Month: September 2006

U.S. GOVERNMENT FUNDED TEACHER TRAINING PROGRAMS CONCLUDE AFTER EIGHT YEARS OF ACTIVITIES

Panorama.am
12:44 25/09/06

Ministry of Education and Science, the U.S. Embassy in Armenia, and
IREX Armenia bid farewell to the 91 teacher trainers involved in the
US Department of State’s Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs
(ECA) sponsored teacher training programs during a reception and
certificate distribution ceremony.

According to press service of US Embassy of Armenia, keynote speeches
were delivered by Deputy Minister of Education and Science Bagrat
Yesayan, Public Affairs Officer of the U.S. Embassy in Armenia Thomas
Mittnacht, and Director/Education Programs Manager of IREX Armenia
Arina Zohrabian.

Since 1998 the US Department of State’s Bureau of Educational
and Cultural Affairs (ECA) has funded four programs including the
Elementary Level Teacher Training Program, the Middle Level Teacher
Training Program, Curriculum Development for Pre-Service Education,
and Curriculum Development for School Administration Leadership. These
programs strengthened the capacity of Armenia’s schools and teachers
by developing new teacher training methodologies.

The 91 teacher trainers present at the farewell reception worked
actively throughout all regions of Armenia training more than 7000
teachers in new teaching methodologies such as cooperative learning,
integrated curriculum, lesson plan development, assessment, portfolios,
and interactive teaching utilizing the eighteen books published under
the ECA funded programs. In 2006 alone, IREX distributed more than
2500 certificates of completion and participation to trained teachers
throughout Armenia co-signed by the Public Affairs Section of the
U.S. Embassy, the National Institute of Education, and IREX Armenia.

ARMENIAN RESEARCHERS DEVELOP NEW TEST TO DIAGNOSE PEOPLE WITH SCHIZOPHRENIA

Armenpress
Sept 25 2006

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 25, ARMENPRESS: A team of researchers from the
Armenian Molecular Biology Institute, an affiliation of the National
Academy of Sciences, said they have developed a test that can help
doctors and psychiatrists to diagnose people with schizophrenia.

The new test can be applied by doctors in clinics, mental houses and
psychiatrists in research centers.

Until now schizophrenics are often initially diagnosed based on display
of what doctors call ‘prodromal’ signs, which are signs preceding a
psychotic episode.

Schizophrenic prodromal signs may include social isolation, odd
behavior, lack of personal hygiene, and blunted emotions and sometimes
schizophrenia is diagnosed through the patient’s response to different
therapeutic regimens.

Armenian researchers have developed their new test after examining
200 patients diagnosed with schizophrenia, tens of people suffering
from other illnesses and also 225 physically healthy people.

Schizophrenia is estimated to afflict 1% of the world’s population,
whereas schizotypal personality disorder afflicts 2-3%. The incidence
of schizophrenia among parents, children, and siblings of patients
with the disease is 15%. It occurs equally in males and females.

The disease may be seen at any age, but the average age for the
initiation of treatment is from 28-34 years. Schizophrenia is
associated with low economic status, probably due to a lack of proper
health care during fetal development.

HSBC TO OPEN FOUR NEW BRANCHES

Armenpress
Sept 25 2006

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 25, ARMENPRESS: HSBC Armenia will open four new
branches this and next years, three in the capital city Yerevan and
one in Armenia’s main airport Zvartnots. In 2007 the bank will have
overall six branches.

HSBC Armenia chief executive officer Anthony Turner told a news
conference today HSBC Armenia’s assets rose from $5 million in 1996
when it opened to $ 170 million now. Seventy percent of shares are
held by HSBC and thirty percent are owned by Diaspora Armenians.

Turner said balance profit of HSBC Bank Armenia totaled AMD 4.6 billion
by June 30, 2006 and profit for Jan-June 2006 made 1.5 billion. The
bank’s statutory fund is AMD 2.4, assets are AMD 71.5 billion and
total capital is AMD 7.3 billion.

Aggregate credit portfolio of HSBC Bank Armenia was AMD 22.9 billion
by June 30, 2006. He said the bank keeps $179 million worth deposits
in Drams.

The majority of clients are economic entities who pay their personnel’s
salaries through banking system.

Armenia is one of 76 countries in which HSBC has its subsidies.

POLITICS AND THE IRAQI BOY BAND
Beth Pearson

The Herald, UK
Sept 26 2006

BUDDING pop groups are faced with many obstacles on their way to the
top. Being forced to compose a birthday song for Saddam Hussein is
not normally one of them. Yet when UTN1 (Unknown to No-One) tried to
launch a music career in Baghdad during the former dictator’s reign,
they were obliged to provide a birthday tune before their career
could progress any further.

As frontman Hassan Ali recalls, speaking down the phone from a hotel
in Jordan: "We’d been told that if we wanted to do our songs we had
to first sing about Saddam Hussein – unfortunately. Once that song
had been broadcast we’d be allowed to have other songs broadcast, so
in three days we wrote, composed and recorded a song for his birthday."

The president was pleased with his song, and UTN1 were allowed on to
the VoY (Voice of Youth) station, which principally played Western
pop music such as Michael Jackson, Madonna and George Michael. (The
crooner Richard "Right Here Waiting" Marx was also unaccountably
popular.) Understandably, though, the band are keen to get themselves
known on the world stage – and their next single, While We Can,
is due to be released in America and Europe before the year is out.

Ali, 24, says: "We had an Iraqi friend who managed the band, but
sadly he has since passed away. He was the owner of a music shop at
the time, and I made him listen to us. He said he would pay for the
recording of an album, so we did a demo album in 2002. It sold two
or three thousand copies in Baghdad and we became a bit famous –
especially with regulars of the VoY station."

However, more challenges were to come. The invasion and subsequent war
meant most Iraqis had rather more pressing concerns than keeping up
with a boy band – and when UTN1 tried to broaden their horizons beyond
their borders, they discovered it was difficult to get passports.

Ali and his bandmates – Nadeem Hamid, 24; Akhlad Raof, 26; Art
Haroutuanian, 29; and Shant Garabitian, 28 – were featured in reports
by western stations including the BBC and CNN during 2003, but over
the following year coverage dried up and they decided to call it quits.

Ali went to Syria and Haroutuanian to Armenia; Garabitian opted to
stay in Baghdad.

"By coincidence, he was introduced to Mr Larry [Underwood, an American
businessman] and gave him a copy of the demo CD," says Ali.

"Mr Larry liked the idea. He used to have a construction company over
there and he works all over the world. Shant sent us e-mails saying
he’d found someone to sponsor us and be our manager, but we didn’t
believe him. But Shant was so confident that Mr Larry was serious
that we all came back to Iraq at the end of 2004.

"We met with Mr Larry, and from the first day we liked the guy. He
was straightforward with us. He said, ‘To me you’re a business. I
want you to be successful, but in the end it’s all for the sake of
the business, not because I like you guys or anything.’ Together we
decided we should leave Iraq, and so last year we all went to Jordan."

After a six-month wait for visas, the band travelled to London, where
they took performing classes and recorded three demo songs, including
the forthcoming single. While they were inspired by Western musicians,
they are confident of their identity. "We are Easterners," says
Ali. "We bring our own touch to our songs. We put Iraqi instruments
in our music, such as the joza. It’s a stringed instrument, similar
to the violin, but it has its own special scale of sadness. When
people hear it, they cry. We tried some ad-libbing in Arabic too,
and I think it was successful.

"Some of us play instruments, we write our own material and we have
our own style of music. We are not inspired by boy bands – but I know,
the idea of five guys …

"But we see ourselves as a rock band of five members who compose their
own music. I was influenced by people like Bon Jovi and Black Sabbath;
others in the band like Michael Jackson. And Art, who’s our oldest
member, is in love with the Spice Girls. He adores them."

While the Spice Girls might have attempted to be political in their
time, praising Mrs Thatcher as an advocate of "girl power", UTN1
are ambiguously so. The band do not talk about specific politics,
nor their personal experiences of war – but toy guns appear in the
video for the anti-war song While We Can, which was made in Lebanon.

"It was great," says Hassan of making the video. "Lots of people were
working on the project, and it’s the first time we saw how many people
were working with us to try and make it successful. The song talks
about war and peace. It’s not political, it’s a message: war is not
a good thing for anywhere in the world. We’ve lived through three
wars, so we have enough experience to say that. They brought five
kids to represent us and they were playing with fake guns and stuff
like that. I’m still waiting to see how Western audiences respond to
the video. We’re eager to know. I think it will be positive."

Larry Underwood adds: "While We Can is about stopping war. The guns
in the video are wooden guns that children are playing with. They drop
the guns, therefore stopping war. The message at UTN1’s first concert,
which was in Jordan last month, was ‘kill war’, and the proceeds went
to a Lebanese refuge fund".

Hassan enjoyed the live experience. "The audience was great," he
says. "They were surprised and we were surprised. People were clapping
and cheering. It was very motivating for a first show. We don’t really
dance – we’re not that flexible. I’m one of the youngest, but we have
members aged 28 and 29! So we use our personalities to entertain,
and people react positively."

They would like to come back to the UK to promote their single, but
it’s not simple. "These are problems that will always follow us because
we have Iraqi passports," says Hassan. "But we would love to come to
the UK to promote the song, and we would accept any invitation."

TURKISH ARMENIAN PATRIARCH MESROB II: THIS YEAR, I AM FASTING WITH MUSLIMS

Journal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey
Sept 25 2006

ISTANBUL – A variety of Turkish religious leaders yesterday gathered
for a large "iftar" meal (traditional breaking fasting meal) sponsored
by the Sisli Municipality of Istanbul.

Speaking to reporters at the "iftar tent" in Sisli, Armenian Patriarch
in Turkey, Mesrob II, noted "In Christianity, we also have fasts. This
year, I plan to join my fellow believers in the fast."

Also present at the first "iftar" of this year’s Ramazan were the
Vatican’s representative to Turkey, Georges Marovich, as well as
the leaders of the Suryani congregations in Turkey, Yusuf Sag and
Yusuf Cetin.

Marovich for his part commented that the month of Ramazan was one which
"people all over the world prayed contributed to peace" on earth.

IRAQI KURDS: PLAYING IT SAFE IN TURKEY’S PKK WAR

Stratfor
Sept 25 2006

The militant separatist group Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) claimed
responsibility Sept. 24 for two bombings in eastern Turkey a day
earlier. In the first incident, a mine placed on railroad tracks near
the town of Elazig derailed seven cars and damaged eight others.

Later in the day, a vehicle-borne improvised explosive device (IED)
detonated outside a police compound in the town of Igdir, on the
Turkish-Armenian border, wounding 17 people.

The PKK has increased attacks on Turkish security, government and
commercial targets in the Kurdish-majority areas of the country in
recent months. Meanwhile its offshoot, the Kurdistan Freedom Hawks
(TAK), has been attacking economic and tourism targets in Istanbul
and along Turkey’s Aegean and Mediterranean coasts. While attacks
attributed to the PKK occur frequently, they are not as devastating
as militant attacks by Sunni nationalist, jihadist and Shiite militia
groups in neighboring Iraq. One reason for this is the Iraqi Kurds’
general hands-off approach to the militant struggle of their brethren
in Turkey.

Ankara, Tehran and Damascus have often persecuted the Kurds that
make up the majority in parts of eastern Turkey, northwestern Iran
and northern Syria — an effort aimed at curtailing any ambitions
toward creating an independent Kurdistan in the region. The Kurds
in northern Iraq, however, have enjoyed increasing autonomy since
1991, when they began receiving aid and protection from the United
States at the end of the Persian Gulf War. After that war, the Kurds’
peshmerga militia was able to operate more openly, while the Kurds
themselves began conducting their affairs largely without interference
from Baghdad. Since the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, a de facto
Kurdish autonomous region has been established in the country, giving
the Iraqi Kurds their largest degree of autonomy in history.

Since 2003, Iraq has become an arms bazaar, with mountains of
explosives and other ordnance literally left lying on the ground
by the Hussein regime. As a result, militant groups operating in
Iraq have access to ample quantities of military-grade explosives,
such as 152mm artillery shells used to make IEDs, rocket-propelled
grenades and mortars. With Iraqi Kurdistan bordering Turkey, it would
seem the PKK also could obtain these explosives and deploy much more
effective IEDs against the Turkish military and security forces.

The Iraqi Kurds, however, have good reason not to supply their Turkish
kinsmen with powerful explosives, as doing so would risk alienating
their powerful U.S. patron and their quiet supporter Israel. Perhaps
most important, they risk a large-scale Turkish military response in
their territory, as occurred in 1995 and 1996.

The Iraqi Kurds have too much to lose by actively supporting the PKK.

Recently the Iraqi government announced that PKK facilities in the
country would be shut down.

Although Iraqi Kurds support the PKK in spirit, and might provide
the group limited material support, the Kurdish political parties and
provisional governments in northern Iraq are wary of giving Turkey any
reason to interfere in their affairs. Moreover, they want to avoid
sending any message to Iran or Syria that would make the countries
feel threatened by the establishment of an official Kurdish autonomous
region in Iraq.

Furthermore, there is some friction between the PKK and the Iraqi
Kurds. In the aftermath of Operation Desert Storm, the PKK and Iraqi
Kurds engaged in a bitter dispute over the regions they controlled and
the sharing of revenues from the Turkish-Iraqi border. The mountainous
border was not fully controlled by either Baghdad or Ankara, so the PKK
took the opportunity to stage attacks against Turkey from there. The
Iraqi Kurds, led by Kurdish Democratic Party head Massoud Barzani,
asked the PKK in 1995 to scale down its attacks from Iraqi territory
to prevent a Turkish military response. The PKK ignored the request,
and Barzani subsequently sent the peshmerga after PKK units in Iraq
in an effort to prevent a Turkish invasion.

During the subsequent Kurdish civil war, the Turkish military also
entered Iraq to conduct operations against the PKK.

The Iraqi Kurds, fully aware that the autonomy they have gained
over the past 15 years is due largely to U.S. support, are unwilling
to jeopardize that status by supporting the PKK in its war against
Ankara. Washington is fully capable of withdrawing its support should
the Kurds in Iraq actively support a group the U.S. State Department
considers a terrorist organization.

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THE DEPUTY MAYOR IS POWERLESS

A1+
[03:03 pm] 25 September, 2006

Although Yerevan deputy mayor Slava Avanesyan tried to represent
the situation of transport in Yerevan enumerating how many buses
have been imported and will be imported, how many bus stops will be
reconstructed, and how much money will be allotted for the repairing
of buses, he did not manage to avoid the anxious questions which the
journalists poured on him during the usual Monday briefing.

The journalists were interested why the buses and trolley-buses with
a fare of 50 or 70 AMD are almost empty and the micro buses are always
full people.

There are even cases when bus routes have been closed down. In
particular, one of the drivers of bus N 62 said that the reason was
the owner of one of the microbus routes who threatened him not to
"take away" the passengers.

Mr. Avanesyan was well aware of the phenomenon. He said he has even
complained of it and has even named some of the owners of the routes
asking to impose sanctions on them, but all his efforts have resulted
fruitless.

With a powerless expression on his face, Slava Avanesyan asked the
journalists to help him to punish those who exceed their authorities.

NAGORNO-KARABAKH RELEASES BAPTIST SOLDIER AFTER ONE YEAR JAIL

BosNewsLife , Hungary
Sept 25 2006

NAGORNO-KARABACH/BUDAPEST (BosNewsLife)– A Christian soldier who was
imprisoned in the troubled unrecognized republic of Nagorno-Karabakh
for refusing to swear the military oath and carry weapons on
Biblical grounds, has been released, after spending one year in jail,
BosNewsLife learned Monday, September 25.
From: Baghdasarian

NAGORNO-KARABAKH: ‘THERE IS NO GOING BACK FOR US’
Thomas Cromwell

Diplomatic Traffic, DC
Sept 25 2006

With the collapse of the Soviet Union the world became aware of the
complexity of peoples and nations that made up the diversity of the
USSR but that had long been submerged beneath the monolithic facade
of communist rule. Especially under Stalin, many ethnic groups had
been forced to leave their traditional lands or were incorporated
into Soviet states where they didn’t belong. One of these was Nagorno
Karabakh, which in 1921 Moscow had made part of the Azerbaijan Soviet
Socialist Republic, even though the majority of the population was
Armenian.

On September 2, 1991, the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic declared
independence, in step with other former Soviet states. (A Soviet
law passed in 1990 allowed for Soviet autonomous entities, such as
Karabakh, to decide their own future if their ‘parent’ republic leaves
the Soviet Union.) This in effect meant declaring independence from
Azerbaijan, and soon a war was underway between Armenia-backed forces
in Karabakh and Azerbaijan, whose territory completely surrounded
the Soviet-era Karabakh enclave.

With the Karabakh population 73 percent ethnic Armenian at
independence, resistance to Azerbaijan was successful, despite the
heavy odds against them. By the time a ceasefire was agreed in 1994,
Armenian forces controlled Karabakh proper (which as an autonomous
oblast under the Soviets was just 1,699 square miles) and most of
the territory between Armenia and Karabakh.

The modern era conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, which began as a
peaceful request in 1988, forced some 350,000 Armenians to flee
Azerbaijan (including 30,000 from Karabakh), mostly to Armenia, and
some 700,000 Azeris to flee Armenia and Karabakh (40,000 from the
latter), as well as Karabakh-controlled areas of Azerbaijan. Other
refugees or internally displaced persons were relatively small
groups of Russians and Kurds. A decade on, the future for most of
the displaced persons is still uncertain.

However, in a recent interview with DiplomaticTraffic.com,
Nagorno-Karabakh’s representative to the United States, Vardan
Barseghian, said that although not recognized formally by any
government, Karabakh’s continued march to secure lasting independence
is irreversible. "There is no going back for us," he said. "Just
because Stalin gave Karabakh to Azerbaijan does not mean that
the international community has to reinforce what Stalin did." He
continued: "What [Stalin] did at the beginning of the last century
was against the will of our people. And now we are at the beginning
of the 21st Century."

So far, negotiations among the key players since the 1994 ceasefire,
notably through the OSCE’s Minsk Group, have produced a lot of
statements and occasional glimmers of hope, but no concrete progress
on a lasting political solution.

But, clearly, Karabakh is not waiting for others to decide its
future. It has been working to shore up its defenses while steadily
improving its economy and the lot of its 145,000 people. Barseghian
noted that GDP doubled from 2001 to 2005 (increasing to $114 million
from $53 million), and economic growth last year was 14 percent.

Investments have been in telecoms, gold mining, diamond polishing,
jewelry and agriculture. During Soviet times, Karabakh was the
biggest per-capita producer of grapes in the USSR. Karabakh is also
known for its Mulberry brandy, called Tti Oghi locally. "It is a
beautiful country," Barseghian said, offering prospects for tourism
development. Some 4,000 foreigners visited in 2005.

Although Karabakh is still a very poor country in a seemingly
precarious political situation, its people are evidently working hard
to improve their economy and prospects for the future.

Nevertheless, there are some major obstacles to overcome for economic
development. The capital Stepanakert’s airport cannot receive large
passenger planes, due to a lack of over-flight rights for the Azeri
territory they would have to cross for safe landings and take-offs.

Hence all international air travelers and freight have to pass through
Yerevan, the Armenian capital that is 5-6 hours’ drive away.

There is a good road connecting Karabakh to Yerevan, but there is
still much need for infrastructure development within Karabakh itself.

Asked about possible recognition of their republic, Barseghian
said "there are positive tendencies" in that direction. He said
"governments recognize the fact that the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic
has been established and functioning as a country, and more and more
contacts look like regular government-to-government contacts."

However, "the US government tries not to portray these as regular
contacts, for obvious reasons."

Nevertheless, "what’s interesting is that Washington tracks what’s
going on in Nagorno-Karabakh, including economic progress and
democratization. We have indications through third parties that
they are happy with the progress, although they would not say that
in public."

Regarding relations with Azerbaijan, he said: "I don’t think we have
illusions about being able to negotiate with Azerbaijan directly
for our independence." So there are two tracks that guide Karabakh’s
diplomatic efforts. One is to seek an accommodation with Azerbaijan
to be able to live peacefully side-by-side, the other is to secure
recognition from the international community. "For instance, we have
representations in Russia, France, Australia and Lebanon, as well as
the US." (These are not accredited diplomatic missions.)

Commenting on the work of the Minsk Group, he noted that, "The main
purpose of the Minsk Group is to facilitate negotiations, and not to
achieve a pre-determined outcome."

Barseghian said that by fighting for independence, the people
of Karabakh had "reaffirmed our right to live on the land of our
ancestors in the way that we feel is good for us." He said, "It was
a very heavy price," with several thousand ethnic Armenians killed.

In the summer of 1992, Azerbaijan controlled about half of Karabakh,
but Karabakh Armenians then organized more formal resistance,
including a regular army, and began to be successful. Some 30,000
people, Armenians and Azeries, were ultimately killed in the fighting.

He noted that de facto Azerbaijan has recognized Nagorno-Karabakh’s
existence by recognizing the line of contact that separates the
two sides under the ceasefire. "This is the de facto border between
Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh."

Since 1997, Azerbaijan has not had direct negotiations with Karabakh.

By Baku negotiating with Yerevan, it underlines its position that
Karabakh is an issue between Armenia and Azerbaijan. But Barseghian
said that he thinks a solution can only be found through direct
negotiations.

"I believe the world recognizes that we deserve to be free, and as a
minimum we should avoid another disaster. International recognition
of Karabakh’s independence will discourage another attack by
Azerbaijan. The ceasefire has held for 12 years, and we believe this
is due to the natural balance of forces." He noted that Azerbaijan’s
oil revenue has been used in part to strengthen its armed forces, and
Karabakh (and Armenia) stress to the US Congress and administration
that a military balance should be maintained to prevent a new attack
by Azerbaijan.

Biography of Vardan Barseghian

Permanent Representative of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic in the USA

Vardan Barseghian was born in 1970 in Stepanakert, the capital of
Nagorno Karabakh.

In 1993 he graduated from Moscow Institute of Construction and
Engineering.

After his return to Nagorno Karabakh in 1993 he worked for the
international organization MSF – "Doctors Without Borders", where
he was responsible for administrative and logistic issues for the
mission in Stepanakert.

In 1996-1997 Mr. Barseghian served as Assistant to then NKR Foreign
Minister Arkady Ghoukasian. He participated in OSCE-conducted
monitoring of contact line between Nagorno Karabakh and Azerbaijan
armies and in meetings with OSCE Minsk Group negotiators.

In 1997-1999 Mr. Barseghian worked in Stepanakert Office of the
International Committee of the Red Cross. He took active part in
organization and distribution of food, shelter and hygiene supplies
to the war-torn population of Karabakh’s Jraberd, Khachen and Dizak
provinces, as well as in pioneering several ICRC reconstruction and
agro-programs in Nagorno Karabakh.

In August of 1999 by President Ghoukasian’s decree Mr. Barseghian was
appointed the Permanent Representative of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic
in the United States. Since 1997 NKR maintains a representation office
(a de-facto Embassy) in Washington, D.C. Mr.

Barseghian is the chief executive officer of the Office of the Nagorno
Karabakh Republic in the United States (NKR Office). The NKR Office is
registered with U.S. Government under Foreign Agent Registration Act.

Vardan Barseghian is married to Ms. Lusine Antonian and they have a
son, Robert.

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NK OBSERVER: "OSCE POSITION CONCERNING TRANSDNESTR REFERENDUM IS VERY STRANGE"

Regnum, Russia
Sept 25 2006

"Referendum on Transdnestr Moldavian Republic’s (TMR) independence was
conducted in accordance with all international norms; no violations
were recorded by us," Nagorno Karabakh delegation member, NKR FM and
CEC representative Semyon Afiyan, who monitored the recent referendum
on Transdnestr independence as an international observer, stated to
a REGNUM correspondent.

The observer stressed republican citizens’ high activity and
responsibility. Simultaneously, he called "very strange" position of
the OSCE, which negatively reacted to referendum, having even sent no
observers to it. The Karabakh delegation, which comprised NKR National
Assembly Permanent Commission on State and Legal Affairs Chairman Yury
Ayrapetyan and NKR Industrials and Entrepreneurs Union Chairman, NA
Deputy Samvel Hakopyan, met with TMR President Igor Smirnov; it visited
famous Kvint brandy-producing factory in Tiraspol, participated in
harvest festival and new church’s consecration in Dayeban village. NKR
IEU Chairman Samvel Hakopyan donated $500 to the church’s foundation.

Economic cooperation was discussed during a meeting at Transdnestr
Chamber of Commerce and Industry. NKR representatives familiarized
themselves with Transdnestr production. The Karabakh delegation met
with representatives of Armenian community in city of Grigoriopol,
which was founded by Armenians under Katherine the Great. "Although,
there are not many Armenians in Transdnestr, they play important
role in republican social-political life, contributing to Transdnestr
economy’s development," Semyon Afiyan said. The NKR representatives
donated books to local museum.

It is worth reminding, the Nagorno Karabakh delegation was present
at the September 17 referendum on independence, being invited by
TMR leadership.