted
the women’s belongings, practiced wholesale rape and killed
indiscriminately.

Story in two parts

In telling this story, Arslan has divided `Skylark Farm’ into two
main sections. In the first, the reader is introduced to Sempad, a
prosperous pharmacist, and his extended family. Sempad looks forward
to a planned visit by his brother, Yerwant, who left home forty years
earlier at the age of thirteen and has become a doctor in Italy.
Sempad spends much of his time making improvements to the family
homestead, Skylark Farm, in anticipation of this visit.

Like many Armenians of the time, Sempad chooses to downplay the
lessons of history. No one imagines the reality that they will soon
face. In vivid detail, the ending of part one reveals how wrong they
are.

The second section of the book describes the journey of the survivors
of Sempad’s family following the initial massacres.

Their goal is to escape to Italy and join Yerwant. Individual Turks,
Greeks and others assist the steadily dwindling family during their
ordeal and Arslan gives credit where it is due.

She does not engage in blanket condemnation of any group, although
the temptation to do so must surely have been great.

This is a novel, but one which is based on the real experiences of
members of the author’s family. It is well worth reading both for its
literary value and as a reminder that many peoples have suffered the
cruelties of genocide in the past. Sadly, that cruelty continues in
parts of the world today.