Turkish Press: At zero point of Türkiye and Armenia’s closed frontier: ‘Ready

Türkiye Today
May 11 2026

At zero point of Türkiye and Armenia’s closed frontier: ‘Ready, but not yet open’

By Yagiz Efe Parmaksiz
May 11, 2026 05:15 PM GMT+03:00

The barbed wire is rusty but has been holding strong for 33 years. Yet, it is bound to get weaker.

Beyond it, the gravel rail bed stretches into the green hill, unobstructed, going nowhere in particular. Or rather, going nowhere at all since 1993.

This place is a border crossing no more. This is the zero point of the Türkiye-Armenia border near Akhurik, the last station on the Armenian side before Kars.

A camouflaged military post sits quietly in the middle distance. A few kilometers ahead, Turkish watchtowers look back.

I stood there as a Turkish journalist, in early May, during a week in which Yerevan hosted the European Political Community Summit, the first-ever EU-Armenia summit, and the Yerevan Dialogue 2026 Forum, thanks to an EU-supported Caucasus Edition journalism fellowship.

The diplomatic energy inside the conference halls was palpable; forty-plus leaders and a joint EU-Armenia declaration running to forty-four articles one day. The next, panels on South Caucasus peace.

Outside, on this hill, nothing had moved since 1993.

But the rust, the diplomatic events showed, was not the only thing slowly giving away.

Station that never really closed

A short drive away, at the Akhuryan Station on the Armenian side, the rails of the Kars-Gyumri line are still there.

Rusted, overgrown with grass sprouting up between the sleepers, a manual switch lever frozen but unbroken, unbuckled, no gaps.

The infrastructure is not the problem.

Even after the border closed following the First Karabakh War in 1993, a conductor named Agop Gevorgyan refused to leave. Dismissed from his job driving the train to Türkiye’s East Gate station in Kars, he was reassigned as a guard and stayed.

The Armenian public radio reported his words a decade ago: “After the services were halted, I started working as a guard at this station. Our time was spent sitting, mostly idly. For 20 years, we have been waiting for the train service to start. Over there, we could see the lights of Türkiye. We have been watching those lights for 20 years and waiting for the border to reopen.”

He also spoke of a Turkish railway official named Sukru, a friend made on those daily Kars runs, whose connection to him was severed the day the border closed.

He learned, years later, that Sukru had died. “I would have wanted to see him again,” Gevorgyan said.

The station office still looks ready to open on any Monday morning. What stops it from actually opening is the political will, the working groups, and the gauge.

Türkiye and Armenia had already agreed in 2025, in talks between Türkiye’s Special Envoy for the Normalization Process Serdar Kilic and Armenian Vice President of National Assembly Ruben Rubinyan, to launch the technical work on the railway’s rehabilitation.

That agreement was translated into action on April 28, a week before I stood at the Akhuryan Station, when the two sides convened the first meeting of a joint working group in Kars.

The Turkish and Armenian rail systems run on different track widths. This means bogie-exchange facilities would need to be built, or sections of the track re-laid to a unified standard.

In Soviet times, engineers solved the same problem by swapping wagon bogies at the border. Whether that solution will be revived, or something new is agreed upon, is among the questions the working group will need to answer. The timeline for what comes next remains open.

‘This is trust-building process’

Back in Yerevan, I asked Serdar Kilic a direct question. In his opening speech at the Yerevan Dialogue Forum, he had corrected the very name of the process he is running: “This is not a normalization process,” he said from the podium.

“This is a trust-building process.”

After the panel, Türkiye Today asked him what that distinction meant in practice, what steps both sides still need to take to build the said trust.

His answer pushed back on any suggestion that the label was merely rhetorical. “Of course, this is not a normalization process; we are already putting those steps in,” he said.

“We have arrived at the stage where borders can be opened. We are working on that. For the Kars-Gyumri railroad restoration, we met last week in Kars. There are many other things, contacts between peoples can be deepened further.”

He pointed to Turkish Airlines beginning daily flights to Yerevan on March 11, with a second daily service set to launch on May 15, and Pegasus already operating on the route. He also cited reciprocal scholarships for five university students from each country and visa facilitation measures for diplomatic and official passport holders.

Then he reflected on his own experience in Armenia. “I came to Yerevan at the beginning of last September. The attitude I encounter here today is very different from what I experienced on Sept. 11. People have begun to embrace the process much more. When Ruben and I first started, there was probably some hesitance, some timidity. Now even that is gone.”

Rubinyan, who serves as Kilic’s counterpart, made the stakes concrete from the other side of the same panel. He noted that Türkiye, Georgia, and Azerbaijan are already connected by rail and that Armenia is the missing link in that chain.

Closing that gap, he said, would create enormous opportunities not just bilaterally but for EU connectivity as well, and called this a historic opportunity that should not be wasted.

Week of firsts in Yerevan

The European Political Summit (EPC) itself witnessed many firsts. On May 5, Armenia and the EU held their first-ever summit, signing a joint declaration that ran to forty-four articles.

Buried within the dense diplomatic language was a line that mattered directly to Ankara: the EU explicitly endorsed the normalization of relations between Armenia and Türkiye, and supported the reopening of communications in the region.

The joint statement also acknowledged progress on the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) connectivity corridor, which runs through the Armenian territory and whose success depends, at least in part, on what happens between Ankara and Yerevan.

Türkiye was present at the EPC summit too, represented by Vice President Cevdet Yilmaz, the highest-level Turkish official visit to Yerevan in 18 years. On the sidelines, a separate and quieter moment took place: the signing of a protocol for the joint restoration of the Ani Bridge, a structure dating to the 11th and 12th centuries, with one footing in Türkiye and one in Armenia.

Its central span collapsed long ago. Kilic, who has been leading the normalization process since January 2022, said that moment alone showed how far things had come. “If someone had told us in January 2022 that we would reach this point today, no one would have believed it,” he said. “Frankly, we might not have believed it ourselves.”

A bridge whose middle is missing, waiting to be restored from both ends simultaneously. The normalization process, it turns out, works much the same way.

Ready, but not yet open

Kilic was careful not to overpromise on the border itself. “The border can be considered ready to open,” he said, “but there still are some bureaucratic and technical steps to be finalized. You cannot simply declare it open and allow people to cross. Fiber-optic cables need to be laid. Security personnel, customs officers, all such arrangements must be in place. Without completing all of this, opening the border just for the sake of saying it’s open would be meaningless.”

It is worth sitting with that word: meaningless. In a process this symbolically charged, where a joint bridge restoration protocol makes headlines across the region, where a vice president’s Yerevan visit is described as a “turning point,” the temptation to perform progress can outpace actual progress.

Kilic, to his credit, seemed wary of that. His insistence on calling this a trust-building process rather than a normalization process felt less like semantics and more like a warning against rushing the conclusion.

Last few kilometers

The Akhurik crossing looks just the same as it has for thirty-two years. Rusty wires, a gravel road running into green hills, a camouflaged post, a lone building in the distance. Nothing there announces that anything is about to change.

A short drive away at Akhuryan, the rails are intact, the switch lever frozen at position eleven, grass sprouting up between the sleepers.

A conductor once spent twenty years here as a guard, watching the lights of Türkiye from across the wire, waiting for a train that never came.

However, the talks are real. The momentum is real. The wire at Akhurik and the rails at Akhuryan are separated by just a few kilometers of road.

In diplomatic terms, that distance has taken 32 years to almost cross.

Turkish Press: Armenian premier says Yerevan does not plan referendum on EU or

Anadolu Agency, Turkey
May 11 2026
Referendum to be held only if ‘objective need for it,’ says Nikol Pashinyan
Kanyshai Butun
11 May 2026



ISTANBUL

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said Monday that Yerevan does not plan to hold a referendum on whether to remain in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) or pursue European Union membership.

“We will hold a referendum at the moment when there is an objective need for it. My assessment is that there is simply no such objective necessity,” Pashinyan said, according to state news agency Armenpress.

His remarks followed Russian President Vladimir Putin’s suggestion Saturday that Armenia consider a referendum on its geopolitical alignment. Putin said Moscow would accept a “gentle, intelligent and mutually beneficial divorce” if Yerevan chose closer ties with the EU.

Pashinyan rejected the comparison with a “divorce,” saying “we sometimes confuse interstate relations with marriage.”

“I do not agree with that formulation. Armenia is guided in its interstate relations by an interstate logic,” he said.

The Armenian premier said the country remains a full EAEU member and continues to participate fully in the bloc’s decision-making.

Pashinyan also stressed that Armenia’s policy is entirely public, adding that nothing “conspiratorial lies” behind it.

“And I have said before that we have not had, do not have, and will not have the goal of harming Russia’s interests; we will continue to be guided by Armenia’s national interests, and we will continue to deepen our relations with Russia, with the understanding that an inevitable transformation of those relations is taking place,” he added.

He further said he maintains “working relations” with the Russian president based on mutual trust.

“We have discussed the most sensitive issues in a very calm, respectful, and friendly atmosphere, based on arguments and facts. I will continue in that logic. My respect to the President of Russia and to Russia,” he said.

Pashinyan to skip EAEU meeting in Astana

Pashinyan also said he will not participate in the EAEU leaders’ meeting scheduled to take place in Astana on May 28.

The prime minister said he had already informed Putin during their meeting in April that he would be unable to attend both the May 9 events in Moscow and the May 28 EAEU meeting.

He noted that Armenia will be represented at the session by Deputy Prime Minister Mher Grigoryan.

Earlier, Putin said Armenia should decide “as soon as possible” whether to join the EU or remain in the EAEU, stressing that Yerevan enjoys “significant advantages” within the Eurasian Economic Union in areas such as agriculture, the processing industry and migration.

Putin also told Pashinyan last month that Moscow remains calm about Armenia’s growing relations with the EU.

He nevertheless underlined that Yerevan could not simultaneously be part of both the EAEU and the EU.

Armenia last week hosted dozens of leaders, including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, for a summit of the European Political Community, alongside a separate summit between the EU and Armenia in the capital Yerevan.

Turkish media representatives tour Gyumri-Kars railway route

Public Radio of Armenia
May 11 2026

A group of Turkish journalists visited Gyumri after participating in the European Political Community summit in Yerevan and the “Yerevan Dialogue” forum, where they explored the prospects of reopening the Gyumri-Kars railway, according to Ermenihaber.am.

During their visit, the journalists toured the railway area and discussed the importance of reopening the Armenia-Turkey border crossing.

At the Armenian-Turkish border, the journalists met with Levon Barseghyan, head of the Gyumri-based Asparez Journalists’ Association, to discuss the potential impact of reopening the border.

Barseghyan noted that the Akhurik railway station was part of the Cold War-era railway network and serves as Armenia’s last railway point before Turkey, as well as the final station on the route leading toward Europe. According to him, the railway could become part of the so-called Middle Corridor connecting Asia and Europe.

He also recalled that the route had operated during the Soviet period and remained open for about a year in 1992-1993.

According to Barseghyan, reopening the border could significantly boost trade and improve relations between Armenia and Turkey. He added that such a move would benefit not only the two neighboring countries but also the wider region.

“I am convinced that 65% or more of Armenia’s citizens living in the Russia w

Aysor, Armenia
May 11 2026

“I am convinced that 65% or more of the citizens of Armenia living in the Russian Federation will vote for the Civil Contract party,” Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said in a conversation with reporters.

“Why am I convinced? Because I see real people. By the way, many of them have been in contact with their relatives via video calls during this period and said they are planning to come and vote for the Civil Contract party,” Pashinyan said.

Armenia’s PM Pashinyan Rejects Need For Referendum On EU Path

EurasiaReview
May 11 2026

By PanARMENIAN

There is currently no objective need for a referendum on whether Armenia should remain in the European Union or the Eurasian Economic Union, Prime Minister and Civil Contract candidate Nikol Pashinyan said in response to remarks by Russian President Vladimir Putin.

“At the working level, we discussed this issue with the Russian president, and I said what I have also stated publicly: until there is a de jure and de facto necessity to make a choice, we will not place such a question on the agenda,” Pashinyan said, according to Radar Armenia.

The prime minister also stressed that he does not agree with Putin’s use of the term “divorce.”

“I have said in parliament as well that we sometimes confuse interstate relations with marriage. Armenia is guided by interstate logic in its foreign relations, and we are a member of the Eurasian Economic Union like the other members. As long as we remain in the EAEU, we fully participate in decision-making. And since no such necessity has emerged, we do not intend to raise such a question. We will hold a referendum when there is an objective need for it. But my assessment is that such an objective necessity simply does not exist,” he stated.

According to Pashinyan, Armenia’s goal has never been and will never be to harm Russian interests.

“We will continue to be guided by Armenia’s state interests and continue deepening and developing relations with Russia, understanding that an inevitable transformation is taking place in those relations,” the prime minister said.

Pashinyan stressed that the changes in Armenian-Russian relations are objective in nature and not connected to his personality.

“There are questions, there are discomforts, there are nuances requiring clarification. But my assessment is that these issues should be addressed calmly, peacefully, without tension and without additional escalation,” he added.

According to Pashinyan, he maintains working relations with the Russian president based on mutual trust.

“We have discussed the sharpest issues in a calm, respectful and friendly atmosphere, relying on facts and arguments,” Pashinyan noted.

Russian President Vladimir Putin earlier stated that Armenia should clarify its position regarding possible membership in the European Union. He said Armenia’s plans to join the EU “require special discussion.”

“For example, a referendum could be held. It is not our business, but in principle it would be entirely logical to ask Armenian citizens what their choice will be. Based on that, we would draw conclusions and move toward a soft, civilized and mutually beneficial ‘divorce.’ After all, we are now witnessing everything that happened in the Ukrainian direction. And how did it begin? With Ukraine’s attempt to join the EU,” Putin said.

Investigation: Russia’s 102nd Base in Armenia Exerts Political and Social Pre

MILITARNYI
May 11 2026

Vladislav V.

Russia’s 102nd military base in Gyumri, Armenia, exerts social, spiritual, and political influence on Armenia, undermining its sovereignty.

This is stated in an investigation by UIC.

Timofey Kazaryan, a priest of Armenian descent and a clergyman of the Russian Orthodox Church, serves at the Russian 102nd military base stationed in Gyumri. Officially, he holds the position of assistant to the base commander, Colonel Alexander Bezborodov, for matters related to working with religious service members.

At the same time, he maintains active and close contacts with the clergy of the Shirak Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church, particularly through joint events.

The clergyman’s duties include conducting individual conversations with military personnel and providing spiritual support in stressful or difficult family situations. However, according to available information, Father Timofey also engages almost daily in open propaganda aimed at undermining Armenian statehood.

According to data from two independent sources, he carries out his activities in Orthodox churches operating at the military base — in the Church of the Holy Martyr Queen Alexandra, as well as occasionally in the Chapel of Archangel Michael on “Honor Hill.”

At the same time, Father Timofey’s activities and connections are not limited to the 102nd military base. He is likely one of the representatives of the Russian state institutional network operating in Armenia.

One piece of evidence for this was a donation made in July 2023 by the “House of Moscow” in Yerevan to benefit the churches at the military base. Priest Timofey was personally present at the event and publicly praised this initiative.

It is known that “House of Moscow” is not merely a cultural center — the organization is funded by the Moscow government and serves as one of the official instruments of Russian “soft power.”

It is particularly telling that the 102nd military base in Gyumri is likely also being used to influence electoral processes in Armenia.

Armenian citizens working at the base are facing pressure. People who contacted the authors of the investigation and wished to remain anonymous due to fears of persecution by the command report that they are being forced to vote for a specific political party under threat of dismissal.

Moreover, according to them, the Russian command demands that this pressure be extended to family members, relatives, and friends, thereby increasing the number of controlled votes.

Thus, the military base command is likely violating paragraph 6 of part 1 of Article 23 of the Electoral Code of Armenia, as well as committing acts provided for in part 1 of Article 40.8 of the Code of Administrative Offenses and part 3 of Article 210 and part 2 of Article 211 of the Criminal Code of Armenia.

It was recently reported that French President Emmanuel Macron called on Europe to help Armenia secure its own borders.

https://militarnyi.com/en/news/russia-102-base-armenia-pressure-on-country/

Irish failure to recognise Armenian genocide creates awkward moment for Martin

The Irish Times
May 11 2026

Inconsistency between Government reluctance to formally acknowledge Armenian genocide and clear stance on Gaza

Jack Power in Yerevan, Armenia


On a hilltop looking out over the Armenian capital, Yerevan, are a dozen towering grey granite pillars, built leaning towards each other in a circle.

In the ground below there’s a burning flame that commemorates the more than one million Armenian people who were exterminated a century ago.

A large wreath is resting against one pillar, set down by French president Emmanuel Macron a few days ago.

A summit of nearly 50 European leaders in Yerevan was staged five minutes walk away, in a futuristic looking event centre built during the later years of Soviet rule in the south Caucasus country.

Taoiseach Micheál Martin wasn’t able to take the short stroll to the genocide memorial after the summit wrapped up. Ireland has not formally recognised the Armenian genocide, so Martin would have created an awkward situation on the diplomatic front had he stopped to pay his respects in an official capacity.

More than a million Armenians living under Ottoman rule were estimated to have been killed by the Turk-led regime, in a campaign of ethnic persecution that began during the first World War.

Learn more

Paranoid the Armenian minority posed a threat to the stability of the empire, Ottoman authorities set about forcibly clearing the Christian communities from large swathes of the empire’s territory in 1915.

The plan was preceded by early defeats for the Ottoman army in the war, which were blamed on the Armenian minority.

A massive deportation campaign forced the Armenian population on long marches to the Syrian desert. Food and water was scarce and huge numbers died. Brutal violence, abuse and killings were also common. Those who survived were imprisoned in concentration camps where many more starved to death.

The Armenian state has said the plan was a clear attempt to wipe out the population and constituted a genocide.

Armenia, wedged between east and west, plays footsie with EuropeOpens in new window ]

Turkey has always pushed back against classing the deportation and mass deaths as genocide, saying, rather, the “mandatory transfer” was a chaotic, wartime act of an empire on the verge of collapse and not a premeditated plan to exterminate the Armenian population.

“What happened in 1915, it is classic genocide,” said Hrachia Tashchian, acting director of the Armenian genocide memorial museum and institute.

More than half of the states in the European Union recognise the Armenian genocide. In total 31 countries or parliaments have done so worldwide.

“I believe that countries that have not recognised yet the genocide, they did it for political reasons,” Tashchian said.

The persecution of the Armenians “completely corresponds” to the criteria set out in the United Nations’ genocide convention of 1948. “Intentional destruction, intentional elimination,” he said.

There is a tradition that visiting dignitaries plant a fir tree on the grounds of the Yerevan memorial, known as Tsitsernakaberd.

You can gauge how long it took different countries to mark the genocide by the height of the fir tree beside each plaque marking the visit. Trees planted by Russian and French politicians decades ago are huge now.

That’s not surprising. Armenia has historically been deeply wedded to Moscow and there is a huge Armenian diaspora in France, the largest in western Europe. Newer trees planted in recent years are only a metre high.

The Department of Foreign Affairs has resisted formally classing what happened to the Armenians as a genocide.

Then-minister for foreign affairs Simon Coveney told the Dáil in 2019 that the Republic would not be joining others who had done so.

There was “no international consensus” on the subject. “Ireland follows the practice of recognising genocide only where this has been established by a judgment of an international court, or where there is international consensus on the matter,” he said.

However, that position is at odds with the Government’s response to Israel’s actions in Gaza, where it has publicly called out the bombardment and starvation of Palestinians as genocidal.

Responding to questions in the Dáil last May, Martin said Israel was “committing genocide in Gaza right now. Let us call a spade a spade.”

South Africa, joined by Ireland and others, has taken a case to the International Court of Justice, though the UN court has yet to rule on whether Israel breached the genocide convention.

The Department of Foreign Affairs did not respond to questions about the differing standards used when considering Armenia’s claims of genocide.

Ireland of course accepts the Holocaust of Europe’s Jews by the Nazis as a genocide.

Tashchian, who was previously a diplomat and adviser to the prime minister Nikol Pashinyan, said the Armenian debate was caught up in geopolitical calculations.

Turkey is a powerful player internationally and a key regional partner for many western governments.

“Turkey wants to move this issue to the political field … There is no question was it genocide, there is no question for us,” Tashchian said. Turkey had “written their own history” playing down what happened to the Armenians, he said.

The president of the Belgian parliament is due soon and so Tashchian needs to source a small fir tree for a planting ceremony in the memorial garden. “No Irish tree there yet; I hope there will be soon in the foreseeable future,” he said.

As Armenia Pivots Towards France and India, Putin Says EU Membership Referendu

The Eurasian Times
May 10 2026

Russian President Vladimir Putin said it would be “logical” if Armenia held a referendum on EU membership, after it hosted a European summit for the first time.

The former Soviet republic froze its membership in the Russian-led CSTO military alliance in 2024 over Russia’s failure to defend it against Azerbaijan, and has expressed an interest in joining the European Union, angering the Kremlin.

Asked at a press conference about Yerevan’s EU aspirations, Putin said it would be “quite logical to hold a referendum and ask the Armenian citizens what their choice would be. Based on that, we would make our own choice as well”.

“And then we would have gone down the path of a gentle, civilized, and mutually beneficial separation,” the Russian president added.

Putin also drew a parallel with Ukraine. “We are all going through everything that’s happening in the Ukrainian direction right now. But how did it all start? With Ukraine’s attempt to join the EU.”

From May 4-6, Yerevan hosted the 8th European Political Community (EPC) summit and used the two-day gathering of European leaders in its capital to push its top priority, security, and to accelerate its shift away from Russia and towards Western partners.

Meanwhile, the French President Emmanuel Macron used the occasion to further deepen its defense partnership with the beleaguered country that has lost two wars to Azerbaijan in the last six years, lost control of the historically Armenian-speaking territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, and is desperate to come out of the shadow of Russia.

In fact, as the European Union and Armenia laid the groundwork for deeper integration during the landmark EPC summit in Yerevan, France’s presence loomed large – diplomatically, economically, and culturally.

For decades after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the landlocked Armenia did Russia’s bidding in the South Caucasus, providing it with military bases and serving as Moscow’s loyal outpost south of the Black Sea.

Crucially, Armenia also provided Russia with a land bridge to Iran, Moscow’s key ally in West Asia.

Armenia also joined the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a post-Soviet Russian equivalent of NATO.

However, Armenia has frozen its participation in the Russia-led collective security organization since 2024 and is gradually pivoting towards the EU and NATO.

This historic shift has the potential to rewrite the balance of power in this strategic region that sits at the crossroads of Europe, West Asia, Central Asia, Russia, and South Asia.

In fact, Armenia and the South Caucasus are at the heart of both India-supported International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and Europe’s plans to link Central Asian gas fields with its markets.

No wonder India and France have emerged as primary military and diplomatic backers of Armenia as it navigates a challenging neighborhood and tries to balance its historical dependence on Russia with new partnerships in the West and East.

Armenia’s Pivot Towards France

Bordering openly hostile Azerbaijan to the East, historical adversary Turkey to the West, and war-torn Georgia and Iran to the North and South, Armenia finds itself in a challenging and sometimes openly antagonistic neighborhood.

This challenging neighborhood meant that Armenia depended on Russia for its security.

However, Moscow’s failure to safeguard Armenia’s security and interests despite its CSTO membership during the two wars with Azerbaijan forced a strategic rethink in Yerevan.

Under Article 4 of the CSTO Treaty, analogous to NATO’s Article 5, member states are obligated to give each other “the necessary help, including military” in the event of foreign aggression.

Despite this explicit cause, Moscow did nothing to protect Armenia during its two recent wars with Azerbaijan.

Russia proved itself an unreliable security partner, and Yerevan has since tried to balance its dependence on Moscow by cultivating defense and security partnerships with diverse countries.

However, France has emerged as a key partner for Yerevan.

The visit of President Macron, timed to coincide with the first EU‑Armenia summit, underscored France’s ambition to anchor itself in the small, landlocked country as it turns away from Moscow.

France is positioning itself as a key player in Armenia’s emerging role as a regional hub for trade, energy, and digital connectivity.

The EU‑Armenia connectivity partnership, signed during the summit, aims to strengthen transport and energy links and interlocks French and European interests in routes between Central Asia, the Caspian Sea, and Europe – notably the Trans-Caspian route.

France and Armenia also signed a joint declaration establishing a strategic partnership and agreed to expand cooperation in the defense sector.

A memorandum of understanding between the defense ministries of Armenia and France provides for cooperation in research, development, and advanced military technologies.

In addition, Armenia’s defense ministry signed a contract with the French group Sofema to supply equipment.

An agreement was also concluded with Airbus Helicopters for the delivery of transport helicopters. According to local media, this involves six multi-purpose Airbus H145 helicopters.

Notably, France has emerged as Armenia’s largest arms supplier in recent years.

Paris has delivered CAESAR howitzers, GM200 radars, and Bastion APCs to Armenia.

During his trip, President Macron also called on Europe to help Armenia independently secure its borders.

“There are still 4,000 Russian soldiers on Armenian territory, including over 1,000 border guards. Europe must, therefore, commit to helping the country secure its borders more independently,” Macron said.

Russian forces are stationed in Armenia under a bilateral agreement that established the 102nd military base in Gyumri. This facility serves as Russia’s military presence in the South Caucasus region.

The base was established in 1995 for a 25-year period. However, the agreement was renewed later, and Russian troops can now remain in the country until 2044.

Macron suggested that Europe should provide this support to Armenia to reduce its dependence on Russia.

Notably, Armenia has already accepted a European Union (EU)–led civilian border-monitoring force, rejecting a Russian proposal for the same. Numbering around 200, this is the first such EU Common Security and Defense Policy mission in a Russian-allied country.

Armenia has also acceded to the International Criminal Court (meaning that, in theory, Putin could be arrested if he sets foot on Armenian soil).

Russia’s failure to safeguard Armenian interests has also led to the downfall of Russia’s image in the Armenian public.

Between 2019 and 2023, according to an International Republican Institute poll, the number of Armenians who described the country’s relationship with Russia as “good” fell drastically, from 93 percent to 31 percent. France is now regarded by the Armenian public as the country’s most important political partner, with the United States in second place.

In recent years, Armenia has taken several steps to pivot towards the EU, and EU officials have reciprocated. In March 2024, the European Parliament welcomed Armenia’s application for candidate status to the European Union.

Armenia also hosted a training exercise with U.S special forces in September 2023.

India has also emerged as another crucial partner for Armenia.

India: The New Security Partner for Armenia

After France, India has emerged as the second-largest arms exporter to Armenia. In fact, Yerevan is now India’s single largest arms export customer.

In recent years, Armenia has purchased Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launchers, Akash-1S surface-to-air missile systems, ATAGS 155mm towed howitzers, Swathi weapon-locating radars, and MArG truck-mounted artillery.

Besides, Armenia is considering signing deals for the Akash-NG and Astra Mk2 AAMs. Armenia is also considering signing a contract with New Delhi to upgrade its Su-30 fleet to India’s Su-30MKI specifications.

In 2025-26 alone, Armenia imported roughly US$2 billion worth of Indian systems, helping propel India into the world’s top 25 arms exporters.

Indian systems now form the backbone of Armenia’s artillery, air defense, and counter-battery capabilities.

Notably, till one decade ago, Armenia used to import nearly 90% of its arms from Russia. Currently, Russia’s share has dropped to less than 10 percent, even as France and India have moved quickly to fill in the vacuum.

The message to Moscow is clear: Yerevan is hedging its bets in a multipolar world.

As Armenia hosted its first-ever ECP summit and French President Macron on a two-day state visit, the message to Moscow was clear: Armenia sees its future in the West.

While EU membership remains a distant dream, the era of Russia as Yerevan’s sole security provider is over.

Macron has sent a clear message that Yerevan should remove the 5,000-odd Russian soldiers from its territory, as Moscow has failed to protect its interests; instead, the EU should fulfill that role.

As Russian influence wanes in Armenia, a new constellation of states, the EU, France, and India, have moved in to fill the breach.

The South Caucasus will never be the same.

  • Sumit Ahlawat has over a decade of experience in news media. He has worked with Press Trust of India, Times Now, Zee News, Economic Times, and Microsoft News. He holds a Master’s Degree in International Media and Modern History from the University of Sheffield, UK. 
  • With AFP Inputs

Turkish Press: Armenia, Türkiye build ties, one bridge at a time

Daily Sabah, Turkey
May 10 2026

Türkiye and Armenia move toward normalization as a deal on joint restoration of an ancient border bridge marks a new step in the process that, though fragile, may be full of opportunities, according to experts

Remnants of two abutments of a bridge on the border perhaps symbolize best the state of relations between Türkiye and Armenia, or rather, how they could have been after the fall of the Soviet Union. So, it is fitting that the two neighbors decided to turn a new page in their efforts to normalize ties in this very location. Ani Bridge spanning across Arpaçay or as it is known in Armenia, Akhuryan River, will be jointly restored by Türkiye and Armenia under a deal signed by representatives of the two countries last Monday in Yerevan. Experts say that the new steps include profound opportunities for both countries and the region, though they also underline the need for cautious optimism, instead of expecting a swift normalization.

A visit by Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz to the Armenian capital to attend the European Political Community summit brought the memorandum of understanding for joint restoration to fruition. Yılmaz, the first high-ranking leader from Türkiye to visit Yerevan since then-President Abdullah Gül in 2008, had kind words for his hosts and, in remarks to journalists after a meeting with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, said peace and normalization in the South Caucasus would benefit every country, including Azerbaijan, which advanced its own peace process with Armenia after years of hostilities.

For the better part of the last decade, Türkiye has sought to re-establish ties with countries with which it had sour relations, in line with changing circumstances and as part of its “peace diplomacy.” For instance, it rebuilt ties with Egypt and reached out to Greece after decades of tensions. Now, Armenia may join this growing list of countries with which Türkiye hopes to reconnect for the sake of mutual interests.

A bridge beyond restoration

Professor Yıldız Deveci Bozkuş of Ankara University says Yılmaz’s participation in the European Political Community summit is a significant and symbolic development for the normalization process between the two countries. Speaking to Daily Sabah, Bozkuş noted that a new diplomatic process was underway in the aftermath of the 2020 Karabakh war. The said war led to Azerbaijan’s victory against the Armenian occupiers of Karabakh and paved the way for a budding peace between Baku and Yerevan. Türkiye, a close ally of Azerbaijan, runs a parallel process. Over the past six years, Ankara and Yerevan have assigned special representatives to further normalize their relations and have taken steps to establish a lasting diplomatic relationship, reopen land borders and establish transportation and commercial links. Bozkuş highlighted noticeable progress in the process. She pointed out that a recent meeting between Turkish and Armenian delegations on the two countries’ border was followed in days by Yılmaz’s visit, adding that those were important indicators of the sides’ will to keep channels of dialogue open and their commitment to normalization.

“(The deal on Ani Bridge) is not purely a restoration project; it is also a symbolic reflection of years-long problems between Türkiye and Armenia, closed borders and disrupted contact. The bridge is a metaphor of a new concept of relationship, a ‘bridge’ between the past and future, between the memory and normalization,” Bozkuş added.

As a matter of fact, Türkiye was one of the first countries to recognize the independence of Armenia within months of its declaration in 1991. In the following years, it sought to help Armenia integrate with the international community. One such step was the invitation of Armenia to the Organization of Black Sea Economic Cooperation, which was founded in Istanbul in 1992. Yet, one year later, Türkiye started cutting off ties with Armenia and shut down the border when Armenia attacked Azerbaijan.

It took 15 years for the first steps to be taken for normalizing relations. In 2009, they signed protocols to that extent, but the political climate of the time in Armenia stalled the normalization efforts. Another sticking point that prevented restoration of ties has been a different interpretation of a shared history, or rather, the history of Armenians during the Ottoman rule in Anatolia. The infamous 1915 incidents, which are recognized by Armenia as an “Armenian genocide,” have been another obstacle in relations. The former governments of Armenia and the Armenian diaspora in Europe and the United States pushed the “genocide” agenda and its recognition by Türkiye for years before mending ties.

Under Nikol Pashinyan, Armenia has largely changed this rhetoric and introduced the “Real Armenia” doctrine, which touts peace with neighbors. Though not openly declared, this was a step toward abandoning Armenian claims to Karabakh, something also symbolized by a lapel pin worn by Pashinyan that shows Armenia without Karabakh, as was the case in the former maps of the country. Last year, Pashinyan was also quoted by Turkish journalists visiting Yerevan as saying that “genocide recognition” was not a foreign policy priority for them.

Win-win potential

Nigar Göksel, the International Crisis Group’s Türkiye/Cyprus director, says normalization will be a win-win situation for both countries for a wide variety of reasons. She pointed out that especially the opening of the Türkiye-Armenia border would reduce Armenia’s isolation, vulnerability and dependence on Russia. “(It would) strengthen Türkiye’s role and soft power across the Caucasus, and solidify Azerbaijan’s connection to Nakhchivan. It would also create new opportunities in trade, logistics, tourism, energy and digital infrastructure. Provinces in eastern Anatolia are expected to benefit economically, which can also positively spill over into security,” Göksel told Daily Sabah.

The issue of Nakhchivan also figured prominently in Yılmaz’s remarks to the Turkish media in Yerevan. This exclave of Azerbaijan inside landlocked Armenia will be linked to mainland Azerbaijan as part of the Zangezur Corridor, a project that aims to bring economic prosperity to the two countries and Türkiye while strengthening regional trade and transport networks. It is part of the Middle Corridor, a logistics network spanning thousands of kilometers and connecting China to Europe via Central Asia, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Türkiye. Yılmaz noted the strategic importance of the Middle Corridor and how it would present a strong connection between Türkiye and the Caucasus and Turkic states. “This is not only about roads, but it is also about strengthening connectivity in fields ranging from telecommunications and digitalization and energy,” he said. He said making Zangezur functional would lay the groundwork for wider regional cooperation.

Bozkuş says Yılmaz’s visit had multiple messages on the regional and global levels as well. “In recent years, the South Caucasus has been a geopolitical field of attraction in international politics, in terms of energy lines, transportation corridors, connectivity projects and competition of major powers. At a time when conflicts on a global scale, energy crises and geopolitical fractures escalate, the South Caucasus’ strategic position has become more apparent. This is clearly observed in competition around transportation and connectivity projects oriented in the region,” she said.

Armenia will hold elections on June 7, a vote Pashinyan branded as a choice “for peace or non-peace” last year as he pushes to achieve the said peace with Azerbaijan and Türkiye.

Göksel says that after the elections and in parallel with momentum in Azerbaijan-Armenia normalization, technical and infrastructure preparations for opening the border may accelerate. “While Baku has been expecting Armenia to first remove the reference to its 1991 Declaration of Independence from the Constitution’s preamble, as it includes a claim over Karabakh, we are already seeing de facto openings pick up pace. This is important for giving Armenian society confidence that Pashinyan’s constructive path is delivering results,” she said.

For Türkiye, the restoration of ties is part of wider regional ambitions, that is, increasing the connectivity for peace, as former Ambassador Serdar Kılıç, Türkiye’s special representative for the process, implied during an event in Yerevan earlier this week. Kılıç told the Yerevan Dialogue Forum on May 5 that Türkiye was “building confidence” with Armenia, and this cannot be separated from general initiatives for connectivity in the region. “The connectivity, too, cannot be confined to fields such as transportation. A more comprehensive approach is needed, just as we need a comprehensive approach for ensuring peace and stability in the region,” he said, adding that the ideas to improve relations and maintaining lasting peace and stability should “come from the region itself,” something in line with Türkiye’s advocacy for ‘regional ownership’ in matters regarding the relations in the region instead of relying non-regional actors to resolve the issues.

“In the new era, South Caucasus’ strategic importance is not merely security-oriented. It is also being redefined in the framework of connectivity, sustainable transportation networks, energy security and geoeconomic integration,” Bozkuş said. “In this context, Türkiye’s effort to contribute to the solutions to regional problems, continuing normalization process with Armenia and playing an active role in several transportation and commerce projects, particularly the Middle Corridor, can be counted among elements boosting Türkiye’s clout in the South Caucasus,” she added.

She noted that diplomatic and geoeconomic initiatives were crucial for reinforcing Türkiye’s position as an actor strengthening connectivity between Europe and Asia. “This in turn contributes to Türkiye’s regional influence and makes its strategic importance amid changing global geopolitical balance more visible.”

Likely challenges

This “regional ownership” and bolstering the peace prospects may have its detractors as well, as Göksel points out.

“As with any such change, there will also be actors who lose; those that benefit from the current closed borders might not be able to retain their advantage. From a security perspective, completion of these normalizations, both between Türkiye and Armenia, and between Armenia and Azerbaijan, would reduce the scope for external powers to exploit unresolved conflicts for leverage, further lower the risk of renewed war between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and enable regional connectivity, contributing to a more predictable order in the South Caucasus. That said, short-term security risks should not be underestimated. Both internal and external actors may attempt to trigger provocations to disrupt the process, so vigilance will need to remain high. Dialogue channels, hotlines and coordination among security officials will undoubtedly need to be tight,” she said.

Bozkuş pointed out that the increasing strategic importance of the South Caucasus in terms of energy security, transportation corridors and connectivity projects made the region one of the most critical geopolitical rivalry areas in international politics. “This might carry some risks and fragility for normalization, but it also means new diplomatic and economic potential,” she added.

“In other words, the South Caucasus’ rising geopolitical importance is something both limiting and encouraging Turkish-Armenian relations,” she noted. That “geopolitical importance” emerged in a thinly veiled pragmatic approach by the U.S. under the Trump administration, which boasts advancing the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process. The U.S. apparently aspires to curb the Russian influence in the South Caucasus. Armenia under Pashinyan further distanced itself from Russia, and this was most evident when the Kremlin lashed out at Yerevan for hosting Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy at the same summit Yılmaz attended.

Speaking about the U.S., Bozkuş highlighted that the Armenian diaspora may impact the normalization process. The United States, along with France, hosts the largest Armenian diaspora in the West. Bozkuş stated that the diaspora was well-organized in the Western countries and maintained a distance from the normalization. Nevertheless, she added that the diaspora was not “homogenous” and highlighted differing political approaches within the diaspora, as well as changes among generations, the impact of regional developments and security concerns of Armenia made more pragmatic and dialogue-focused approaches more visible within the community.

Another major obstacle may be ultranationalist circles in Armenia and the “Karabakh clan,” members of a political tradition who also kept their distance from the process. The said clan refers to powerful political and military figures who came to dominate Armenian politics for years. All are connected to the region, either born there or served there as military or political leaders. Indeed, Pashinyan’s “Velvet Revolution” in 2018 ended this domination, while Azerbaijan’s victory in Karabakh further eroded the influence of the clan in Armenian politics. Still, they are the most formidable rivals of Pashinyan in the upcoming elections. Bozkuş, however, is optimistic and says the clan’s approach to the matter does not reflect the reality of wider Armenian society. She referred to increasing expectations, especially among younger generations, for the development of economic relations, the opening of borders, the revival of transportation networks and the strengthening of regional integration. “This indicates that public support for normalization increased to an extent,” she said.

Pro-Russian political circles in Armenia are also cautious toward the process, according to Bozkuş. “In this context, the June elections are important not only for domestic politics but as something that will define Armenia’s foreign policy and regional vision. Under Pashinyan, steps taken to improve relations with the West and normalization process with Türkiye and Azerbaijan had a response to an extent among the public. The Pashinyan era has been a time of important opportunities for these processes,” she underlined.

Bozkuş also warned against adopting an overly optimistic approach or hoping for short-term expectations regarding the process. “There are still many sensitive issues that need to be resolved between the two countries, from historical matters to the establishment of diplomatic relations, regional developments and the lack of full mutual trust. So, it will be more realistic to assess the normalization as a multi-dimensional, fragile process that should need more time.”

Armenia’s Deputy Prime Minister reported on the progress of border demarcation

Caucasian Knot
May 10 2026
Armenia’s Deputy Prime Minister reported on the progress of border demarcation with Azerbaijan.
The state commissions of Armenia and Azerbaijan have agreed on draft technical documentation that is essential for demarcating the border between the two countries.

As reported by the “Caucasian Knot,” on November 1, 2024, a meeting was held at the Armenian-Azerbaijani border between Armenian Deputy Prime Minister Mher Grigoryan and Azerbaijani Deputy Prime Minister Shahin Mustafayev, during which the parties agreed on the border delimitation regulations. On January 16, 2025, it was announced that Azerbaijan and Armenia had agreed on the sequence of border delimitation work: work will be carried out from north to south.

In April 2024, the state commissions of Azerbaijan and Armenia agreed to coordinate a section of the border along the line at the time of the collapse of the USSR, and in May of that year, they agreed on a protocol describing the sections of the border line between four villages on each side. Following this, Armenian and Azerbaijani border guards began guarding these sections. In the village of Kirants in the Tavush region, this sparked mass protests, but in August, local residents were satisfied with the compensation. The “Caucasian Knot” has prepared the reports “Protests on the Border: What Discontent Are Residents of Armenian Villages” and “Villages of Discord: What Territories Are Disputed Between Armenia and Azerbaijan”.

13:52 21.01.2025
Analysts in Baku assess the prospects for border delimitation with ArmeniaAgreeing to begin border delimitation work between Azerbaijan and Armenia will demonstrate the parties’ political will to resolve contentious issues, Azerbaijani analysts noted.
The state commissions of Armenia and Azerbaijan have agreed on a draft document on border demarcation work, Deputy Prime Minister Mher Grigoryan announced.

“We have agreed on a draft document that is important for further work. Essentially, it describes procedural matters. They are more technical in nature, but are still important, since we must continue to act in accordance with these documents,” Novosti-Armenia quoted him as saying on May 9.

Grigoryan clarified that the document will be public, but must be approved in both countries “in accordance with domestic procedures.”

Responding to a question about the timing of the demarcation completion, Grigoryan stated that “there are no new details yet.”

According to him, when the need arises to “specify the crossings [border] related to TRIPP, demarcation will be carried out separately in these areas. “I think this process will not take much time,” Grigoryan was quoted as saying in the publication.

As a reminder, Armenia and the United States are discussing two scenarios for granting the right to build the Trump Route project in Armenia: 99 and 49 years, while the land will remain the property of Armenia. Construction work is expected to begin in 2026, but the implementation of the project may require border delimitation.

On August 8, 2025, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signed a declaration on the cessation of hostilities at a meeting in Washington. US President Donald Trump stated that the key issue that prevented the signing of a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan has been resolved, and this is the issue of the Zangezur corridor. The “Caucasian Knot” has prepared a report “Trump Route” (TRIPP): transport corridor through Armenia”.

Source: Caucasian Knot
Source: Caucasian Knot