Congratulations Armenian Studies Minors and Graduating Seniors of 2025-2026

Emil Lazarian
The Collegian, Fresno State
May 12 2026
By Nellie Chobanyan

Natalie Agazarian

Interior Design

Minor in Armenian Studies

 

What encouraged you to take an Armenian Studies course?

I was encouraged to take an Armenian Studies course in high school when I had heard that they used to offer a William Saroyan writing class.

What was your favorite Armenian Studies class, activity, or event?

My favorite activity was working on the self-identity paper in the Armenian Studies 10-Introduction to Armenian Studies course, because I had the opportunity to learn more about my lineage.

What did you value most from your experiences in the Armenian Studies Program?

Through the Armenian Studies Program, I had the opportunity to genuinely learn more about and explore my personal history, ancestry, and lineage. Gaining that knowledge gave me a stronger sense of my personal Armenian identity, and that is something I will always be grateful for.

What are your plans after graduation?

I plan to continue working at a design firm until I gain enough experience to start my own business.

 

Jonathan Chardukian

Jonathan Chardukian

Civil Engineering

Minor in Armenian Studies

 

What encouraged you to take an Armenian Studies course?

I took Armenian Studies courses because I have grown up as an active member of the Armenian community, and, being Armenian, I wanted to learn more about my culture and get an opportunity to learn the language that my ancestors spoke. Additionally, my mom and both of my older sisters took Armenian Studies courses, so I was strongly encouraged by them to take these courses.

What was your favorite Armenian Studies class, activity, or event?

It is difficult to name a specific moment from my experience in the program, since each class that I took was unique and brought me closer to my culture. However, the most memorable experience that I had was the trip to Armenia with Professor Barlow during the summer of 2023. It exposed me to many of the locations that we had covered in prior classes, and being able to see the tangible homeland that we as Armenians have, was a profound experience; not to mention the sheer natural beauty of the country that we were able to see in such variety while traveling the countryside.

What did you value most from your experiences in the Armenian Studies Program?

The thing that I value the most is that I got the opportunity to learn Western Armenian, a language that was ripped from my family and from many other Armenians of the diaspora as a result of the Genocide. Being able to learn the language in a class was incredibly special to me, and helped me to see my culture with a much deeper and overall more informed view, especially from learning the alphabet which opened up many new sources of information to me.

What are your plans after graduation?

After graduating with a BS in Civil Engineering, I plan to take and pass my Fundamentals of Engineering Exam and secure a full-time job in the field.

 

Hovsep Manoukian

Hovsep Manoukian

Business Administration-Accounting

Minor in Armenian Studies

 

What encouraged you to take an Armenian Studies course?

The Armenian Studies courses helped me connect to my roots, whether it was through language or architecture.

What was your favorite Armenian Studies class, activity, or event?

My favorite classes were the language courses because I always wanted to learn how to read and write in Armenian and those classes helped me do what I have been wanting to do my whole life, but never had the opportunity.

What did you value most from your experiences in the Armenian Studies Program?

Becoming more connected to my heritage.

What are your plans after graduation?

I plan to join an accounting firm and then later obtain my CPA license.

 

Aaaron Rettig

Aaron Rettig

Kinesiology

Minor in Armenian Studies

 

What encouraged you to take an Armenian Studies course?

Being Armenian has always been a part of my identity, but coming into college, I wanted to gain a better understanding of my own culture. Taking Armenian Studies courses allowed me to learn more about my people’s past, culture, and language in a way that I hadn’t known before.

What was your favorite Armenian Studies class, activity, or event?

Some of my favorite college experiences were being involved with the Armenian Students Organization, along with learning the Armenian language. Being surrounded by people who share similar backgrounds and knowledge of the Armenian people made it easy to want to learn more and strengthen my connection to the community.

What did you value most from your experiences in the Armenian Studies Program?

Some of the things I valued most about my experiences in the Armenian Studies Program were the knowledge I gained, the pride I discovered, and the community I joined. The program taught me not only about my culture, but also to be proud of the strength my people have shown throughout generations.

What are your plans after graduation?

I plan to pursue a Doctorate in Physical Therapy. I am passionate about helping others recover from injuries and stay active, so this career choice aligns with my academic interests and background in powerlifting. I also plan to stay connected to the Armenian community through events, church, and community.

 

Rachel Yepremian-Owens

Rachel Yepremian-Owens

Mass Communication and Journalism-

Digital Journalism

Minor in Armenian Studies

 

What encouraged you to take an Armenian Studies course?

I knew that when I started attending Fresno State, that I would be pursuing a Minor in Armenian Studies. I was more than excited to know I would be taking classes in reading, writing, speaking, learning history, art, architecture, etc. I wanted to take every opportunity possible to grow deeper in my connection and knowledge regarding my culture. It was a no-brainer that taking all Armenian Studies courses available would be the way to do that.

What was your favorite Armenian Studies class, activity, or event?

My favorite course was definitely my very first Armenian class I took at Fresno State – Armenian 1A-Elementary Armenian. It truly was just such an enjoyable experience, having a full class of both Armenians and non-Armenians, growing in the language together. We had conversations in Armenian, took tests writing in the language which I very much loved and it was a new dialect for me as I am an Eastern Armenian. Learning the Western dialect was intriguing! I was also very honored to be able to attend the commemoration events at our own Armenian Genocide Monument.

What did you value most from your experiences in the Armenian Studies Program?

I valued seeing the strength of Armenian pride through our students. It makes me proud as both an Armenian and a student, to see others that share my ethnicity, be so passionate about it. The Armenian Studies Program reaches countless communities and demonstrates true resilience. I am grateful to know there are still people like me who will do everything possible to not let our culture die.

What are your plans after graduation?

I plan to move to Dallas, Texas with my husband, in a pursuit of ministry. I have goals of continuing my digital journalism work for either a print or digital publication as a photojournalist. I plan to stay connected to the Armenian community in the Valley, as well as get planted in any Armenian community present in Texas.

 

Harutyun Amirkhanyan

Harutyun Amirkhanyan

Business Administration-Accountancy

 

What encouraged you to take an Armenian Studies course?

The desire to learn more about Armenian history and culture encouraged me. Although I have lived in Armenia for most of my life, there is always more to explore about one’s culture.

What was your favorite Armenian Studies class, activity, or event?

My favorite Armenian Studies experience has been attending the lectures, which offer rich and culturally valuable content. I especially enjoy seeing the diversity of the Armenian community, with people of different ages and interests coming together to connect with their heritage.

What did you value most from your experiences in the Armenian Studies Program?

I greatly valued the support of the professors, who helped me succeed academically and beyond. I also appreciate their dedication to the crucial mission of educating generations and promoting the Armenian cause.

What are your plans after graduation?

My plans are professionally focused on accounting, while also staying connected with the Armenian Studies Program, its professors, and students.

 

Nellie Chobanyan, Staff Writer

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“What’s Next?” Documentary on Armenian Genocide Restitution Screened at Fresn

Ani Kharatian
The Collegian, Fresno State
May 11 2026
By Katherine Arslanian, Staff Writer • May 11, 2026

On Friday, April 10, the Armenian Studies Program screened the movie “What’s Next? Armenian Genocide Restitution in the Post-Recognition Era.” Dr. Taner Akçam, director of the Armenian Genocide Research Program of The Promise Armenian Institute at UCLA, and director Carla Garapedian were discussants for the film. The Armenian Film Foundation and The Promise Armenian Institute were co-sponsors of the event.

The screening and discussion focused on a critical question that has emerged following recent political milestones: what comes after recognition of the Armenian Genocide? Dr. Akçam and Garapedian introduced the documentary, which was based on a 2023 UCLA conference that explored legal, moral, and historical pathways toward restitution for the Armenian Genocide.

A central theme of the discussion was the shift from symbolic recognition to justice. As Dr. Akçam explained, although the United States government officially recognized the Armenian Genocide in 2019 and 2021, “recognition is not enough. If recognition is not followed by justice, it risks remaining symbolic.” This idea shaped the whole event, showing that recognition alone cannot fix the material and cultural losses Armenians experienced.

The documentary revealed that recognition brought up new urgent questions – what comes next, and how can justice be achieved if Turkey still denies the Genocide? Dr. Akçam stated that “Turkey is unlikely to acknowledge the Genocide in the foreseeable future,” which forces Armenians and those sympathetic to the issue, to explore alternative options, particularly within legal systems outside of Turkey. This led to the discussion of whether justice could be pursued through U.S. courts and whether existing models, especially Holocaust restitution, could serve as a blueprint.

The comparison to Holocaust restitution became a major point of discussion. In the film, Ambassador Stuart Eizenstat stated that genocide involves not only the destruction of lives but also culture, stating that the aim of both the Holocaust and Armenian Genocide was “not only to kill individuals, but to destroy their culture, manuscripts, religious objects, and art.” He argued that the success of Holocaust restitution efforts, including the development of the “Washington Principles,” provides a framework for the Armenians. These principles encourage institutions to investigate the origins of artifacts and work toward “a fair and just solution,” showing that restitution is about truth and accountability rather than profit.

Another key topic was the importance of provenance research. This is the process of tracing the origins and ownership of cultural objects. Following the 2023 conference, students and researchers began identifying Armenian artifacts scattered across museums and collections worldwide. Dr. Akçam described this as a turning point, explaining that “restitution is not only a moral and historical question, it is also a practical and traceable process.” This research is essential because, as stated in the film, restitution can only begin once looted objects are identified and documented.

The documentary also provided concrete legal examples. One of the most notable cases involved the J. Paul Getty Museum and the Zeytun Gospels. Art historian Dr. Heghnar Watenpaugh described the case as “a great victory,” because although the physical pages remained at the museum, the Armenian Church successfully secured recognition of its ownership through corrected provenance. This case demonstrated that restitution is not always about returning objects, but also about restoring historical truth and correcting narratives.

Similarly, legal expert Karnig Kerkonian emphasized the topic of attribution, arguing that reclaiming Armenian contributions, even when physical ownership is not contested, is a powerful form of justice. He described this as “the insertion of truth,” countering the long-standing efforts to erase Armenian identity from cultural and historical records.

However, the discussion also acknowledged significant challenges. Legal obstacles, such as deadlines for filing cases and limits on state roles in foreign policy, have limited the number of successful restitution cases. In the film, Professor Michael Bazyler (Chapman University) noted that only a small number of Armenian restitution claims have succeeded compared to Holocaust cases. This highlights the need for new legislation, similar to the U.S. HEAR Act, which extended the statute of limitations for Holocaust related claims.

Speakers pointed out that future success depends on collective action. Attorney Kathryn Lee Boyd suggested the practical steps to move forward, including conducting extensive research, securing financial support for legal cases, and strengthening community unity. She stated that “this is just the beginning. We need more lawyers, more money, and more community unity.” This idea of unity came up throughout the event, with speakers noting that internal divisions have weakened Armenian efforts in the past.

The broader significance of restitution was also connected to global movements. Comparisons were made to Indigenous restitution efforts in Canada, where acknowledgment of past injustices led to legal settlements and official recognition of genocide. This demonstrated that Armenians are not alone in their struggle and that international precedents can provide both inspiration and strategy. Ultimately, the film ended with a focus on the future. Rather than offering simple solutions, the documentary aimed to “open a conversation” about moving from recognition to justice. As Amb. Eizenstat stated, the goal is to “uncover uncomfortable historical truths and bring them to light,” helping ensure accountability and prevent future atrocities.

The movie “What’s Next?” presented the Armenian Genocide not only as a historical tragedy but as an ongoing legal and moral issue. Moving from recognition to restitution marks a new phase in the Armenian struggle, one that requires research, legal innovation, and a collective effort. The film and discussion made it clear that while recognition was an important milestone, real justice comes from addressing the long term cultural, material, and historical impacts of the genocide.

—

Turkish Press: Opera singer Alis Manukyan bid farewell

Boris Nahapetian
Turkey
May 12 2026
The artist, who died at age 93, was one of Turkey’s most prominent opera singers and an important figure in the country’s Armenian community.

Alis Manukyan, one of Turkey’s most prominent opera singers and a distinguished figure from the Armenian community, was bid farewell yesterday at a funeral ceremony held at the Surp Vartanants Armenian Church in Şişli, İstanbul.

A memorial ceremony was also held for the artist on the same day at the Atatürk Cultural Center’s (AMK) Yeşilçam Sinema Hall.

The artist, for whom an “Honor Night” was organized by the Armenian Patriarchate of Turkey at the Beyoglu Atlas Cinema on Feb 18, 2026, passed away on May 6 at the age of 93.

Sahak Mashalyan, the 85th Patriarch of the Armenians of Turkey, delivered the closing speech of the honor night. Referring to Manukyan’s modest personality, he stated that they had not read much news about her until today as she had quietly withdrawn into her corner, and said:

“Dear Alis, the most beautiful thing you did in life was to discover yourself. Because there are two great important days in a person’s life. One is the day they are born, and the other is the day they understand why they were born. You understood at an early age that you were born for music. Your family also supported you, and you developed your God-given talent. Talent alone does not work. It requires work, sweat, tears, and fatigue. You have gone through all of them. You have built a very beautiful career for yourself, for your family, for your people, and for Turkey. Tonight proved that Alis Manukyan is not someone who will be forgotten so easily. Your life and your impact show themselves in the artist friends here.”

‘Goodbye Digin Alis’

Opera singer Kevork Tavityan said the following in a message he wrote after the artist’s passing:

“Alis Manukyan,

“You are one of the people who radically changed my life. The first vocal recital I watched, the first opera I watched (Rigoletto, Gilda) was with your voice and that fascinating, wonderful stance. It was impossible not to be impressed and not to be an admirer after seeing you on stage and hearing your voice. I was only a high school student. That first night I listened to you, I thought, this must be the voice of an angel; I want to be on stage like this, to share what is in my mind and soul with people. Although nearly 45 years have passed, I still feel the excitement of that day whenever I think of the sparkle and beauty of your costume and jewelry.

“Years later, I had the honor of appearing on the same stage with you. Finding myself on the same stage as you, singing on the same stage with you, was a great life experience and a great privilege for me. With your usual kind and embracing manner, you accepted and honored me as a colleague. I still bow before you with respect and love as your apprentice. Long live the Diva. Goodbye Digin Alis. You will always have a place in our memories.”

About Alis Manukyan

Opera singer.

Born in İstanbul on June 11, 1933, the artist (Coloratura Soprano) was the daughter of jeweler Artin Usta. She was accepted to the İstanbul Conservatory, and her first teacher was “Ms. Ren Gelenbevi.”

After graduating from the conservatory with high honors (1959), she graduated from the Higher Opera Department of Miami (Ohio) University (1959/60), where she went on a special scholarship. She won first place in the vocal competition organized by Miami University. She worked with vocal coaches such as Dora Lyon and Otto Frohlich, and in the same year, she won first place in the Central American Singing Competition.

She returned to Turkey and joined the İstanbul State Opera as a soloist (1960). She played lead roles in the operas “Rigoletto,” “Lucia di Lammermoor (Lucia),” “The Barber of Seville,” “Carmen” (Frasquita), “La Boheme” (Musetta), “Don Pasquale” (Norina), “L’elisir d’amore,” “The Marriage of Figaro,” “Don Giovanni,” “A Masked Ball,” “Romeo and Juliet,” “Anush,” “The Tales of Hoffmann,” and “Olympia.”

She went to Romania and became a finalist in the George Enescu Music Festival in Bucharest (1962). She took third place in Bulgaria with the Bulgarian work “Yarasturey” (1967). In the same year, she played “Gilda” in the opera “Rigoletto” in the city of Burgas.

In 1969, she went to Romania twice as an invitee. She performed in “Rigoletto” and “Lucia” at the State Operas of Bucharest, Cluj, Iasi, and Timisoara. She was invited a second time by the Bulgarian State Opera through the Turkish Foreign Ministry to perform “Rigoletto” in the cities of Sofia, Plovdiv, and Varna (1971). At the end of this tour, she was also invited by the Bulgarian State Opera to the Varna International Music Festival to be held in July 1972. In the opera “Rigoletto,” she performed alongside famous Bulgarian artists such as bass-baritone Nikola Gyuzelev, Petko Marinov, Nikolai Stoilov, and Reni Penkova. In 1973, she was invited to Bulgaria again, this time performing in “Rigoletto” in Burgas and Ruse; additionally, in 1974, she played lead roles in “The Barber of Seville” and “Don Pasquale” in Burgas, Varna, and Pleven.

The artist, who gave countless vocal recitals domestically and abroad (in various countries in Europe and America), gave concerts accompanied by the İstanbul State Symphony Orchestra, the Presidential Symphony Orchestra, and the İzmir State Symphony Orchestra. She became one of the permanent soloists of the İstanbul State Opera after 1960. She worked with vocal coach Belkis Aran at the State Opera.

Also a successful artist with Lieder, Manukyan demonstrated her knowledge and voice quality especially in the works of Schubert, Debussy, Ravel, Strauss, and Mozart.

She passed away on May 6, 2026.

—

Why Armenia’s elections are crucial for the Kremlin and why they could become

Ophelia Vardapetian
European Pravda, Ukraine
May 12 2026
Tuesday, 12 May 2026 — Anton Filippov

Parliamentary elections are set to be held in Armenia on 7 June.

According to Armenian Parliament Speaker Alen Simonyan, Russia is planning to gain control over Armenia’s state institutions. “We will not allow the Republic of Armenia to be turned into a ‘guberniya’ [a Russian province]. We will not be ruled the way Belarus is,” the speaker said.

Meanwhile, Russia’s Foreign Ministry claims that Europe is trying to “drag Armenia into an anti-Russian orbit” and says it is aware of plans to involve the country in “aggressive Euro-Atlantic standards”.

At the same time, Russian President Vladimir Putin emphasised that there is an option for a “soft, intelligent and mutually beneficial divorce” – namely, putting the issue of EU accession to a nationwide referendum.

In practice, the 7 June elections are expected to play the role of such a vote.

Read more about the parliamentary elections in Armenia in the article by Yurii Panchenko, co-founder of European Pravda: The Kremlin’s new enemy: how Russia is trying to change power in Armenia and what EU has to do with it.

“The EU recognises the European aspirations of the Armenian people, based on the adoption of the ‘Law on Launching the Process of Armenia’s Accession to the EU’ in March 2025, which expresses the country’s intention to move towards the EU,” reads the declaration adopted at the Armenia-EU summit held in Yerevan on 5 May.

For the EU, this statement carries no concrete commitments. For example, the EU first acknowledged Ukraine’s European aspirations and European choice as far back as 1999. However, in Yerevan, the summit’s outcome was interpreted as a sign that the EU is ready for dialogue with Armenia on accession.

Among the reasons Armenia still maintains a “multi-vector” foreign policy and has not yet begun practical steps towards membership is the absence of a peace agreement with Azerbaijan.

Yerevan understands that closer ties with the EU would mean a final break with Russia. Taking such a step without lasting peace with Azerbaijan and, accordingly, with Türkiye, would be too risky.

A peace agreement has still not been signed because Azerbaijan demands that Armenia remove references to Artsakh (the Armenian name for Nagorno-Karabakh) from its constitution, which Baku interprets as a territorial claim.

The problem is that this reference is included in the protected part of Armenia’s constitution, meaning any amendment would require a nationwide referendum – something Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has so far been reluctant to hold. However, many believe that if his party wins the parliamentary elections again, the government will be ready to organise such a referendum.

That would remove the need to “mask” Armenia’s movement towards the EU and its withdrawal from Russian-led integration structures.

According to a May poll published by EVN Report, Prime Minister Pashinyan’s party can count on the support of 32.5% of respondents.

Three pro-Russian political forces follow behind, but their ratings are significantly lower.

Until recently, pro-Russian groups had much stronger prospects, but current polling suggests that Pashinyan’s team has a good chance of remaining in power.

Of course, fresh polls can be inaccurate; moreover, a significant share of respondents remain undecided (14.1%) or refused to answer (25.4%). Still, the likelihood that these voters will deliver victory to pro-Russian forces does not appear especially high.

In addition, unlike Pashinyan, none of the pro-Russian politicians can offer a credible vision for the future.

Now, after several perceived betrayals by the Russian military during Armenia’s confrontation with Azerbaijan, Armenians increasingly understand that Russia will not fight for Armenian interests regardless of who is in power.

As a result, it has become difficult for Kremlin-aligned actors to sustain hope among their voters.

The 7 June elections could become a turning point and launch a process that would bring the country into the European family of nations.

However, the stakes are extremely high. Russia is not hiding the fact that it intends to block Yerevan’s geopolitical pivot. Much will depend on whether the EU is prepared to help Armenia defend its choice.

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Pashinyan rejects Putin’s ‘divorce’ offer

Toneyan Mark
OC Media
May 12 2026

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has rejected Russian President Vladimir Putin’s offer of ‘a gentle, intelligent, and mutually beneficial divorce’ in relation to Armenia pursuing deepening ties with the EU. Pashinyan, instead suggested that his government ‘is guided in its interstate relations by an interstate logic’ and not a ‘marriage’.

‘We are a full member of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), and as long as we are a member of the EAEU, we fully participate in all decision-making’, Pashinyan said in a Monday press briefing.

In his comments on 9 May, Putin further voiced the necessity of Armenia holding a referendum to choose between the EU and the EAEU, based on which Moscow would draw conclusions and proceed with a ‘divorce’.

Pashinyan said he had communicated Armenia’s stance with Putin regarding the choice between the two blocs.

‘We will hold a referendum at the moment when there is an objective need for it. My assessment is that there is simply no such objective necessity. We treat our EAEU partners and our participation in the EAEU with great respect’, Pashinyan said.

Pashinyan further reiterated his government’s stance of a ‘balanced foreign policy’ and said there was no intention of ‘harming Russia’s interests’.

Armenia’s focus is to be ‘guided by Armenia’s national interests’, he said, adding that his government would ‘continue to deepen’ relations with Russia, while also ‘mov[ing] forward with the logic of deepening our future relations with the EU […] by deepening democratic reforms’.

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During the same press briefing, Pashinyan reiterated his stance that bilateral relations with Russia are undergoing a ‘positive’ and ‘inevitable transformation’. In an apparent response, Russian Foreign Ministry official Mikhail Kalugin warned that ‘Yerevan’s advancement along the so-called European path could at some point lead to systemic changes in Russian–Armenian relations’.

The comments marked the latest upswing in tensions between Armenia and Russia, coming after Putin’s testy meeting with Pashinyan in Moscow in April, when Putin underscored the impossibility of being in a customs union with the EU and the EAEU.

Pashinyan rejects ‘censorship’ of Zelenskyi’s comments

During the same press briefing, Pashinyan was also asked to address the note of protest submitted to Armenia by the Russian Foreign Ministry regarding remarks made by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyi at the European Political Community (EPC) summit in Yerevan earlier in May.

‘I do not think that, in my capacity as the head of government of the host country, I should censor or necessarily respond to everything’, Pashinyan said.

At the EPC summit, Zelenskyi referred to Russia’s planned 9 May Victory Day parade in Moscow — the country’s most cherished holiday, which celebrates the Soviet Union’s victory over Nazi Germany in WWII — noting it would be held without military equipment for the first time ‘in many, many years’.

‘They cannot afford military equipment – and they fear drones may buzz over Red Square. This is telling. It shows they are not strong now’, Zelenskyi said.

Prior to the parade, Zelenskyi issued a presidential order explicitly saying there would be no strikes directed at Red Square on 9 May.

Russia expresses outrage over Zelenskyi’s remarks at EPC summit in Yerevan

‘There have also been cases when, in my presence, the President of [Russia] made statements about different countries, but I do not remember Russia expecting me to respond to those statements’, Pashinyan said.

He further noted that Armenia’s simultaneous membership in various international organisations ‘does not mean we aim to interfere in all global affairs’.

‘We are a small country with our own agenda, and we do not always consider it necessary to take the lead on global issues and make statements’, Pashinyan stated.

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Karapetyan’s nephew says Trump Route could become target for Iran

Chalian Meline
OC Media
May 12 2026

Narek Karapetyan, the nephew of Russian–Armenian tycoon Samvel Karapetyan, has published a video from the Armenia–Iran border, where he said that the planned Trump Route could become a target for Iran.

Narek Karapetyan published the video to support his argument for the necessity of a ‘guaranteed’ peace in Armenia, a common talking point among other opposition forces in the country calling for opposing superpowers — Russia, the US, China, and Iran — to become guarantors of peace in the country.

Narek Karapetyan filmed the video near Armenia’s southern border with Iran, pointing to the area where he said the Trump Route would pass. The border with Iran lies just ‘30–40 meters away’, Narek Karapetyan said, suggesting a scenario in which an American company and Iranian armed forces could be positioned in such close proximity.

The route, agreed upon by Armenia and Azerbaijan with US mediation, would connect Azerbaijan to its exclave Nakhchivan through Armenian territory.

He referred to Iran’s strikes on US ‘military bases’ in the Middle East throughout the US–Israel–Iran war that broke out in early 2026, arguing that the route would create a serious security risk for Armenia. Its development and operation will be overseen by the TRIPP Development Company, with the US holding a 74% stake in the company and Armenia 26%.

Karapetyan posed a rhetorical question about what would happen in case fighting resumes and Armenia hosted a ‘solely American company’ close to the Iran border, suggesting Iran could respond with force, and not necessarily with long-range missiles.

‘It is 30–40 meters, [Iran] could hit with an assault rifle, even if it threw a slipper it would reach [the route]’, Karapetyan said, explaining the need for what he described as ‘guaranteed peace’.

US to receive 74% share in company overseeing and developing Trump Route

‘The main goal of that guaranteed peace is that, apart from the US, which is a witness and must become a guarantor, Iran, as well, should also be a guarantor of peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and a guarantor of Armenia’s territorial integrity’, Karapetyan said.

He did not explain how such competing states with tensions of their own would be brought together to guarantee peace in Armenia.

Separately, during a press briefing on 7 May, Samvel Karapetyan named three ‘superpowers’ that could act as guarantors: the US, Russia, and China.

‘There are also states with regional interests. We will have guarantees from several of these states at the same time — those with whom we can reach agreements. I am confident there will be more than one’, Samvel Karapetyan said.

He also criticised the current peace process led by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government, describing it as ‘Azerbaijan’s peace agenda dictated to the Armenian nation’, warning of continued risks for Armenia, including potential territorial losses in Syunik in Armenia’s south.

Aside from Karapetyans, other opposition figures have also emphasised the need for external guarantors.

Ex-president Robert Kocharyan, who leads the opposition Armenia Alliance, has argued that ‘peace must be guaranteed’, saying what has been achieved under the current government ‘is not peace’.

At their first pre-election rally on 8 May, Kocharyan outlined a security model based on ‘a strong army, a strong leader, and an ally’, implicitly referring to Russia.

‘We are striving for peace, but peace must be sustainable and guaranteed — guaranteed and with guarantors. Peace cannot be called a situation where everything depends on the whim of one person [Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev]. This is not peace; it is humiliation, and we will not allow that’, Kocharyan said.

Kocharyan has previously named Russia, the US, and China as potential guarantors.

Separately, Gagik Tsarukyan, one of Armenia’s wealthiest men and the leader of the Prosperous Armenia party, has also argued for guarantees from major powers, naming China, India, and Russia, and saying he has the necessary connections to facilitate such arrangements.

‘I have been cooperating with the Communist Party of China for 20 years, and we have been cooperating with Russia’s United Russia for 20 years. From them, only guarantees are required’, Tsarukyan said.

He further elaborated on his vision of deal with Azerbaijan — ‘If Aliyev and I agree that whatever happened in the past is in the past and we can consider that it should not have happened, but today our border is ours and yours is yours, and whoever violates it must be punished — let’s sign it, and the neighbouring states will provide their guarantees’, Tsarukyan said.

He questioned Pashinyan’s established peace, arguing that no binding document has been signed, and also referred to Pashinyan’s claims about the possibility of renewed conflict if the opposition comes to power, as well as to increasing demands from Aliyev.

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What the First EU–Armenia Summit Means for European Companies

George Mamian
Special Eurasia
May 12 2026

What the First EU–Armenia Summit Means for European Companies

Executive Intelligence Snapshot

The first EU–Armenia Summit marks a significant shift in Armenia’s foreign policy orientation, signalling Yerevan’s intention to deepen ties with Western partners and reduce its dependency on Russia.

European companies interested in investing in the Armenian market must balance the benefits arising from Brussels–Yerevan cooperation with local political uncertainty, regional instability, and the geopolitical complexity of the South Caucasus.

Context

On 5 May 2026, Yerevan hosted the first European Union-Armenia summit. At the end of the summit, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, European Council President António Costa, and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan released a joint statement which confirms Brussels and Yerevan’s strategy to deepen their relations on security and defence, as well as energy, transport, and digital technologies.

The South Caucasus republic led by Pashinyan has increasingly signalled its willingness to align with Western institutions. On 9 January 2026, the Armenian Government approved the draft law Launching the Accession Process of the Republic of Armenia to the European Union, adopted by the National Assembly on 26 March 2025 and signed in April 2025.

Despite this Western-oriented trajectory, Armenia remains economically intertwined with Russia. The country is a member of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), and its import–export structure is still heavily dependent on Russian markets and logistics routes. Moscow has openly criticised Yerevan’s rapprochement with the EU, with President Vladimir Putin reiterating that Yerevan cannot simultaneously pursue EU membership and remain within the EAEU. This tension creates a structural vulnerability for Armenia and a potential source of instability for foreign investors.

At the same time, Yerevan is attempting to reposition the country as a regional logistics hub. The ongoing peace negotiations with Azerbaijan, particularly regarding the future of the Syunik region and cross‑border transport corridors, are central to this strategy. A successful agreement could unlock new trade routes linking Europe, the South Caucasus, and the Middle East, offering opportunities for companies operating in transport, logistics, and infrastructure. The EU and the United States have both expressed support for the peace process, viewing it as a stabilising factor in a strategically sensitive region.

However, Armenia’s geopolitical environment remains fragile. Its southern border with Iran presents both opportunities and risks. Iran is a key trade partner for Yerevan, providing access to regional markets and avoiding the isolation caused by the closing borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan. The Middle East crisis involving Iran, Israel, and the United States increases the likelihood of regional spillover effects that could disrupt Armenian–Iranian trade and complicate Armenia’s balancing strategy. Yerevan must navigate simultaneously its relations with Russia, the EU, the United States, and Iran, each of which exerts influence on its foreign policy choices.

Given these dynamics, the short‑term environment for foreign investors remains uncertain. The parliamentary elections scheduled for June 2026 will be a decisive moment.

Risk Assessment for European Investors and Companies

Opportunities

  • The EU–Armenia summit confirms Yerevan’s intention to deepen cooperation with Western partners, creating new openings for European companies in sectors prioritised by the EU, including energy, digitalisation, and security.
  • Yerevan’s ambition to become a regional logistics hub, supported by ongoing peace negotiations with Azerbaijan, offers potential for investment in transport infrastructure, warehousing, and cross‑border trade services.
  • The EU’s increased political and financial engagement in the South Caucasian republic, including planned support packages for economic reforms and connectivity projects, can facilitate a more favourable business environment for European investors.
  • Normalisation efforts with Turkey and Azerbaijan, if successful, could unlock new regional corridors and reduce Armenia’s long‑standing isolation, improving market access and lowering transport costs.
  • Armenia’s domestic market, though small, is strategically positioned between the EU, the Middle East, and Central Asia, offering opportunities for companies seeking to expand their regional footprint.
  • The government’s reform agenda, including efforts to strengthen governance and reduce corruption, aligns with EU standards and can improve regulatory predictability for foreign firms.

Challenges

  • The June 2026 parliamentary elections introduce significant political uncertainty, as a change in leadership could alter the country’s foreign policy orientation and regulatory environment.
  • Armenia’s economic dependence on Russia and its membership in the EAEU limit its ability to fully align with EU standards, creating structural constraints for European companies.
  • Russian political and economic pressure is likely to intensify as Yerevan deepens its cooperation with the EU, potentially affecting trade flows, energy supplies, and the broader investment climate.
  • The geopolitical situation on Armenia’s borders remains fragile, with unresolved issues in the peace process with Azerbaijan and the risk of renewed tensions in the Syunik region.
  • Armenia’s proximity to Iran, and Tehran’s confrontation with Western states, could disrupt bilateral trade and expose foreign investors to secondary geopolitical risks.
  • Logistical vulnerabilities, including limited transport infrastructure and dependence on external corridors, can affect supply chains and increase operational costs for companies.
  • Regulatory changes linked to Armenia’s shifting foreign policy may create uncertainty for businesses operating in sectors sensitive to international sanctions or export‑control regimes.

Outlook

In the short term (3–6 months), European companies and investors interested in the Armenian market should adopt a cautious approach. It is advisable to monitor the domestic political environment, particularly the outcome of the June 2026 parliamentary elections, which may either confirm Pashinyan’s leadership, and therefore Yerevan’s continued alignment with Brussels, or bring a new political figure to power.

The stability of the peace process with Baku and the evolution of Yerevan’s relations with Moscow and Tehran will be key indicators of the country’s investment climate.

In the medium term (6–18 months), Armenia’s trajectory will depend on its ability to balance its Western aspirations with its existing economic dependencies. If the EU continues to expand its engagement and Armenia maintains its reform agenda, the country could become a more attractive destination for European investors, particularly in logistics, energy, and digital infrastructure. However, geopolitical volatility and domestic political uncertainty will remain significant risk factors.

Overall, Armenia offers emerging opportunities for European companies, but these are accompanied by substantial geopolitical and political risks. A measured, observant, and phased approach to market entry is recommended, with continuous monitoring of regional developments and Armenia’s evolving foreign policy orientation.

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France pushes Russia out of Armenia

Karakhanian Suren
Defense 24
May 12 2026
Aleksander Olech
11:00

6 min.

Armenia has received its first French CAESAR artillery systems, and this is not only a military delivery. It is part of a wider French move into the South Caucasus, where Paris wants to weaken Russian influence and build Armenia into a long-term security partner. Russia pushed France out of parts of the Sahel. France is now trying to enter a region where Moscow has been dominant for decades.

France’s support for Armenia has moved from political declarations to concrete military cooperation. After the fall of Nagorno-Karabakh and the exodus of around 100,000 Armenians, Yerevan understood that Russian guarantees were no longer sufficient. Moscow remained formally present in Armenia, but it did not stop Azerbaijan. This created a political and military opening for France, which quickly presented itself as a partner ready to support Armenian sovereignty and territorial defence.

The first CAESAR systems are now in Armenian hands and are expected to be shown during the Republic Day parade on 28 May, linked to the commemoration of the Battle of Sardarabad in 1918. The exact number of delivered systems has not been officially confirmed, although local reporting has referred to a possible order of 36 CAESAR 6×6 systems. Even without final confirmation of the full number, the direction is clear: Armenia is moving towards French artillery, French air defence and Western standards.

This follows earlier French decisions from October 2023, when Paris announced measures to strengthen Armenian defence capabilities. These included training partnerships, Mistral 3 short-range air defence missiles, three GM200 radars, night vision equipment from Safran and Bastion armoured vehicles from Arquus. A first batch of 24 Bastion vehicles was delivered via Georgia, and another 26 were planned. This route also matters, because it underlines the role of Georgia in Western access to the Caucasus.

The CAESAR delivery is especially important because artillery is one of the areas where Armenia needs rapid strengthening. The French Senate had already argued that Paris should not repeat the mistakes made with Ukraine, where key systems were delivered late. In the Armenian case, the logic is similar: if Yerevan is to deter further Azerbaijani pressure, it needs capabilities now, not only declarations. CAESAR gives Armenia mobility, precision and a NATO-standard 155 mm system, which also pushes the Armenian army further away from Russian equipment.

This is part of a broader Armenian rearmament process. Armenia is also buying systems from India, including 155 mm ATAGS and MArG howitzers, Swathi radars, Pinaka rocket launchers, Akash air defence systems and Zen anti-drone systems. This is not a full break with Russia yet, but it is a clear diversification of military suppliers. Yerevan is building alternatives because it no longer trusts Moscow as the only security provider.

France is using this moment very consciously. Paris is not acting out of sentiment; it is acting according to its own strategic logic. Russia weakened French influence in Africa through Wagner activity and political pressure in Mali, the Central African Republic and Burkina Faso. France is now trying to respond in Russia’s own sphere of influence, especially in the Caucasus and Central Asia. Armenia is therefore not an isolated case. It is one part of a larger French strategy.

This strategy also includes Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Mongolia. Macron’s visits to Astana and Tashkent were connected to energy, uranium, nuclear cooperation and business for French companies such as Orano, TotalEnergies, Alstom and EDF. In Mongolia, France is building cooperation in uranium, lithium, space and technology, including the Chinggis Sat satellite project with Thales Alenia Space. Paris is trying to secure markets, resources and political access in regions where Russia and China have long dominated.

The South Caucasus is even more sensitive because it directly touches Russian, Turkish, Iranian and European interests. Armenia still hosts the Russian 102nd military base in Gyumri, with around 3,500 Russian soldiers, and Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has not fully broken with Moscow. At the same time, Armenia has suspended participation in the CSTO framework and demanded that Russian border guards leave Yerevan airport. This is not a complete 180-degree shift, but it is a serious political signal.

France also sees Armenia through a wider network of alliances. Paris has strong relations with Greece, and Greece is also strengthening ties with Armenia. This matters because Turkey supports Azerbaijan, and French policy in the Caucasus inevitably affects French-Turkish relations. In practice, a triangle of France, Greece and Armenia is becoming more visible, with India also playing an increasingly important role through arms supplies and political alignment.

The Armenian factor is also important domestically for France. Around 700,000 people of Armenian origin live in France, and this gives the issue political weight in Paris. However, the current French policy goes beyond diaspora politics. It is about influence, defence industry, regional positioning and pressure on Russia. France wants to show that it can still act globally and that it can hit Russian interests outside Ukraine.

The strategic partnership signed during Macron’s visit to Yerevan confirms that this cooperation will deepen. The declaration refers directly to security, defence, military training, technical cooperation and military-technological cooperation. This means that France is not only selling systems, but is also trying to build a longer-term defence relationship with Armenia. The next steps will likely include more training, more industrial cooperation and further integration of Armenian capabilities with French and Western systems.

The key question is whether France can sustain this policy over time. Delivering CAESAR systems, Mistral missiles, radars and armoured vehicles is one thing. Building Armenia into a serious partner capable of deterring Azerbaijan and reducing dependence on Russia is something much larger. It requires money, production capacity, political consistency and coordination with partners such as India, Greece and possibly the European Union.

For Russia, this is a problem. Moscow is already overstretched by the war in Ukraine and has lost part of its credibility in the Caucasus. If France continues expanding its presence in Armenia, Russia will have to monitor another front of influence competition. This does not mean that Moscow will disappear from Armenia quickly. But it does mean that its monopoly is broken.

The conclusion is straightforward. The first CAESAR systems in Armenia are not only about artillery. They are a signal that France is entering a space where Russia was used to operating almost alone. After losing ground in parts of Africa, Paris is now trying to strike back in the Caucasus and Central Asia. Armenia is the clearest example of this policy, and if the cooperation continues, it may become one of the most important French strategic openings outside Europe.

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Opposition candidate says Armenian-French kindergarten in Yerevan abandoned un

Nahapetian Samvel
Panorama, Armenia
May 12 2026

Yerevan City Council member Mesrop Manukyan, an MP candidate from the opposition Hayastan bloc, has accused Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government of allowing a once-prominent Armenian-French kindergarten in Yerevan to fall into ruin, alleging the site has been abandoned and misused.

He posted a video on social media on Tuesday, showing the deteriorated building. He claimed the kindergarten was closed during Pashinyan’s tenure and has since been neglected.

“They shut down the Armenian-French kindergarten, turned it into a public toilet and now they boast about building new kindergartens,” Manukyan said. “Don’t destroy what already exists.”

Manukyan alleged the site has become a gathering place for homeless people, with neighbors reporting fires, deaths and frequent visits by emergency medical services. “The authorities are aware of this situation,” he added.

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Armenpress: Trump rejects ‘unacceptable’ Iran response to peace plan

Chalian Meline
Iran09:39, 11 May 2026
Read the article in: ArmenianRussian:

U.S. President Donald Trump has swiftly rejected Iran’s response to Washington’s peace proposal.

Reuters reported that oil prices surged on Monday amid concerns that the 10-week-old conflict will drag on, keeping shipping through the Strait of Hormuz paralyzed.

Days after the U.S. floated an offer in the hopes of reopening negotiations, Iran on Sunday released a response focused on ending the war on all fronts, especially in Lebanon, where U.S. ally Israel is fighting Iran-backed Hezbollah militants.

According to Iranian state media, Tehran also included a demand for compensation for war damage and emphasized Iranian sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz.

It also called on the U.S. to end its naval blockade, guarantee no further attacks, lift sanctions, and end a U.S. ban on Iranian oil sales.

Within hours, U.S. President Donald Trump dismissed Iran’s proposal.

“I don’t like it — TOTALLY UNACCEPTABLE,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.

Oil prices jumped more than $4 a barrel on Monday.

Read the article in: ArmenianRussian:

Published by Armenpress, original at 
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