Month: March 2007

LASTED TO THE ELECTION, SETTLED THE KARABAKH PROBLEM
by Grigori Alexandrjan
Translated by A. Ignatkin

Source: Novoye Vremya (Yerevan), February 17, 2007, EV
Agency WPS
DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
February 28, 2007 Wednesday

Karabakh Conflict Resolution As Seen From Yerevan: Baku Is Waiting For
Election Of A President Of Armenia Who Will Accept Azerbaijani Terms

Baku is waiting for the election the next president of Armenia in
the hope that he will be more amendable.

Earlier this week, foreign ministries of Azerbaijan and Armenia
exchanged caustic comments on each other’s Karabakh conflict
settlement policy. Azerbaijani Deputy Foreign Minister, Araz Azimov,
spoke of a step backward in the peace process and pinned the blame
on Armenia. Acting Press Secretary of the Armenian Foreign Ministry,
Vladimir Karapetjan, spoke of how Baku was setting in advance a
thoroughly non-constructive approach to the talks. It seems that the
exchange was simply a means of marking an end to another failed round
of talks over Karabakh.

In the meantime, nothing extraordinary happened. This correspondent in
his previous articles predicted this turn of events more than once,
basing his assumptions on the fact that the Azerbaijani authorities
wouldn’t discuss anything with the Armenian regime that did not
think in terms of capitulation. Capitulation meanwhile is the only
scenario Baku will accept, a fact made quite plain when Heydar Aliyev
denounced all previously compromises reached within the framework of
the Minsk process.

That is, Aliyev made it possible for his son and heir, Ilham,
to make it necessary to start the negotiations from scratch. It
meant the abandonment of all and any compromises. Needless to
say, this attitude made the continuation of talks an exercise in
futility. OSCE Minsk Group chairmen had to sweat to compel Aliyev
to resume negotiations. They even invented a new name for the whole
process and began calling it the Prague Process. This "innovation"
enabled the president of Azerbaijan to resume the talks without any
loss of face.

In other words, this Prague Process is allegedly the "beginning from
scratch" Aliyev once insisted on. As a matter of fact, there was no
beginning at all because the very idea is a diplomatic absurdity.

Something altogether different took place: using the Prague Process
to provoke Armenia into denouncement of talks, Azerbaijan merely
feigned constructivism and did its best to prevent an agreement on
reasonable terms.

That was what Azerbaijan did throughout 2006, the year international
intermediaries proclaimed "a window of opportunities" because neither
involved party (Armenia, Azerbaijan, or Nagorno-Karabakh itself)
was bracing itself for elections. Armenia alone offered compromises
and concessions to the other side then, earnestly hoping for an
agreement. Some terms among what OSCE Minsk Group chairmen were
suggesting did not suit Armenia, but it proved itself pliable more
than once – catching the Azerbaijani negotiators unprepared and
eliciting emotional political demarches from them.

There is no saying what Aliyev and his Foreign Minister, Elmar
Mamedjarov, were telling their Armenian counterparts behind closed
doors, but their statements in public made it absolutely plain that
Azerbaijan would only accept unconditional capitulation from Yerevan.

How else can a sane man understand statements from Baku to the
effect that the very presence of Armenians in Azerbaijan is already
a compromise on its part? Even more cynical statements were made,
more often than not by Aliyev himself. Statements calling Baku’s
participation in the negotiations a compromise in itself.

In any case, the task Aliyev set for the "window of opportunities"
period was implemented by only 50%. A compromise was never reached (a
pro) but Armenia would not be tempted to cancel negotiations (a con).

Aliyev the gambler would not have been himself had he not started to
bluff. Elated by the fact of the forthcoming election in Armenia,
he apparently resolved not to meet with Robert Kocharjan anymore
since the latter’s term of office expires next year. It means another
president in Armenia and a chance for Azerbaijan that Yerevan will
hopefully capitulate in the matter of Karabakh. Hence the necessity
to behave in a manner that will preclude any desire on the part of
Kocharjan to meet with Aliyev in his remaining time.

Hence the latest demarche on the part of Azerbaijan when Azimov
questioned the expediency of future negotiations. We were correct
to assume that Azerbaijan only pretended to accept the idea of
a referendum in Karabakh, provided the Azerbaijani population
could come back there and participate in it. To make sure that
nothing would come out of it (what if these Armenians agree with the
Azerbaijanis’ return?), Baku began insisting in the return of Lachin
to its jurisdiction. That is an undisguised attempt to get everything
back to square one, i.e. into what created discontent among Karabakh
Armenians in the first place. And since the latter are not suicidal
types and therefore will never accept this scenario, they are left
with only one alternative; namely, leaving their homes altogether
which is essentially what Aliyev is after.

By the way, political scientist Eldar Namazov (former head of the
secretariat of the president of Azerbaijan who resigned to become the
head of the Foundation For Azerbaijan) wrote that Baku was bluffing
in the matter of the Karabakh referendum in the middle (!) of 2006.

Pointing out that not even the return of Azerbaijani refugees would
have any effect on the outcome of the referendum, since they accounted
for only 30% of the population of the region, he offered the following
explanation of the seeming acceptance of the idea by official Baku:
"The Azerbaijani tactic is based on the knowledge that the Armenians
will never put up with turning over all seven districts occupied
beyond Nagorno-Karabakh and 30% of territories on Karabakh territory
including Shusha, and this referendum will therefore be denounced as
a failure because the Armenians are not constructive…

What can the Armenians do about it? Object to the return of the
refugees? There will be no referendum then… This is apparently
what the Azerbaijani authorities count on. Formally, they say "yes"
but fully expect at the same time that the Armenians themselves will
fail to pass this test for "democratic procedures" and call it off…"

The Azerbaijani political scientist is correct. In the meantime, Baku
keeps hoping that the new president of Armenia will capitulate. The
same Namazov ventured an opinion in an article the other day that
"there is no use waiting for anything unless the election takes place
in Armenia and the politician coming to power in Yerevan are found
to be hostages of the package solution idea."

"A breakthrough is not impossible, but the president of Armenia
will probably play his negative role to the last," Rasim Musabekov,
another Azerbaijani political scientist, said. "In other words, it is
Kocharjan himself who is the principal obstacle to the negotiations."

The political scientist maintains in the meantime that "two politicians
will run for president in Armenia – pro-Western Foreign Minister Varsan
Oskanjan and Defense Minister Serj Sarkisjan who is pro-Russian… In
any case, each of them will allow for better maneuvering in Karabakh
talks than the acting president of Armenia."

Better come out and be on the level like Rauf Mirkadyrov, a prominent
Azerbaijani journalist, who offers the Armenians a "mutually
acceptable" and "mutually beneficial" compromise – Azerbaijani
territories in return for Armenia’s security and economic prosperity.

"That is what ex-president of Armenia Levon Ter-Petrosjan tried to
tell Armenian society in 1998," Mirkadyrov said.

In short, Baku decided to wait for the appearance in Armenia of a
"constructive" president who will accept Azerbaijan’s terms. We will
be waiting too (just do not hold your breath)…

IRAQI MINORITIES BEING HARASSED, KILLED AND DRIVEN FROM THE COUNTRY
by Michael Jansen

The Irish Times
February 28, 2007 Wednesday

IRAQ: Half the members of Iraq’s minority groups have been driven from
the country by persecution, kidnappings, murder and the widespread
violence which has gripped the country since the 2003 war.

The London-based Minority Rights Group has revealed in a report that
"the very existence of some of these groups in their ancient homeland
is now under threat."

The report, Assimilation, Exodus, Eradication: Iraq’s Minority
Communities since 2003, written by Preti Taneja, says that the
country’s minorities, 10 per cent of the total population before
the war, now make up 30 per cent of the 1.8 million refugees living
outside the country.

The minorities include Chaldean, Syriac and Armenian Christians;
Turkomen, ethnic Turks who are both Sunnis and Shias; Bahais;
Mandaeans, a pacifist faith whose prophet is John the Baptist;
Yazidis whose religion is an offshoot of Zoroastrianism; and Faili
or Shia Kurds; and Shabaks, a Farsi-speaking mainly Shia ethnic group.

The small Jewish community, which had a few hundred members before
the war, has dwindled to 15 indivi- duals in Baghdad.

Christians, most of whom are ethnic Assyrians, are being targeted
because fundamentalist Shias and Sunnis accuse them of co-operating
with the occupation.

This allegation is made because many Christians have close ties to
family members who live in the West and some Christians served as
interpreters for the foreign occupation forces.

The remnants of the small Jewish community, which arrived in
Iraq during the time of the Babylonian capitivity, are seen as US
collaborators and Israeli agents.

Places of worship are being bombed, clerics attacked, individuals
siezed and held for ransom, women abused and forced to don conservative
Muslim dress.

Christian shops selling alcohol are set alight and their owners
killed. Yazidis and Faili Kurds, who live in the north, are being
pressed by Kurdish parties to follow their agendas or claim Kurdish
identity.

Turkomen living in Kirkuk are being driven from their homes by Kurds
seeking to transform the city into a Kurdish domain and annex it to
the Kurdish region. Bahais, seen by Sunnis and Shias as heretics,
are denied citizenship.

The 2005 constitution was drafted without input from minorities who
are deprived of rights they enjoyed under earlier constitutions.

Minority groups were protected under Saddam Hussein in exchange for
backing for his regime.

Palestinian residents, who received privileged treatment under the
old regime, are also being harrassed, killed and driven from Iraq.

Hundreds have been trapped in squalid camps in no man’s land on the
Iraqi-Jordanian border.

The plight of Iraq’s minorities is "ignored and unaddressed inside
Iraq and in the international arena," the report says.

It calls upon the Iraqi government to protect minorities, create
an independent body to investigate human rights abuses, and promote
minority participation in public life.

Neighbouring states are asked to halt financial and other aid to
militias that persecute minorities and the international community,
particularly countries in North America and Europe, are called upon
to provide sanctuary for Iraqis, including entire communities.

The report says, Iraqis in danger of persecution and attack should
not be returned to their homeland.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

IN LONDON CHURCH, MEMORIALS FOR WORLD’S JOURNALISTS KILLED ON JOB
by Lachlan Carmichael

Agence France Presse — English
February 28, 2007 Wednesday 8:26 AM GMT

In a tranquil church just yards from the London hubbub, lie tributes
to journalists killed as far afield as Vietnam, Somalia, the Balkans,
Afghanistan and Iraq.

Welcome to the "journalists’ altar" at St Bride’s Church, just off
Fleet Street — for generations synonymous with the mighty British
press.

Their names are engraved on the church’s wood panelling, penned on
their photographs or written on cards stacked at what began as the
"hostage altar" 20 years ago when journalists were being abducted
in Lebanon.

One card is from a widow who in January marked a 30th wedding
anniversary that did not take place because her husband was killed in
Iraq. A single red rose lies beside the card and her husband’s photo.

"For members of the media, whatever their faith background, this is
their spiritual home. We will do whatever we can for them in difficulty
and crisis," said Canon David Meara, the church’s rector.

The church, which has been a sanctuary for journalists and printers
for centuries, overcame hardship itself after a World War II bomb
destroyed all but the steeple and outer walls.

It was rebuilt with key funds from the newspaper industry.

The wife of CBS news cameraman Paul Anthony Douglas who was killed
in Iraq last year finds comfort in a place that is "dedicated to
journalists who have lost their lives" and lets her leave tributes
like the anniversary card.

Although there is a church by her home in Bedford, Linda Douglas
often makes the 50-mile train trip south to London to visit the church.

"It’s a strange thing because I’m not religious. But over the last
month I’ve really been drawn back to St. Bride’s… I feel actually
he’s around in that church," Douglas said.

"It’s quite poignant in there when you go to that altar and you see
all those faces who were just doing their jobs," she said.

"It’s a lovely church," she added.

It has marble floors and retains the distinct white stone
"wedding-cake" steeple from the design by Sir Christopher Wren which
was built after the Great Fire of 1666 destroyed the sixth church on
the site.

The current one is just a few minutes walk from Wren’s masterpiece,
St. Paul’s Cathedral, and is the eighth to have been built on the
site. The first was founded in the sixth century, possibly by St.

Bride, or Bridget of Kildare.

Difficult to notice, St Bride’s is tucked away in a close just
off Fleet Street, once the heart and soul of the British newspaper
industry that began in 18th century in a neighborhood already long
known as a printing centre.

And although Britain’s leading newspapers have relocated to other
points in London, St Bride’s verger David Smith said the church’s
"links with the news business are just as strong as ever."

Among the more prosaic but landmark events in life, journalists
and their families still make the trip to the church for weddings,
baptisms and funerals as well as regular Sunday worship.

The church stands apart from others because, Meara said, it is both
tied to a specific profession and offers solace to families, friends
and colleagues of those who are killed, wounded or imprisoned doing
their job.

"It brings home to you what a violent world we live and how vulnerable
journalists are," according to Meara, summing up reactions from
international visitors to the place of worship.

Amid the stacks of cards at the altar, there is a copy of a statement
from the Paris-based World Association of Newspapers (WAN) sounding
an alarm at the growing numbers of journalists being killed.

"Journalism today is more dangerous than ever, more than 500
journalists have been killed in the past decade, often for simply
doing their jobs," according to WAN’s Timothy Balding.

"These murders are a direct attack not only on individuals but
on society as a whole. Yet few of the killers are ever brought to
justice," his statement read.

Though journalists have long been caught in the cross-fire, it was
rare for them to be hunted down, Meara said. "Now that seems to have
changed. Journalists now seem to be targeted."

Some of the journalists remembered here were indeed targeted, such as
Russian Anna Politkovskaya, murdered in Moscow in October last year,
and Hrant Dink, the ethnic Armenian who was slain in Istanbul on
January 19 this year.

They also include American Daniel Pearl, who was beheaded after he was
kidnapped on January 23, 2002 by Islamist extremists while reporting
in Pakistan.

Members of Pearl’s family, who are Jewish, later the same year attended
a memorial service for him at St. Bride’s held by Meara and Mark Winer,
the rabbi at the West London Synagogue of British Jews.

In a happier event, journalist John McCarthy and Anglican clergyman
Terry Waite attended a thanskgiving service here after their kidnappers
in Lebanon freed them in 1991.

"It will always have that special place in my memory," said Jill
Morrell, who campaigned for the release of McCarthy who was her
boyfriend at the time.

"It was difficult at that time to get people to be interested in that
(hostage) issue and to believe that they were still alive. St.

Bride’s was one place where they did both — the only place really."

MOODY’S ASSIGNS B1/NP/E+ TO ARMENIA’S ANELIK BANK

Interfax News Agency
Russia & CIS Business and Financial Newswire
February 28, 2007 Wednesday 8:46 PM MSK

Moody’s Investors Service has assigned the following ratings to Anelik
Bank (Armenia): B1/Not-Prime long-and short-term local currency deposit
ratings, B1/Not-prime long-and short- term foreign currency deposit
ratings, and an E+ Financial Strength Rating (FSR), the ratings agency
said in a press release.

All ratings carry a stable outlook, the release says.

The bank’s E+ Financial Strength Rating (FSR) reflects its good asset
quality, adequate liquidity and strong profitability.

The FSR also takes into consideration that while trying to expand its
product base the bank is currently a niche player, with its money
transfer business generating around 60% of operating income before
taking into consideration FX translation gains.

The significant impact of this line of business on bottom line
profitability highlights the bank’s sensitivity to competitive
pressures in this sector. The rating also takes into account the
bank’s asset quality that, although currently robust, is subject to
risks relating to Armenia’s potentially volatile operating environment
as well as to currency-induced credit risk, as a large percentage
of loans is FX denominated. Supporting the ratings is the bank’s
capitalization which is maintained at appropriate levels, given
operating environment concerns.

We also note that, in common with other Armenian banks, Anelik Bank’s
efforts to develop its retail business and expand its retail product
range are constrained by the country’s small population and low income
levels, together with the public’s lack of confidence in the system,
having experienced losses during the 1990s when a large number of
local banks closed down – though there are signs that confidence
levels are gradually improving.

Meanwhile, as the bank expands its product range it will need to
further improve risk management and IT infrastructure. Given its
moderate market share (ranking seventh in Armenia in terms of banking
system assets) the B1 long-term local currency and the B1 long-term
foreign currency deposit ratings assigned to AB reflect not only the
bank’s intrinsic strength but also some, albeit limited, support from
the Armenian authorities in case of need.

Consequently the bank’s long-term foreign currency deposit rating is
lifted to the upper end of the range that its FSR implies.

Headquartered in Yerevan, as at June 2006 Anelik Bank reported total
assets of AMD25.6 billion ($58.8 million)

PROCèS DE DOGU PERINCEK MARDI PROCHAIN A LAUSANNE LES PARTISANS DU LEADER TURC CRITIQUENT LA POLICE

Schweizerische Depeschenagentur AG (SDA)
SDA – Service de base francais
27 fevrier 2007

Lausanne (ats) Les partisans du leader turc Dogu Perincek, qui doit
etre juge dès mardi prochain a Lausanne pour negation du genocide
armenien, critiquent l’attitude de la police. Elle les empecherait
de trouver des salles pour se reunir et s’exprimer, ce qui est dementi.

Selon eux, la police aurait fait pression pour que ceux qui etaient
d’accord de louer des salles y renoncent finalement a cause des risques
inherents a de telles reunions. Dans leur communique diffuse mardi, ils
appellent les autorites a les "aider a utiliser leurs droits legaux".

La police lausannoise dement ces allegations, rappelant uniquement
que la commune de Renens a renonce a leur louer sa Salle de
spectacles. Elle indique etre en negociation avec les partisans de
Dogu Perincek, president du Parti des travailleurs turcs.

"La situation est très evolutive, un accord devrait etre trouve
d’ici vendredi", precise la police lausannoise. Les amis du leader
turc annoncent la venue dans la capitale vaudoise d’au moins 200
intellectuels pour ce procès.

Dogu Perincek est renvoye devant la justice pour discrimination raciale
après avoir declare en juillet 2005 sur les bords du Leman que le
genocide armenien etait "un mensonge". L’Association Suisse-Armenie
s’est constituee partie civile.

–Boundary_(ID_5kRfPGxzW2P6N8xbQdQs9Q)–

"WIR HABEN DIE BESTEN MARILLEN DER WELT!"
Patrizia Reidl

Wirtschaftsblatt
28. Februar 2007

Armenia: Caucasus-Republic lures investors with two-digit growth

Armenien: Kaukasus-Republik lockt Investoren mit zweistelligem Wachstum

Das Silicon Valley der Sowjetunion stutzt ­seine Zukunft auf den
im Land bereits prosperierenden IT-Sektor, die Metallproduktion,
den Tourismus und auf Banken.

Wien. "Armenien ist nicht nur schon und hat die besten ­Marillen
der Welt", versichert der Botschafter des Landes, Ashot Hovakimian,
im Gesprach mit dem WirtschaftsBlatt. Die Wachstumsraten der kleinen
Republik im ­Suden des Kaukasus seien seit sechs Jahren zweistellig
und das bleibe voraussichtlich so. Starkeres Investment aus Osterreich
werde gewunscht, vor allem in den Bereichen IT, Metallproduktion,
Tourismus und im Bankenbereich.

"Armenien war das Silicon Valley der Sowjetunion", sagt Robert
Traussnig. Er ist Reprasentant des armenischen IT-Sektors in Europa.

Fruher sei ein Drittel der Komponenten fur die Luft- und Raumfahrt
der UdSSR dort entwickelt worden. Dementsprechend auf den IT-Bereich
spezialisiert seien heute noch Universitaten und Ausbildung. "Mit
der armenisch-­europaischen IT-Promotion Initiative konnten wir
schon einige europaische Unterneh­me nach Armenien bringen." Das
Wiener Neustadter IT-Unternehmen Igisa grundete letztes Jahr ein
Joint Venture mit der armenischen Sourcio. Mit zehn Mitarbeitern
ent-wickeln sie nun Software fur Positionierungssysteme. Insgesamt
zahlt Armeniens IT-Sektor 150 Unternehmen mit einem jahrlichen Umsatz
von 83,7 Millionen US-Dollar .

Mit berechtigter Hoffnung baut Armenien auch auf die
Metallproduktion. Und den Tourismus. "Wir haben ­Berge fur den
Wintertourismus, unsere lange christliche Tradi­tion bringt Touristen
das ­ganze Jahr uber." Allein fur heuer gebe es Buchungen von funf
osterreichischen Reiseburos, so Hovakimian. Besonders stark sei
das Interesse, osterreichische Banken nach Armenien zu locken. Der
Botschafter wisse um die ­Ambitionen der heimischen Geldinstitute
in Osteuropa.

Vier Mal die Woche fliegt die AUA die Hauptstadt ­Yerevan an – so
weit das einzige namhafte Unternehmen aus Osterreich. Damit sich das
andert, veranstaltet die WKO am 8. Marz einen Armenien-Tag in Wien.

–Boundary_(ID_HkiJpJh5GHWoH7uS+0/55A)–

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

DIE TURKISCHEN NATIONALISTEN UND DER MORD AN DEM JOURNALISTEN HRANT DINK
Von Rainer Hermann

Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung
28. Februar 2007 Mittwoch

Return of the Trauma: Turkish Nationalists and the murder of Journalist
Hrant Dink

Ruckkehr der Traumata;

In vielen Kopfen ist der Inhalt der acht großen Reformpakete noch nicht
angekommen. Gesetze allein andern die Mentalitat eines Volkes nicht.

Seit Wochen arbeitet die Turkei den Mord an Hrant Dink auf. Kein Tag
vergeht, ohne dass neue Enthullungen uber Hintergrunde und Hintermanner
des Mordes bekanntwerden. Die Scharfe der Auseinandersetzung zeigt,
wie tief der Graben zwischen den beiden großen Lagern des Landes
ist. Auf der einen Seite stehen diejenigen, die uber den Mord emport
sind und herausfinden wollen, was im Sicherheitsapparat ihres Staates
los ist. Ihnen stehen jene gegenuber, die im Innern wie im Äußern nur
Feinde des Turkentums wittern und diesen Hass zu einem rassistischen
Nationalismus verformen.

Schnell sind sie bei der Hand, den anderen als "Vaterlandsverrater"
(vatan haini) anzuklagen. Diese Ausgrenzung hat Tradition. Spatestens
seit der erste Bannertrager eines rassistischen turkischen
Nationalismus, der Historiker Nihal Atsiz (1905 bis 1975), den
osmanischen Politiker und liberalen Reformer Sabaheddin Ali (1879 bis
1948) als "Vaterlandsverrater" denunziert hatte. Atsiz war es auch,
der unter Berufung auf den Schutz des Turkentums das Abschlachten der
Armenier gerechtfertigt und den Kurden gedroht hatte, ihnen drohe
das gleiche Schicksal. Jene, die dachten wie Atsiz, verabscheuten
alle, die keine ethnischen Turken seien, kommentiert der liberale
Intellektuelle Murat Belge.

Der Konflikt zwischen den Lagern wurde auch auf Transparenten
ausgetragen. Mehr als 100000 Turken hatten auf einer Strecke von acht
Kilometern mit einem Schweigemarsch von Hrant Dink Abschied genommen.

Nie hatte Istanbul eine großere Demonstration gesehen. Noch vor wenigen
Jahren waren Transparente mit der Aufschrift "Wir sind alle Armenier"
undenkbar gewesen. Bei einer Umfrage der Zeitung Hurriyet stimmten
47 Prozent dieser Aussage zu. Sie sprachen sich damit gegen Gewalt
aus und fur eine offene, pluralistische Gesellschaft.

Unversohnlich war die Antwort der Nationalisten. Im Fußballstadion
von Trabzon, dem Geburtsort des Morders, begnugten sie sich zunachst
mit der Aussage: "Wir alle sind Turken." Dann entrollten sie,
beispielsweise bei einem Fußballspiel in Afyon, Spruchbander mit der
Aufschrift: "Wir alle sind Ogun." Zehntausende bekannten sich zu dem
Morder und waren bereit, es ihm gleichzutun. Ein "Lumpenproletariat"
mit einer turkischen Version des Faschismus sei da entstanden,
furchtet Murat Belge. Andere nennen diese gewaltbereiten Jugendlichen
"Desperados ohne Perspektive".

Gesetze allein andern die Mentalitat eines Volkes nicht. Acht große
Reformpakete hat das turkische Parlament bisher verabschiedet, um
die Gesetze an den Standard Europas anzupassen. In den Kopfen vieler
ist davon nichts angekommen. Die todlichen Schusse eines 17 Jahre
alten Arbeitslosen genugten, um die Turkei in eine neue Sinnkrise zu
sturzen. Alle Traumata, die man habe abwerfen wollen, seien zuruck,
schreibt eine junge armenisch-turkische Journalistin in der Zeitschrift
Tempo. Auch Generationen nach dem 1869 geborenen armenischen Dichter
Tumanyan bleibe dessen Hoffnung unerfullt: "Lebt ihr Kinder, aber lebt
nicht wie wir!" Der militante und rassistische Nationalismus hat in der
Turkei wieder Konjunktur. Im vergangenen Jahr hatte darauf der Film
"Tal der Wolfe" einen Vorgeschmack gegeben und einen tiefen Blick in
die turkische Seele erlaubt. Mit vier Millionen Zuschauern brach er
alle turkischen Kinorekorde. In diesen Tagen findet das "Tal der Wolfe"
als Fernsehserie seine Fortsetzung, und in den Kinos bekampfen in nicht
weniger als drei Filmen gute Turken die bose Welt – in den Komodien
"Amerikaner am Schwarzen Meer" und die "Maskierten Funf" sowie in
dem in Deutschland umstrittenen Film "Der letzte Osmane – Yandim Ali".

Drei Faktoren speisen den rassistisch gefarbten Nationalismus
der Turkei: das Uberlegenheitsgefuhl aus dem Millet-System des
Osmanischen Reichs, die Grundung der Republik Turkei gegen europaische
Besatzer sowie der Widerspruch in der kemalistischen Ideologie des
Staatsgrunders Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, der die Turkei auf das Niveau der
westlichen Zivilisation heben wollte, aber die Macht des autoritaren
Staats vor die Freiheit der Gesellschaft stellte.

Zu Unrecht wird das Osmanische Reich und sein System der Millets
verklart. In ihm organisierte der Vielvolkerstaat seine Nationen
nach ihrer Religionszugehorigkeit. Gewiss hatten die Nichtmuslime
mehr Rechte als zur gleichen Zeit in Europa die Minderheiten. Die
muslimischen Turken, Araber und Kurden, Tscherkessen und Bosnier
bildeten indes die herrschende Nation (hakim millet). Heute betrachten
sich noch immer viele Turken als die "herrschende Millet".

Sie seien nicht bereit, ihre Privilegien aufzugeben und anderen
die gleichen Rechte einzuraumen, beobachtet der linksliberale
Sozialwissenschaftler Ahmet Insel von der Universitat Galatasaray. So
ahndet das turkische Strafgesetzbuch die "Herabsetzung des Turkentums",
nicht aber eine "Herabsetzung" der Kurden und nichtmuslimischen
Minderheiten der Turkei.

Schwer tragt die Republik Turkei noch immer an einem ihrer
Geburtsfehler: Als Ataturk sie 1923 grundete, hatte er einen Staat, der
Staat hatte aber keine Nation. Der Staat musste sich seine Nation erst
schaffen, was er bis heute versucht. Ismet Inonu, der Weggefahrte und
Nachfolger Ataturks, gab einmal zu, dass der turkische Nationalismus
das einzige Mittel sei, ein homogenes Staatsvolk zu schaffen. Der
turkische Nationalismus war also das Mittel, als Instrument dienten die
Institutionen des Staats, vor allem das Militar und die zentralisierte
Burokratie.

Nicht aus der Gesellschaft kam der Nationalismus, sondern aus einem
autoritaren Staat. Der war als Antwort auf eine doppelte Bedrohung von
außen gegrundet worden: gegen Europa, gegen dessen Besatzer Ataturk
1923 die Republik ausrief, und gegen die Araber, von deren islamischer
Kultur er sich absetzen wollte. Der turkische Nationalismus war stets
auch eine Abgrenzung von Europa. Ihm unterstellen die Nationalisten
bis heute, nichts anderes als die Teilung und Schwachung der Turkei
im Sinn zu haben.

Bis heute hat zudem der Kemalismus seinen inneren Widerspruch nicht
aufheben konnen, gleichzeitig die Hohe der westlichen Zivilisation
erklimmen zu wollen, auf den Pluralismus der Gesellschaft aber zu
verzichten. Zu den Grundungsdoktrinen der Republik gehorte die Idee des
"Halkcilik" (etwa "Populismus"): Das "Volk" sollte eine vollkommene
Einheit sein, ohne soziale Klassen und ohne gesellschaftliche
Spannungen. Als Einheit sollte es den Vorgaben des autoritar fuhrenden
Staates folgen. Das ging in der Epoche des Einparteiregimes (1923
bis 1946) gut, als in Europa die meisten Regime ebenfalls autoritar
waren. Im Kalten Krieg waren die Trager des Staates immerhin zu einer
Wahldemokratie bereit, aber nicht zu Pluralismus.

Erst mit der Globalisierung und der Offnung der Turkei, mit den
Reformen unter Turgut Ozal in den achtziger Jahren und Recep Tayyip
Erdogan in den vergangenen Jahren ist die Turkei demokratischer,
freier und pluralistischer geworden. Der EU-Prozess hat zuletzt die
Polarisierung weiter verscharft: Auf der einen Seite zeigen Parteien
ihren nationalistischen Reflex, die traditionell rechte MHP, die
nationalistisch-islamistische BBP, die national-kommunistische IP,
aber auch die von Ataturk als sozialdemokratische Partei gegrundete
CHP, die sich unter ihrem Vorsitzenden Deniz Baykal zunehmend auf das
nationale Erbe besinnt. Ihnen stehen jene gegenuber, die sich nicht
langer im Namen eines autoritaren Staats ihre Freiheiten beschneiden
lassen wollen und die Transparente mit der Aufschrift tragen: "Wir
alle sind Hrant Dink."

–Boundary_(ID_Ue6FBi2I3FIpSjwoaAmIMw )–

RADICAL TURKISH GROUP MAIN SUSPECTS IN HACKER ATTACK
By Ashfaq Ahmed, Staff Reporter

Gulf News, United Arab Emirates
March 1 2007

Dubai: Hackers from Turkey managed to access Dubai eGovernment
hosted websites but the attempt was foiled within two hours, a senior
official said.

"We have successfully foiled an attempt by hackers to corrupt data and
impair some government websites that are hosted by Dubai eGovernment,"
said Salem Al Shair, eServices Director of Dubai eGovernment.

He told Gulf News the hackers accessed the Dubai International Quran
Awards website and also managed to damage some data.

"They managed to enter the environment and also hacked into two other
sites of Dubai Awqaf and one other department but our security team
blocked the hacking within two hours," he added.

"We believe the hackers belonged to an extremist group in Turkey as
they also pasted a message in Turkish apparently referring to the
killing of Hrant Dink and the approving of it," he said.

Fifty-three-year-old journalist Dink, who was a Turkish citizen of
Armenian descent, was shot in January this year.

According to reports, he faced constant threats and legal proceedings
and had gone on trial numerous times for speaking out about the mass
killings of Armenians by Turks at the beginning of the 20th century.

He had also received threats from nationalists, who viewed him as
a traitor.

Al Shair said the hackers also damaged some files.

"There was no motive to make money as there is no financial data on
the websites," he said.

Dubai eGovernment hosts more than 30 websites.

Earlier, in a statement issued by the Dubai eGovernment, Al Shair said:
"We have yet to ascertain the identities of the hackers and the exact
location of their operation, but we have generated significant leads
that will ultimately lead us to the persons behind this act."

Al Shair said hackers have attacked some sites on eHost, which has
caused a malfunction to some services and loss of data. "We have taken
immediate action by disabling the hacked sites to fix the problem. We
have also checked other sites and guarantee that they are safe and
secure from future attacks. Within a short time, our teams were able
to recover all the files that were lost and restore all programs that
were affected," he said.

Al Shair said there had been previous hacking attempts, which were
also foiled due to the team’s expertise. He added Dubai eGovernment
adopts a high-security system to prevent hacking, but this does not
mean that it is completely impregnable.

"This problem is not unique to us as it has happened to other
high-profile organisations in other countries. One of the positives
from this incident is that it has allowed Dubai eGovernment to learn
more about the latest techniques and strategies used by hackers.

"This way, we were able to close the gaps in our system and take
appropriate action to prevent similar incidents."

eneral/10107887.html

TURKEY INTENSIFIES COUNTER-ATTACK AGAINST GENOCIDE CLAIMS
Ercan Yavuz Ankara

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
March 1 2007

As the US House of Representatives sets to hear on the Armenian
genocide resolution, the Turkish Parliament has published booklets
to be sent to US congressmen containing documents that invalidate
genocide claims.

An initiative of the Turkish Parliament’s Office of the Speaker, the
booklets will first be distributed to 550 members of the US Congress.

Printed in Turkish, English, German, Italian and French, the booklets
will also be sent to legislators of other countries.

Having decided to send three separate parliamentary delegations to
the US for lobbying against the Armenian genocide resolution, to
be discussed in the House of Representative in April, the Turkish
parliament has sponsored the preparation of a booklet instead of a
comprehensive book so that it be can easily read.

Published under the guidance of Egemen Baðýþ, chairman of the
Turkish-American Interparliamentary Friendship Group, and Professor
Aziz Akgul, Justice and Development Party (AK Party) Diyarbakýr
deputy, the evidentiary documents were obtained from the Turkish
History Institute.

The first four pages state the historic events between 1915 and 1918
cannot be considered as genocide while 14 pages contain documents
refuting Armenian genocide claims.

Turkey has adamantly denied claims by scholars that its predecessor
state, the Ottoman government, caused the Armenian deaths in a
genocide. The Turkish government has said Armenians were killed
or displaced in civil unrest during the disarray surrounding the
empire’s collapse.

Arguing that the resolution will not be accepted in the House of
Representatives, Baðýþ said, "In my opinion, the bill will not pass.

I don’t think the US will make such a big mistake. Common sense will
eventually rule. The US will not be trapped by the Armenian diaspora."

The US administration has opposed previous attempts by members of
Congress to pass resolutions recognizing the killings of Armenians
as an organized genocide. But US President George Bush will have
to persuade the new Democrat-controlled Congress, which does not
need presidential approval for such a resolution. The resolution
was introduced on Jan. 30 at the US Congress, and currently has
170 co-sponsors.

Akgul noted that the idea of publishing a booklet against the Armenian
claims came at his meetings with some of the US congressmen.

He said, "During the NATO Parliamentary Assembly and OECD meetings,
I was with two US representatives. In connection with the bill, they
confessed that virtually all representatives did not have even the
simplest historic facts concerning the issue."

Meanwhile, a six-person Turkish parliamentary delegation carried on
meetings at the US House of Representatives. The delegation, which
consists of four members of the ruling Justice and Development Party
(AK Party) and two deputies from the opposition Republican People’s
Party (CHP), had meetings with six representatives from both the
Democratic and the Republican parties in Congress.

In delegation talks, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
European and Eurasian Affairs Matthew Bryza reiterated the US
administration’s opposition to the resolution.

–Boundary_(ID_OepFvTudGgUDYU03y2iLnQ )–

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

TICKET OF REPUBLIC PARTY IS LED BY ARAM SARGSYAN, SMBAT AYVAZYAN AND SUREN ABRAHAMYAN

Arminfo
2007-02-28 19:48:00

The ticket of the Republic (Hanrapetutyun) party is led by its leader
Aram Sargsyan, MP Smbat Ayvazyan and former Mayor of yerevan and
interior minister Suren Abrahamyan.

The spokesman of the party Suren Surenyants says that the party has
failed to form an electoral bloc with other opposition parties. So,
it will run on its own.

Mar 2 Aram Sargsyan will say if he will run as a single-mandate
candidate or not.