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09/07/2004
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1) Poland, Armenia Strengthen Ties
2) Armenian Caucus Co-Chairs Commend Karabagh on 13th Anniversary of
Independence
3) Khatami, Iranian Delegation to Arrive in Armenia
1) Poland, Armenia Strengthen Ties
WARSAW (Deutsche Presse-Agentur)--The presidents of Poland and Armenia vowed
Monday to continue bilateral cooperation aimed at fostering western-oriented
economic and political development in the former Soviet Caucusus republic.
Following talks with President Robert Kocharian, Polish President Aleksander
Kwasniewski termed bilateral political relations with Armenia "excellent."
Asked whether Armenia's membership of the European Union could one day become
a reality, Kwasniewski said though he is unable to "prophesize" about the
prospect, he offered that EU member Poland share with Armenia its almost 15
years experience in transitioning from communism to a market economy, and
dictatorship to democracy.
Kocharian noted that the most important task the South Caucasus faces is
achieving "predictable progress" to carry out political and economic reforms
necessary to attract business and investment from EU countries.
Both leaders also expressed hope that a solution would be found to the
long-standing dispute between Armenia and neighboring Azerbaijan over the
territory of Mountainous Karabagh Republic.
The Armenian leader vowed to send 50 soldiers including medical personnel to
join the Polish-led multi-national contingent stationed in south-central Iraq.
The contingent is unlikely to be deployed before the end of this year.
Kwasniewski confirmed that bilateral Polish-Armenian agreements on fighting
international organized crime, as well as military, economic, and industrial
cooperation were finalized Monday in Warsaw.
The Armenian president met with Polish Prime Minister Marek Belka and the
leaders of the upper and lower houses of the Polish Parliament later on
Monday.
2) Armenian Caucus Co-Chairs Commend Karabagh on 13th Anniversary of
Independence
WASHINGTON, DC--On the occasion of the 13th anniversary of Mountainous
Karabagh
Republic's independence, US Reps. Joe Knollenberg (R-MI) and Frank Pallone,
Jr.
(D-NJ), co-chairmen of the Congressional Caucus on Armenian Issues, commended
the people of Karabagh.
In a letter to President Arkady Ghoukasian, Knollenberg and Pallone wrote,
"Despite all the difficulties, today Nagorno Karabagh is a proud state
committed to the values of democracy, respect for human rights, and an open
civil society."
"Today, as we extend our congratulations to the people and the authorities of
Nagorno Karabagh on the 13th anniversary of the Proclamation of the NKR, we
welcome your determination and efforts in strengthening Karabagh's democratic
institutions and market economy.
"Karabagh has proven to be a capable, reliable, and serious partner of the
international community," the lawmakers continued. "Peace and stability in the
South Caucasus are not possible without a contribution from Nagorno Karabagh.
We assure you of our strong commitment to Karabagh's security and
development,"
the letter concluded.
3) Khatami, Iranian Delegation to Arrive in Armenia
YEREVAN (Armenpress)--Iran's president Mohammad Khatami is due to arrive in
Armenia on September 8 for a two-day official visit, at the invitation of his
Armenian counterpart Robert Kocharian.
His delegation will include Iran's foreign minister, Economic Affairs and
Finance, as well as Commerce ministers, government officials, and journalists.
Kocharian and Khatami will first meet face-to-face, then hold expanded talks
with other officials. The meetings are expected to produce bilateral
agreeemnts.
Khatami will address members of the Armenia's National Assembly and will meet
with the prime minister of Armenia, and Catholicos Karekin II. Students and
professors of Yerevan State University will also host Khatami.
The Iranian delegation will visit the Armenian Genocide Monument and
Yerevan's
Blue Mosque. Before departing for Iran, Khatami will also meet with Iranian
citizens working in Armenia.
Hojjatoleslam Seyyed Mohammad Khatami, the fifth president of the Islamic
Republic of Iran, was elected to office in May 1977.
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Armenian president signs up in condolences book in Russian embassy
Armenian president signs up in condolences book in Russian embassy
By Tigran Liloyan
ITAR-TASS News Agency
September 7, 2004 Tuesday
YEREVAN, September 7 — Armenian President Robert Kocharyan signed
up in the book of condolences at the Russian embassy in Yerevan on
Tuesday. Armenian Prime Minister Andranik Margaryan also visited
the embassy.
The embassy thanked the Armenian administration, political parties
and public organizations, diplomatic missions accredited in Yerevan,
average people, students and schoolchildren for condolences,
solidarity, moral and material support to the people of Russia in
connection with the terrorist act in Beslan, North Ossetia.
Armenian Union of Russia condemns Beslan terrorist act
Armenian Union of Russia condemns Beslan terrorist act
ITAR-TASS News Agency
September 7, 2004 Tuesday
MOSCOW, September 7 — The Armenian Union of Russia has condemned
the organizers and perpetrators of the barbaric act of international
terrorism against helpless children and their parents in Beslan,
North Ossetia.
“We reject terrorism as a method of solving any kinds of problems. We
regard it as barbarity and savagery,” says a Tuesday statement of
the Union.
The Union presented condolences to families of the Beslan victims
and expressed the readiness to help.
Armenia ready to take in fellow countrymen from Beslan for recovery
ARMENIA READY TO TAKE IN COUNTRY FELLOWS FROM BESLAN FOR RECOVERY
ArmenPress
Sept 7 2004
YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 7, ARMENPRESS: After visiting the Russian embassy in
Yerevan to express his sadness and solidarity with Russia over Beslan
school hostage tragedy, Armenian prime minister Andranik Margarian said
to reporters that his Republican Party and the government condemn any
manifestation of terrorism. “What happened in Beslan caused pain to all
of us and our goal is to combine efforts to fight that evil,” he said.
The Armenian prime minister said after the collapse of the former
Soviet Union many CIS states appeared to be unable to recover security
capacities in order to ensure their citizens’ safety. He said the
Armenian health ministry has already sent a batch of humanitarian
assistance to Beslan and added that some Armenian building companies
would like to participate in reconstruction projects there. “Armenia
is ready to accept ethnic Armenians who suffered in the hostage taking
to help them recover here,” he said.
Turkey is everyone’s idea of a “successful” modern Muslim state; A n
Mind the Gap
Turkey is everyone’s idea of a “successful” modern Muslim state
A new novel will make you think twice
The Atlantic Monthly
October 2004
Books
“A Bit On The Side,” by William Trevor (Viking)
“Snow,” by Orhan Pamuk (Knopf)
By Christopher Hitchens
Well before the fall of 2001 a search was in progress, on the part
of Western readers and critics, for a novelist in the Muslim world
who could act the part of dragoman, an interpretive guide to the
East. In part this was and remains a quest for reassurance. The hope
was (and is) that an apparently “answering” voice, attuned to irony
and rationality and to the quotidian rather than the supernatural,
would pick up the signals sent by self-critical Americans and Europeans
and remit them in an intelligible form. Hence the popularity of the
Egyptian Naguib Mahfouz, who seemed in his Cairo café-society mode to
be potentially “one of us”-even more so when he had the misfortune
to be stabbed in the neck by a demented fundamentalist. There was
a much lesser vogue for spikier secular writers, such as the late
Abdelrahman Munif, author of the Cities of Salt quintet, and the late
Israeli Arab Emil Habibi, whose novel Saeed the Pessoptimist is the
favorite narrative of many Palestinians (and who also had the grace
to win Israel’s national prize for the best writing in Hebrew). In
some ways those two were not quite “Muslim” enough for the purposes
of authenticity.
Orhan Pamuk, a thoughtful native of Istanbul who lived for three
years in New York, has for some time been in contention for the post
of mutual or reciprocal fictional interpreter. Turkey is, physically
and historically, the “bridge” between East and West, and I have
yet to read a Western newspaper report from the country that fails
to employ that cheering metaphor. (I cannot be certain how many
“Eastern” articles and broadcasts are similarly affirmative.) With
his previous novel, My Name Is Red, Pamuk himself became a kind of
register of this position, dwelling on the interpenetration of Islamic
and Western styles and doing so in a “postmodern” fashion that laid
due emphasis on texts, figures, and representations. After 9/11 he
was the natural choice for The New York Review of Books, to which
he contributed a decent if unoriginal essay that expressed horror
at the atrocities while admonishing Westerners not to overlook the
wretched of the earth. In Turkey he spoke up for Kurdish rights and
once refused a state literary award. Some of his fellow secularists,
however, felt that he was too ready to “balance” his views with
criticism of the Kemalist and military forces that act as guarantors
of Turkey’s secularism.
In a Bush speech to the new membership of NATO, delivered in Istanbul
last June, one of the President’s handlers was astute enough to insert
a quotation from Pamuk, to the effect that the finest view of the
city was not from its European or its Asian shores but from-yes-the
“bridge that unites them.” The important thing, as the President went
on to intone from Pamuk, “is not the clash of parties, civilizations,
cultures, East and West.” No; what is important is to recognize
“that other peoples in other continents and civilizations” are
“exactly like you.” De te fabula narratur.
Human beings are of course essentially the same, if not exactly
identical. But somehow this evolutionary fact does not prevent
clashes of varying intensity from being the norm rather than the
exception. “Remember your humanity, and forget the rest,” Albert
Einstein is supposed to have said. This already questionable call
to amnesia translates badly in cultures that regard Einstein himself
as a Satanic imp spawned from the hideous loins of Jewish degeneration.
In his new novel Pamuk gives us every reason to suppose that he is far
more ambivalent about this facile “bridge-building” stuff than he has
so far let on. The plot is complex yet susceptible of summary. Narrated
by Pamuk, with the advantages of both foresight and hindsight, it
shows an anomic young Turk named Kerim Alakusoglu, a poet with a bad
case of literary sterility and sexual drought, as he negotiates a
moment of personal and political crisis in the city of Kars, on the
Turkish-Armenian frontier. Disliking his given name, the man prefers
to go under the acronym formed by his initials: “Ka.” Having taken
part in the violent and futile Marxist-Leninist student movement that
was eventually obliterated by the military coup of 1980, and having
followed so many of his ex-comrades into exile in Germany, Ka is a
burned-out case. Pretending to seek a journalistic assignment in this
remote town, which has recently witnessed an epidemic of suicide
by young girls thwarted in their desire to take the Muslim veil,
he is in fact magnetized by the possibility of seeing Ipek, the lost
flame of his youth. As he arrives, a blizzard isolates the city and
almost buries it in snow-for which the Turkish word is kar. One might
therefore deploy a cliché and say that the action is frozen in time.
When frozen in the present, the mise-en-scène discloses a community
of miserably underemployed people, caught among a ramshackle state
machine, a nascent Islamism, and the claims of competing nationalist
minorities. A troupe of quasi-Brechtian traveling players is in town,
and it enacts a “play within a play,” in which the bitter violence
of the region is translated with shocking effect directly onto the
stage. Drawn into the social and religious conflict, Ka seems to
alternate between visions of “snow” in its macrocosmic form-the chilly
and hostile masses-and its microcosmic: the individual beauty and
uniqueness of each flake. Along the scrutinized axes that every flake
manifests he rediscovers his vocation and inspiration as a poet and
arranges a cycle of verses. This collection is lost when, on his return
to Frankfurt, he is shot down in a street of the red-light district.
In terms of characterization the novel is disappointing,
precisely because its figures lack the crystalline integrity of
individuals. Ipek, for example, appears on almost every page yet
is barely allowed any quality other than her allegedly wondrous
beauty. The protagonists speak their lines as Islamists, secularists,
conformists, and opportunists. And the author leaves no room for doubt
that he finds the Islamists the most persuasive and courageous. This is
true in spite of the utter nonsense that he makes them spout. A couple
of Muslim boys corner Ka and demand that he answer this question,
about a dead girl he never met:
Now we’d like to know if you could do us both a favor. The thing is,
we can both accept that Teslime might have been driven to the sin of
suicide by the pressures from her parents and the state. It’s very
painful; Fazil can’t stop thinking that the girl he loved committed
the sin of suicide. But if Teslime was a secret atheist like the one
in the story, if she was one of those unlucky souls who don’t even
know that they are atheists, or if she committed suicide because she
was an atheist, for Fazil this is a catastrophe: It means he was in
love with an atheist.
I should caution the potential reader that a great deal of the
dialogue is as lengthy and stilted as that, even if in this
instance the self-imposed predicaments of the pious, along with
their awful self-pitying solipsism, are captured fairly well. So is
the superiority/inferiority complex of many provincial Turks-almost
masochistic when it comes to detailing their own woes, yet intensely
resentful of any “outside” sympathy. Most faithfully rendered, however,
is the pervading sense that secularism has been, or is being, rapidly
nullified by diminishing returns. The acting troupe is run by a vain
old Kemalist mountebank named Sunay Zaim, who once fancied himself
an Atatürk look-alike, and his equally decrepit and posturing lady
friend. The army and the police use torture as a matter of course to
hang on to power.
Their few civilian supporters are represented as diseased old
ex-Stalinists whose leader-one Z. Demirkol, not further named-could
have leapt from the pages of Soviet agitprop. These forces take
advantage of the snowstorm to mount a coup in Kars and impose
their own arbitrary will, though it is never explained why they do
this or how they can hope to get away with it. In contrast, the
Muslim fanatics are generally presented in a favorable or lenient
light. A shadowy “insurgent” leader, incongruously named “Blue,”
is a man of bravery and charm, who may or may not have played a
heroic role in the fighting in Chechnya and Bosnia. (Among these
and many other contemporary references, the Taliban and al-Qaeda
are never mentioned.) The girls who immolate themselves for the
right to wear head-covering are shown as if they had been pushed
by the pitiless state, or by their gruesome menfolk, to the limits
of endurance. They are, in other words, veiled quasi-feminists. The
militant boys of their age are tormented souls seeking the good life
in the spiritual sense. The Islamist ranks have their share of fools
and knaves, but these tend to be ex-leftists who have switched sides
in an ingratiating manner. Ka himself is boiling with guilt, about
the “European” character that he has acquired in exile in Frankfurt,
and about the realization that the Istanbul bourgeoisie, from which
he originates, generally welcomes military coups without asking too
many questions. The posturing Sunay at least phrases this well.
No one who’s even slightly westernized can breathe free in this
country unless they have a secular army protecting them, and no one
needs this protection more than intellectuals who think they’re better
than everyone else and look down on other people. If it weren’t for
the army, the fanatics would be turning their rusty knives on the
lot of them and their painted women and chopping them all into little
pieces. But what do these upstarts do in return? They cling to their
little European ways and turn up their affected little noses at the
very soldiers who guarantee their freedom.
A continuous theme of the novel, indeed, is the rancor felt by the
local inhabitants against anyone who has bettered himself-let alone
herself-by emigrating to an undifferentiated “Europe” or by aping
European manners and attitudes. A secondary version of this bitterness,
familiar to those who study small-town versus big-city attitudes the
world over, is the suspicion of those left behind that they are somehow
not good enough. But this mutates into the more consoling belief
that they are despised by the urbane. Only one character-unnamed-has
the nerve to point out that if free visas were distributed, every
hypocrite in town would leave right away and Kars would be deserted.
As for the past tense in which Kars is also frozen, I have to rely on
a certain amount of guesswork. Although Ka’s acronym could ostensibly
have been drawn from any pair of consonant/vowel first and last names,
I presume from Pamuk’s demonstrated interest in codes and texts that
K and A were chosen deliberately. There seem to be two possibilities
here: one is “Kemal Atatürk,” the military founder of modern secular
Turkey; the other is “Kurdistan and Armenia,” standing in for the
national subtexts of the tale.
Pamuk supplies no reason for his selection, but the setting of Kars
means that he might intend elements of both of the above. The city
was lost by Ottoman Turkey to Russia in 1878, regained in 1918, and
then briefly lost again to an alliance of Bolsheviks and Armenians
until, in late 1920, it became the scene of a Turkish nationalist
victory that fixed the boundary between Turkey and then-Soviet
Armenia that endures to the present day. (This event was among the
many negations of Woodrow Wilson’s postwar diplomacy, which had
“awarded” the region to the Armenians.) From Kars, also in 1920,
the legendary Turkish Communist leader Mustafa Suphi set out along
the frontier region, dotted with magically evocative place-names like
Erzurum and Trebizond, and was murdered with twelve of his comrades
by right-wing “Young Turks.” This killing was immortalized by Nazim
Hikmet in a poem that is still canonical in Turkey. (Hikmet himself,
the nation’s unofficial laureate, was to spend decades in jail and in
exile because of his Communist loyalties.) The outright victor in all
those discrepant struggles was Mustafa Kemal, who had helped defeat two
“Christian” invasions of Turkish soil in his capacity as a soldier,
and who went on to assume absolute political power and to supervise
and direct the only lasting secular revolution that a Muslim society
has ever undergone. His later change of name to Kemal Atatürk was only
part of his driving will to “Westernize” Turkey, Latinize its script,
abolish male and female religious headgear, adopt surnames, and in
general erase the Islamic caliphate that today’s fundamentalists hope
to restore.
Pamuk is at his best in depicting the layers of the past that are
still on view in Kars-in particular the Armenian houses and churches
and schools whose ghostly reminder of a scattered and desecrated
civilization is enhanced in its eeriness by the veil of snow. Nor
does he omit the sullen and disaffected Kurdish population. The price
of Kemalism was the imposition of a uniform national identity on
Turkey, where ethnic and religious variety was heavily repressed,
and where the standard-issue unsmiling bust of Atatürk-pervasive
in Pamuk’s account of the scenery and most often described as the
target of terrorism or vandalism-became the symbol of military rule.
(Atatürk was a lifelong admirer of the French Revolution, but Turkey,
as was once said of Prussia, is not so much a country that has an
army as an army that has a country.) In these circumstances it takes
a certain amount of courage for any Turkish citizen to challenge the
authorized version of modern statehood.
However, courage is an element that this novel lacks. Some important
Turkish scholarship has recently attempted an honest admission of the
Armenian genocide and a critique of the official rationalizations for
it. The principal author in this respect is Taner Akcam, who, as Pamuk
is certainly aware, was initially forced to publish his findings as
one of those despised leftist exiles in Germany-whereas from reading
Snow one might easily conclude that all the Armenians of Anatolia
had decided for some reason to pick up and depart en masse, leaving
their ancestral properties for tourists to gawk at. As for the Kurds,
Pamuk tends to represent them as rather primitive objects of sympathy.
Ka’s poetic rebirth involves him, and us, in a comparable fatalism and
passivity. Early in the story he is quite baldly described as feeling
a predetermined poem coming on, and is prevented from completion of
the closing lines only by a sudden knock at the door. I managed to
assimilate the implied allusion to Coleridge’s Kubla Khan. But about
fifty pages later, when another poem was successfully delivered from
Ka’s subconscious, I was confronted with a full-out deadpan account of
the person from Porlock who had interrupted Coleridge at the critical
moment. Pamuk’s literalism and pedantry are probably his greatest
enemies as a writer of fiction; he doesn’t trust the reader until he
has hit him over the head with dialogue and explanation of the most
didactic kind. Throughout the remainder of the novel, though, we are
invited to believe in the miraculous rather than the mundane: Ka quite
simply sits himself down at odd moments and sets out near faultless
poems (never quoted) on whatever paper is handy. The necessary cliché
about “automatic writing” is eventually employed, somewhat heavily,
to account for this. But I was inevitably put in mind of the Koran,
or “recitation,” by which the Prophet Muhammad came to be the supposed
medium of the divine.
Ka is presented to us as a man who has assumed or affected his atheism
as a kind of protective epidermis. His unbelief is of a piece with his
attempt to deaden his emotions and decrease his vulnerability. His
psyche is on a knife edge, and he is always ready to be overwhelmed
by the last person he has spoken to. Yet he can watch an educator
being shot in cold blood by a Muslim zealot and feel nothing. Only
when in the company of beaming Dervishes and Sufis-those Islamic
sects that survived Atatürk’s dissolution of clerical power-does he
become moist and trusting and openhearted. Yet “rising up inside him
was that feeling he had always known as a child and as a young man at
moments of extraordinary happiness: a prospect of future misery and
hopelessness.” Like the Danish prince who had a version of the same
difficulty, Ka finds a form of cathartic relief in helping to produce
the violent stage play that expresses his own fears and dreads. Pamuk
drops in many loud references to Chekhov, and the gun that is on
the mantelpiece from the beginning of the action is at last duly and
lethally discharged. (It is described as a “Canakkale” rifle, Canakkale
being the Turkish name for the Dardanelle Straits and the site of
Gallipoli-the battle that was Atatürk’s baptism as a leader.) The
handgun that goes off later, and extinguishes Ka’s life, is heard
only offstage. But it is clear that Islamist revenge has followed
him to the heart of Europe and punished him for his ambivalence.
Prolix and often clumsy as it is, Pamuk’s new novel should be taken
as a cultural warning. So weighty was the impression of Atatürk that
ever since his death, in 1938, Western statecraft has been searching
for an emulator or successor. Nasser was thought for a while to be
the needful charismatic, secularizing strongman. So was Sadat. So,
for a while, was the Shah of Iran. And so was Saddam Hussein . Eager
above all to have a modern yet “Muslim” state within the tent, the
United States and the European Union have lately been taking Turkey’s
claims to modernity more and more at face value. The attentive reader
of Snow will not be so swift to embrace this consoling conclusion.
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Ministry says H1 investments in Armenia’s telecoms up 40%
Ministry says H1 investments in Armenia’s telecoms up 40%
Prime-Tass English-language Business Newswire
September 7, 2004
YEREVAN, Sept 7 (Prime-Tass) — Investment into the telecommunications
sector in Armenia rose over 40% on the year in January-June to
U.S. USD 41.5 million, the Economic Development and Trade Minister
Tigran Davtyan told reporters Tuesday.
Of the total, direct investments amounted to USD 21 million,
Davtyan said.
The major investor in the sector was Greece’s Telecommunications
Organization (OTE), he also said adding that the company continues
to invest in the sector.
“The increase of OTE’s investments testifies that the company is ready
for the fact that ArmenTel will not keep its monopoly in the Armenian
telecommunications sector for a long period of time,” Davtyan said.
ArmenTel is an Armenian telecommunications company, which was granted
the right to a monopoly for 15 years in 1997.
On September 8, 2003, the government decided to deprive ArmenTel of
its monopoly license, but the decision has not yet been enforced due
to ongoing lawsuits.
OTE controls a 90% stake in ArmenTel, while the remaining 10% is held
by Armenian government.
According to a financial statement provided by OTE, ArmenTel’s
operating revenue rose 22.7% on the year to 21.1 million euros in
the second quarter. End
Trial of Armenian pilots in Equa-Guinea to resume in early October
TRIAL OF ARMENIAN PILOTS IN EQUATORIAL GUINEA TO RESUME IN EARLY OCTOBER
ArmenPress
Sept 7 2004
YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 7, ARMENPRESS: In an exclusive interview with
Armenpress Armenian ambassador to Egypt, Sergey Manaserian, recently
back from Equatorial Guinea where he attended the trial of six
Armenian pilots, arrested on charges of involvement in an alleged
coup to oust that country’s president Teodoro Obiang Nguema, said
the trial, started on August 23, was suspended for one month.
He said Equatorial Guinea’s chief prosecutor, national security
minister and high officials of the foreign ministry used to say
that the trial would not run for more than 3-4 days, an opinion
that was also shared by lawyers and locally deployed diplomats and
representatives from the South African Republic.
Manaserian said the South African Nick du Toit, accused of attempting
to oust the president, was the only one of 19 arrested people for
whom prosecutors demanded death punishment. He was also the sole
who admitted to plotting the coup, saying he was to meet the team
of mercenaries and direct their further moves. He at the same time
insisted that other arrested 7 South Africans had no connection with
the plot and were just fulfilling his instructions.
Manaserian said Armenian pilots were questioned on the third day of
the trial and the prosecutors’ questions referred to their February
17 flight to Zambia. Their answers made obvious that they had no
relations to the implicated charges. Nick du Toit in his turn said
he had no relations with Armenian pilots (one of the charges was
that Armenians received money from South Africans). Their answers
were clear and definite despite the prosecutors’ attempts to find
any discrepancy in their testimonies.
Manaserian said that despite expectations that the presiding judge
will issue his ruling on August 30, he announced about adjourning the
trial for one month, as was requested by prosecutors, for collection
of additional evidence. The ruling was protested by lawyers, who cited
several international conventions, but without any effect. The trial
is most likely to resume between October 1 and 7.
The ambassador also criticized some Armenian mass media for distorted
coverage of the case, which he said was sometimes jeopardizing the
pilots’ fate. He also expressed his bewilderment that not a single
Armenian mass media sent a journalist to follow the trial in Malabo,
the capital of Equatorial Guinea.
According to the ambassador, no evidence was unveiled at the trial to
implicate Armenian pilots’ involvement in the plot, which he said was
a serious basis for optimism, but added that “we have to wait until
the end of the trial.”
On Monday Armenia’s foreign ministry denied a report by Agence France
Presse that a team of investigators from Equatorial Guinea arrived in
Yerevan to gather more information about six Armenian pilots accused
of involvement in the alleged plot. Agence France Presse quoted an
unnamed `legal official’ in the country’s capital Malabo as saying
that the investigators flew to Armenia to probe links between the
suspected coup plotters and an Armenian airline whose pilots have
been kept in Equato-Guinean custody since March.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
ARKA News Agency – 09/07/2004
ARKA News Agency
Sept 7 2004
Monitoring of contact line of NKR and Azeri af took place without
violations of cease fire regime
Armenian Public Health Alliance summarizes results of competition for
anti-tobacco topic among journalists
Michelle Tankrez appointed representative of “Hayastan” All-Armenian
fund in NKR
Anatoli Drykov: We express our gratitude to Armenian people that
mourns together with Russia
*********************************************************************
MONITORING OF CONTACT LINE OF NKR AND AZERI AF TOOK PLACE WITHOUT
VIOLATIONS OF CEASE FIRE REGIME
STEPANAKERT, September 7. /ARKA/. Monitoring of contact line of NKR
and Azeri Armed Forces took place without violations of cease fire
regime, NKR MFA told ARKA. Monitoring from positions of NKR Defense
Army was conducted by field assistants of personal representative of
OSCE Acting Chairman Miroslav Vymetal (Czech Republic) and Urgen
Schmidt.
Monitoring took place in accordance to schedule.
Monitoring mission was accompanied by representatives of NKR Ministry
of Defense and NKR MFA. L.D. –0–
*********************************************************************
ARMENIAN PUBLIC HEALTH ALLIANCE SUMMARIZES RESULTS OF COMPETITION FOR
ANTI-TOBACCO TOPIC AMONG JOURNALISTS
YEREVAN, September 7. /ARKA/. Today Armenian Public Health Alliance
summarized the results of competition for the best journalist
publication of anti-tobacco topic. As Astghik Gevorgyan, the Chairman
of Union of Journalists of Armenia told on press conference, Hripsime
Jebejyan of Armenian Aravat daily was awarded for the best
publication in journalist investigation for her article “Maximum
Pleasure”. Anahit Khaytyan (“Hayastani Hanrapetutyun” daily), Davit
Petrosyan (Second Armenian TV Channel), Larisa Stepanyan (Russian
language daily “Respublika Armenia” and Golos Armenii) also were
awarded for active elucidation of anti-tobacco topic. Also Heghine
Koshtoyan was awarded in nomination “For best debut work on
anti-tobacco topic” for her article “Smoking can be dangerous for
your health”(“New Yerevan Times”). T.M. -0–
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MICHELLE TANKREZ APPOINTED REPRESENTATIVE OF “HAYASTAN” ALL-ARMENIAN
FUND IN NKR
The French benefactor Michelle Tankrez is appointed representative of
“Hayastan” All-Armenian Fund in Nagorno Karabakh Republic. As the
Fund Public Relations Department told today ARKA, he has taken up
permanent residence in Artsakh with his family since 2000 and has
been actively involved in the organization of annual phon-a-thons in
France. He has sponsored and currently continues sponsoring many
projects in Artsakh. T.M. —0–
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ANATOLI DRYKOV: WE EXPRESS OUR GRATITUDE TO ARMENIAN PEOPLE THAT
MOURNS TOGETHER WITH RUSSIA
YEREVAN, September 7. /ARKA/. We express our gratitude to the
Armenian people that mourns together with Russia, as the Russian
Ambassador to Armenia Anatoli Drykov said today in Yerevan. “The
tragedy in Beslan is our common pain and your sympathy has great e
significance for us”, the Ambassador told. He stressed that Armenia
is already assisting all those who suffered in Beslan and there the
first party of donor blood was sent. The Embassy is also applied with
questions how to transfer funds to Beslan and therefore relevant
accounts have been opened. Dryukov mentioned that as officials as
well as simple people apply to the Embassy and offer organizations of
rehabilitation of the kids who suffered in Beslan. “We are
registering all these addresses and in case of necessity we will
certainly use them”, the Ambassador told.
Touching upon safety measures and prevention of possible terrorist
attacks, Dryukov mentioned that in his appeal of September 4, the
Russian President Vladimir Putin mentioned three tasks among which is
strengthening of struggle against terror, in relation to which
relevant measures will be developed. The Ambassador also told that
the CIS states Heads are to hold their session in Astana on September
15-16 where these issues will be discussed undoubtedly. T.M. -0–
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ANC News: ANCA Endorses Senator Boxer
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Armenian National Committee of America-Western Region
104 North Belmont Street, Suite 200
Glendale, CA 91206
Phone: 818.500.1918 Fax: 818.246.7353
Email: [email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected]) Website:
_www.anca.org_ ()
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PRESS RELEASE – PRESS RELEASE
For Immediate Release: Tuesday, September 7, 2004
Contact: Armen Carapetian
(818) 500-1918
ANCA ENDORSES U.S. SENATOR BARBARA BOXER
Washington, DC – The Armenian National Committee of America announced
on Thursday, September 2, 2004 that it will endorse U.S. Senator
Barbara Boxer (D-CA) for reelection. The two term Democratic Senator
from California is seeking reelection and is challenged by Republican
and former California Secretary of State Bill Jones.
The ANCA endorsed the Senator based on her record of long and faithful
public service with special regard to Armenian-Americans living in
the State of California. Since her tenure as a Congresswoman, Boxer
has held an open door policy toward her constituents and has carried
their message to the halls of Congress. In a letter to Senator Boxer,
the ANCA stated that while the Senator’s responsibilities as an elected
official have increased, she has managed to maintain close working
relationships with even her smallest constituencies. California is
the nation’s most populous state and home to the nation’s largest
Armenian American community.
On issues of concern to her constituents of Armenian heritage and to
the Armenian-American community at large Senator Boxer has time and
again defended their history and their rightful place in American
society. As recently as this year, she made statements of support
for the official reaffirmation of the Armenian Genocide including
letters to President Bush urging to end the illegal Turkish blockade of
Armenia. In addition to these measures, Senator Boxer has co-sponsored
and actively sought the support of leaders in the Democratic Party for
legislation on the issue of Genocide reaffirmation. Additionally,
Senator Boxer has been a staunch advocate of aid to the Republic of
Armenia as it undergoes the difficult process of transition towards
democracy and a free market economy. Senator Boxer traveled to Armenia
to witness firsthand these changes and returned as an even stronger
advocate than before.
The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) is the largest
and most influential Armenian American grassroots political
organization. Working coordination with a network of offices,
chapters, and supporters throughout the United States and affiliated
organizations around the world, the ANCA actively advances the concerns
of the Armenian American community on a broad range of issues.
####
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For the latest news and action alerts log onto _www.anca.org_
() .
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World mourns Beslan victims
World mourns Beslan victims
ITAR-TASS News Agency
September 7, 2004 Tuesday
MOSCOW, September 7 — The total number of victims of the last week’s
terrorist act in the North Ossetian city of Beslan is 705, including
307 children.
Thirty people, including ten children, died in hospitals.
A book of condolences over the terrorist act in Beslan was opened for
the second day at the Russian Embassy in Britain on Tuesday. Dozens
of people made entries expressing deep sympathy to the next of kin
of those killed in Beslan.
Cyprus President Tassos Papadopoulos conveyed his condolences to the
Russian nation in connection with the hostage-taking raid in North
Ossetia. At a ceremony in memory of the Beslan victims, he wrote a
note in a book of condolences opened at the Russian Embassy in Nicosia.
A book of condolences was opened at the Russian Embassy in the
Netherlands for a second day. On Tuesday morning, speaker of the
parliament’s first chamber /Senate/ Yvonne Timmerman-Buck arrived at
the Embassy to put her signature in the book and express her sincere
condolences.
Mongolia “condemns the terrorist acts in Beslan, which shocked the
world with their cruelty,” President Natsagiyn Bagabandi said in
a statement he signed on Tuesday together with parliament speaker
Nambaryn Enkhbayar and Prime Minister Tsakhiagiyn Elbedorj.
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour
expressed profound condolences to the Russian people over the tragedy
in Beslan. She visited on Tuesday the permanent Russian mission at
the United Nations Office and other international organizations at
Geneva and made an entry in the Book of condolences. She expressed
profound solidarity with people of Beslan at this tragic moment and
wrote she shares the grief of the parents who lost their children.
Bulgarian President Georgy Pyrvanov, visiting the Russian embassy
in Sofia, expressed compassion for the relatives of those who were
killed in the terrorist act in Beslan. He wrote this in his entry to
the Book of condolences opened at the Russian diplomatic mission. The
Bulgarian president placed flowers at the candles lit in memory of
the victims of the terrorist act.
Norway sent aid for those who were affected by the terrorist act. A
planeload of medicines and medical equipment arrived in Vladivostok
from Oslo. The plane has on board everything necessary for performing
over 1,000 surgical operations. Besides, three ambulances and
anaesthetic equipment were sent to North Ossetia.
Armenian President Robert Kocharyan signed up in the book of
condolences at the Russian embassy in Yerevan on Tuesday. Armenian
Prime Minister Andranik Margaryan also visited the embassy.
Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende of the Netherlands that currently
presides in the European Union presented condolences to families of
the Beslan victims on Tuesday.
Balkenende said they shared the mourning of Beslan residents and
prayed for them. He said they were shaken by the death of hundreds
of innocent people, including children.
Bernadette Chirac, the wife of the French president, expressed on
behalf of her family profound condolences to the Russian people and
government in connection with the tragedy in Beslan. She received on
Tuesday prominent Russian doctor Leonid Roshal now staying in France.
“It was apparent how concerned Bernadette Chirac was with the tragedy
in North Ossetia”, Leonid Roshal told Tass.
Japan supports the fight against terrorism conducted by the Russian
government and people and is going to strengthen solidarity with
Russia in this fight, Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi
said. She visited on Tuesday the Russian embassy in Japan and made
an entry in the Book of condolences.