Asbarez: Increased Arrests of Government Critics Ahead of June Parliamentary E

June 2, 2026June 2, 2026 Emil Lazarian

by Contributor

June 2, 2026

in Featured Story, Latest, News, Top Stories

Reports of Fear, Intimidation and Political Reprisals; Allegations of Foreign Interference

The Armenian government has expanded its arrests of government critics for alleged speech-based offenses ahead of the June 7 parliamentary elections, said the International Observatory for Democracy in Armenia. During its second fact-finding mission in the country, IODA also documented claims of foreign interference in the elections; repeated instances of the misuse of state resources for electioneering by the ruling “Civil Contract” party; and extensive reports that voters, particularly government employees, fear reprisals for supporting opposition candidates.

(l to r) Sarah Leah Whitson, Philippe Kalfayan, Bryan May, Diana Kearney

IODA’s second fact-finding mission, from May 22 – 27, included a delegation of international experts, including international human rights lawyers Philippe Kalfayan, Sarah Leah Whitson and Diana Kearney, and former Canadian member of parliament Bryan May. In addition to meetings in Yerevan, where it met with the Corruption Prevention Commission, the group traveled to Hrazdan, Sevan, Ijevan, Dilijan, Vanadzor, Spitak, and Gyumri to meet with local representatives of political parties, lawyers, election observers, and civil society groups. IODA also sought meetings with Civil Contract representatives but did not receive a reply, and sought meetings with the Constitutional Court, the Investigative Committee, and the Human Rights Defender’s Office (Ombudsman) but was unable to secure a meeting with them.

“Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan is responsible for the troubling conditions in the country, including not only the prosecutions of critics, but also the hostile election atmosphere marked by his verbal attacks on ordinary citizens expressing their opinions,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, IODA Board Member. “The government has a duty to ensure that every Armenian citizen feels safe and free to criticize the prime minister and challenge the government’s policies, regardless of how offensive it finds the criticisms.”

Expanded Arrests of Government Critics
In addition to the concerns raised following IODA’s first fact-finding mission, the group documented several new instances of arrests of critics of the government, in several cases on vague, speech-based offenses under the penal code.

On March 29, Pashinyan visited Saint Anna church in Yerevan during a crowded service; plainclothes security personnel pushed worshipers aside to make room for him.The pushing led to a verbal dispute, which escalated into a physical scuffle. Security forces detained and criminally charged 18-year-old high school student twin brothers Davit Minasyan and Mikayel Minasyan, as well as Gevorg Gevorgyan. Gevorgyan later stated that he had been detained for “looking at Nikol Pashinyan in the eyes” inside the church. They charged Davit with hooliganism and using violence to interfere with official political activity, Mikael with assisting him, and Gevorgyan with organizing the entire episode.

Later that day, police searched the Minasyans’ apartment, but according to defense counsel, no item relevant to the investigation was found. Significantly, the Minasyan brothers and Gevorgyan did not know each other. Judge Mnatsakan Martirosyan, long accused of politically motivated decisions, released Mikael and Gevorg on March 31, with bail of 5 million AMD (US $13,585) each, along with a travel ban, but on April 1 ordered Davit held in pre-trial detention for two months. Due to his deteriorating health condition, security forces transferred him to a medical facility multiple times. The judge released him on April 14, 2026, subject to a travel ban, while the investigation remains ongoing.

On May 12, security forces arrested blogger Artak Avetisyan in Yerevan and charged him initially with hate speech but subsequently with hooliganism after he called Prime Minister Pashinyan a “traitor” during a live broadcast. He remains detained.

On May 16, Armen Hovhannisyan, a resident of Artashat, reportedly died by suicide while in police custody in a Yerevan psychiatric facility. Security forces had detained him on suspicion of tearing down a Civil Contract election poster and accused him of obstructing campaigning, but had not formally charged him. Following signs of psychological distress, they transferred him to a psychiatric institution under police supervision, where he later reportedly died by hanging. Authorities subsequently announced a criminal investigation into the incident but to date have announced no findings.

On May 18, security forces arrested Artsakh refugee and activist Artur Osipyan following a heated verbal confrontation with Pashinyan. A judge ordered him held in pre-trial detention for two months. The prosecutor has charged him with inciting violence, hooliganism, and obstruction of campaigning. Authorities also cited a Facebook post in which Osipyan allegedly threatened the Prime Minister and called for violence against him.

“The government has no business prosecuting people who challenge it just because it may not like the criticism. Nor should the government be suppressing legitimate political debate by claiming that it reflects the equivalent of a ‘plot to overthrow the regime’,” said Bryan May IODA Board Member. “A heated election is no excuse for the government to shirk its obligation to protect free and vigorous political speech and refrain from using its prosecutorial authority to silence critics.”

Although international human rights law demands the protection of political speech by all sides, lawyers and representatives of opposition political parties expressed dismay that the prosecutor’s office had failed to prosecute similar alleged “hate crimes” and other speech offenses by government supporters despite complaints they had filed, suggesting that these prosecutions are also selective. IODA reiterates its earlier recommendation that parliament should amend the penal code to abolish vague, speech-based restrictions, such as “hooliganism” or “calling for the overthrow of the government,” which are rife for abuse and subvert the free speech rights of Armenian citizens.

Misuse of State Resources by Ruling “Civil Contract” Party
The ruling party, Civil Contract, appears in a number of instances to have misused state resources to support its electioneering for the upcoming elections. In particular, pro-Civil Contract employees of educational institutions appear to have mobilized students and teachers to support the ruling party’s activities, despite legal prohibitions on the participation of public employees in political campaigning while acting in their official capacity. There is no evidence that the government has investigated these cases.

On May 13, numerous school principals and teachers from Aparan and nearby villages reportedly participated during working hours in a Civil Contract rally in Aparan attended by the prime minister. According to eyewitnesses, school administrators removed students from classes so they could greet the prime minister, and provided them with flags, and issued detailed instructions regarding students’ appearance and clothing, including recommendations that girls wear braided hairstyles. Students from the Tsaghkashen village school were allegedly provided with Civil Contract T-shirts.

On May 15, Arman Tatoyan, leader of the “Wings of Unity” party, published an audio recording of Lusine Grigoryan, a lecturer at Armavir Regional State College and a member of the “Civil Contract” faction of the Armavir Council of Elders, ordering the college students to participate in a “Civil Contract” campaign event and saying she herself had been ordered to organize it. Although the Deputy Minister of Education later stated that Grigoryan was a mere librarian acting without authority and had been reprimanded, the government made no broader investigation into possible institutional involvement or coercion.

On May 21, representatives of several educational and cultural institutions were reportedly involved in campaign activities during a “Civil Contract” campaign event attended by the prime minister in Verin Artashat village of Ararat Province. At Verin Artashat Secondary School, classes ended earlier than scheduled so that students could attend the rally. Teachers and the school principal, Shushanik Hakhnazaryan, also participated. The acting director of the Artashat Charles Aznavour Cultural Center, Ninel Gabrielyan, and cultural center employee and choreographer Tiruhi Soghomonyan, reportedly organized children from the center to attend the event. The “Akanates” observation mission subsequently filed administrative complaints for these apparently prohibited activities.

Opposition party members interviewed by IODA provided numerous, detailed accounts similar to these events, suggesting that such practices were not isolated incidents but part of a broader trend in multiple regions during the campaign period. In addition, they repeatedly alleged that tax authorities, law enforcement agencies, and other state-controlled institutions pressured or intimidated opposition-affiliated individuals, business owners, local community leaders, and public-sector employees to end their support for opposition parties, but did not provide specific evidence. They cited threatened inspections, criminal or administrative proceedings, loss of employment, and other forms of institutional pressure as contributing to a climate of fear and self-censorship, discouraging open political participation and support for opposition parties. IODA was not able to verify individual cases supporting these allegations.

Fear and Intimidation of Voters, Voting Suppression
The elections are taking place amid an atmosphere of serious political polarization among voters, persistent reports of fear and intimidation by government officials, and overarching concerns about foreign influence in the elections. In at least ten interviews, members of political opposition parties reported voters expressing fear and intimidation as the primary reason they were avoiding participating in political rallies, being seen with opposition candidates, or even voting. In particular, they repeatedly cited fears expressed by municipal and government employees – teachers, police officers, and utility workers in particular – that their superiors at work would penalize them or ask them to resign if they appeared to be supporting opposition parties. In addition, every member of the opposition questioned reported that they believe they are being surveilled by state agencies. This included allegations of phone wiretapping and bugged campaign offices.

Observer organizations, such as an interim report by Eyewitness/Akanates, also detailed several cases in which political actors and private employers allegedly used workplace leverage to mobilize employees for campaign activities or influence their political participation. Reported incidents included the organized transportation of employees to rallies, pressure to attend campaign events, and alleged threats related to employment status or promises of financial incentives tied to electoral support. These allegations involved companies and political actors associated with multiple parties, including “Civil Contract,” “Prosperous Armenia,” “Strong Armenia,” and “For the Republic.” Domestic observer organizations referred several cases to law enforcement authorities.

Prime Minister Pashinyan’s aggressive and abrasive interactions with voters, documented in now viral videos, emerged repeatedly as a factor contributing to voters’ fears and a climate of intimidation against government critics. Much of his violent rhetoric has targeted Armenian refugees from Artsakh, drawing on popular resentment at the costs of the war to Armenian citizens.

On March 22, during a campaign event in the Yerevan metro, Pashinyan approached a forcibly displaced woman from Nagorno-Karabakh, Armine Mosiyan, and her child, offering them a pin featuring the map of the Republic of Armenia. After Mosiyan refused and explained her reasons, Pashinyan continued arguing with her despite her repeated requests that he refrain. He raised his voice, pointed his finger at her, and stated that billions earned by Armenian citizens had been spent on sustaining Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, calling the woman and other Artsakh refugees “runaways.” Pashinyan eventually issued a partial apology. Nevertheless, pro-government media outlets continued targeting Mosiyan after the incident, further amplifying concerns about hostility toward displaced Artsakh Armenians.

At a May 18 Civil Contract rally in Yerevan’s Arabkir district, obstetrician-gynecologist Arpine Soghoyan approached Pashinyan, criticized his policies and noted that her brother, Col. Hrant Papikyan, a high-ranking Armenian military officer/medic, remains missing in action in Artsakh. Pashinyan responded by shouting at her, associating her with opposition leaders, and threatening to make her “kneel” like he would make them kneel. As she attempted to leave, he then grabbed her hand and pulled her back, demanding that she listen to him, while his supporters shouted over her and prevented her from speaking. Later that day, responding to public criticism, Pashinyan stated: “I did not threaten the woman. I threatened Robik [Robert Kocharyan], and I am threatening him now as well. I am saying I will finish him off [slay] — I will.”

On May 18, during a contentious exchange, Pashinyan responded to criticism from Artur Osipyan (who was subsequently arrested, as noted above) with a tirade directed at displaced Artsakh Armenians, referring to Artsakh political figures and refugees as “bastards” and “scumbags,” while suggesting they had no place in Yerevan unless they adopted “the mentality of Armenian citizens.” Video footage showed Pashinyan saying to Osipyan:

Get lost, you fool. Let the pseudo-elites of Karabakh get out of here and leave. Who are these people? Get out entirely. You smashed your head into the wall — you should have gone and died in place of our children, you thieving animals. They came talking about the Karabakh issue. If the Karabakh issue mattered, you should have gone and died. Why are you alive? Why are you alive, you scum? Why didn’t you die? Why is Shahramanyan alive? Why are your so-called National Assembly members alive?

“Pashinyan’s rhetoric humiliating and stigmatizing displaced Armenian refugees from Artsakh is harmful and dangerous, inciting public hostility and contributing to the country’s polarization,” said Diana Kearney, IODA Board Member. “Pashinyan should display respect and civility to all people in Armenia, rather than attempt to generate votes by inflaming tensions.

Allegations of Foreign Influence
The most dominant feature of the political debates taking place across the country appear to revolve around competing allegations of foreign influence, foreign allegiance, and voter manipulation. This includes allegations of covert campaigns to flood public spaces with pro or anti-government messages, as well as alarmist claims about the policies that would follow the victory of competing political parties. Recent media reports have included purported leaked documents allegedly originating either from Russian or Armenian sources, detailing propaganda strategies, coordinated information campaigns, and political risk assessments concerning both government and opposition actors. At the same time, the information environment has become increasingly saturated with manipulative and often unverifiable content disseminated across social media platforms, Telegram channels, and online media outlets. This includes misleading narratives, selectively edited materials, coordinated disinformation campaigns, and suspected AI-generated or AI-manipulated content targeting both the ruling party and opposition figures alike. While the authenticity and credibility of some of these reports and materials have been factually contested, they nevertheless continue to shape the broader electoral environment and political discourse.

A number of civil society groups expressed particular concern about a Russian government plot to bribe and pressure Armenian voters in Russia to travel to Armenia to vote for the “Strong Armenia” party, which the ruling party accuses of being backed by the Russian government. Armenia ’s Foreign Intelligence Service first issued claims about this plot on March 10, 2026, stating that Russia’s Federal Security Service was pressuring Armenian businessmen to pay 80,000 Armenian voters to travel to Armenia to support Strong Armenia. Civil Contract officials linked the allegations to the “Strong Armenia” party and its leader, Samvel Karapetyan.

At least one civil society group monitoring the elections said they had independently documented 80 cases of Armenians in Armenia reporting that their relatives in Russia were being offered transport, promised assistance getting Russian passports, and subjected to pressure to travel to Armenia to vote for the Strong Armenia Party. However, IODA did not receive any direct evidence of such a plot and in particular any evidence linking such a plot to the Russian government.

U.S. and European officials have also weighed in on the election in Armenia, publicly endorsing Pashinyan. Most recently, on May 28, President Donald Trump issued a tweet strongly endorsing him. Likewise, during the EPC Summit in Yerevan, earlier in May, French President Emmanuel Macron openly acknowledged and defended his political support for Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, stating during a press conference that he “undertakes this support” and openly backs Pashinyan and his political course.

“The elections are taking place in a challenging environment of claims and counterclaims of foreign interference and manipulation, but little discussion about the domestic platforms and plans each party will offer the country if elected,” said Philippe Kalfayan, IODA Board Member. “What will matter most to voters is what Armenia’s newly elected government delivers to the people who live here, including respecting their civil and political rights, and defending national values and dignity.”

IODA is an independent, ad hoc analytical body that observes, documents, and assesses political and institutional developments relevant to democratic governance and civic space in Armenia. The Initiative does not conduct formal election monitoring or endorse political actors, and its mandate is distinct from accredited domestic and international observation missions. Guided by the principles of independence, non-partisanship, evidence-based analysis, and transparency, IODA provides objective, verified assessments through direct engagement and constructive dialogue with local stakeholders. Read more by clicking here.

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The opposition will take to the streets, Pashinyan will send his guards to arrest people

June 2, 2026June 2, 2026 Greg Madatian

June: 2, 2026

If Armenia became economically and energetically dependent on Azerbaijan, which, in fact, Nikol Pashinyan is leading with his current policy, it may end with the absorption of Armenia by Azerbaijan and Turkey and the destruction of Armenian statehood. 168 TVof Revue on the air of the program Aram Abrahamyan, editor-in-chief of “Aravot” daily, public speaker spoke about the National Assembly elections to be held on Sunday, possible post-election developments, manipulation of the Russian factor and threats to Armenia, stressing that Azerbaijan and Turkey remain the main threats to Armenia’s security.

The columnist of “Aravot” considers the approach of the current authorities that “Azerbaijan is the guarantor of Armenia’s security” to be more dangerous.

Aram Abrahamyan is skeptical that these authorities will succeed in replacing the Russian gas supplied to Armenia with Azerbaijani gas, because there is no infrastructure, but if it comes to that, the Republic of Armenia will eventually suffer the same fate that happened to the Armenian Artsakh in 2023.

“Azerbaijan can close the gas valve at any time.” You become dependent on the country that wants to absorb you, that wants to destroy Armenian statehood. If this continues, sooner or later we will actually join Azerbaijan and Turkey,” commented Aram Abrahamyan.

The interlocutor also makes remarkable predictions about the results of the parliamentary elections and possible post-election developments, noting that Nikol Pashinyan’s electorate and support among the population has clearly decreased.

The respected columnist calls on all conscious people to simply recall what Pashinyan and his teammates promised in the 2021 elections and what they are doing now. Remembering his editorial experience and the elections held in Armenia in the previous decades, the editor-in-chief of “Aravot” believes that Nikol Pashinyan will not manage to stay in Armenia for a third term, as the previous leaders of the country did not.

«I think that no one will manage to stay in Armenia for a third term, because people’s patience is running outAram Abrahamyan thinks.

The editor-in-chief of “Aravot” draws attention to the obvious election violations and anti-democratic processes that are already being recorded, the abuse of power and administrative resources by Pashinyan’s team, the persecution of oppositionists and the distribution of actual election bribes. Abrahamyan is convinced that if there are elections held under conditions of fair and equal competition, then Pashinyan’s party will not get a constitutional majority in the parliament. He considers the possibility of CP to get even a simple majority doubtful, but adds that in any case, Pashinyan will not give up his power just like that.

“I think that Pashinyan does not have the support that he had in 2021, and this support has also decreased because his main competitor is not Kocharyan. now there are also Samvel Karapetyan, Tsarukyan, Tatoyan, and if people have any awareness, then they should remember what they promised in 2021 and what they are doing now. Support has dwindled. I cannot say with percentages, but I can say with certainty that if there are fair elections, Pashinyan will not get a constitutional majority. He might get a simple majority, but that is also doubtful, therefore, he has to take some steps that are illegal, to draw numbers, to incite disagreements or by other means, because it is clear that Pashinyan will not give up his power just like that. Right now, the election campaign is not going on in fair and equal conditions, because opposition figures, opposition activists from “Strong Armenia” and other parties are constantly being arrested, that is, CP and opposition parties are not on equal terms. I don’t know if Macron or Ursula notice it or not,” the interlocutor says.

The editor-in-chief of “Aravot” predicts the following possible development, that if CP succeeds in getting 51 percent of the votes, the opposition forces will go to the streets, and then Pashinyan will send his “guards”, they will break people’s heads and announce: “The Russians wanted to stage a coup d’état and change the elected government.”

However, according to Aram Abrahamyan, the good news is that the regime formed by violence and lies will not be able to keep its power for long.

“The good news is that the government formed by such violence and lies cannot survive for 5 years. We already have this experience. such a government becomes very dependent on power structures, international structures and will not be able to hold power for long”– thinks Aram Abrahamyan.

In this context, he also refers to foreign interventions in Armenia’s political processes, distinguishing the open support of Western countries, Turkey and Azerbaijan to Pashinyan and Russia’s approaches. According to Aram Abrahamyan, Trump, Fidan, Macron say. “Pashinyan is our boy”, but Russia did not make such a statement that Moscow supports this or that candidate.

However, Aram Abrahamyan records that Russia is exerting pressure on Armenia, not so much with the aim of Pashinyan not remaining in power, but to make Pashinyan do what they want.

«It’s not like Trump, Fidan, Macron say that Pashinyan is our boy. Russians do not say that so-and-so is their candidate. I have not heard such an official statement from Russia. They are putting pressure on Pashinyan, knowing his character and reacting a little to the meeting of the leaders of European countries, the actual enemies of Russia, in Yerevan. But on the other hand, it is not the case that Pashinyan will not do what Russia says if he has to keep his seat. Armenia can become a Russian province during Pashinyan’s rule“, the interlocutor mentioned.

Aram Abrahamyan believes that Russia will continue to exert pressure on Armenia, regardless of the outcome of the elections, and it is not Nikol Pashinyan or Alen Simonyan who suffer, but the Armenian peasants and businessmen. According to Abrahamyan, the “real perashki eaters” – ordinary people – will suffer, and the authorities, who are dollar millionaires, pretend that they are “perashki” eaters, they have come out of the “people’s lap”.

“If you came out of the people’s bosom, then be kind enough to answer the people with your heart, not like this. If you say to someone, even the most recent criminal. “Why didn’t you die, why didn’t you die?” that is, “I prefer you to die”, then you cannot be a democrat,” the publicist added.

Speaking about Azerbaijan’s territorial demands towards Armenia and the readiness of the current government of Armenia to fulfill Azerbaijan’s demands, Aram Abrahamyan mentioned the following. “Pashinyan says that the issue of Tigranashen will be resolved as a result of border demarcation. I am terrified. What does that mean? Suppose we took Artsvashen and gave them Tigranashen, is that equal? Tigranashen is located on our North-South road, they can block that road at any time. I am horrified when they say such things. So, Azerbaijani narratives repeat themselves»։

Full interview in the video.

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EU Mulls More ‘Support’ For Armenia

June 2, 2026June 2, 2026 Eduard Nalbandian

Karine Simonian
Anush Mkrtchian

June 02, 2026

Belgium – EU Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos gestures during a press conference in Brussels on March 17, 2026.

The European Union promised on Tuesday to help Armenia cope with growing economic pressure exerted by Russia in response to the Armenian government’s desire to join the EU.

EU Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos spoke with Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan following Moscow’s decisions to practically ban key imports from Armenia vital for the South Caucasus nation’s economy.

According to the Armenian Foreign Ministry, they discussed, among other things, “mechanisms” for boosting EU-Armenia trade. Kos said, for her part, that she “reiterated the EU’s solidarity with Armenia in the face of growing economic coercion by Russia.”

“We are looking into ways to increase EU support for Armenia in the short term,” she wrote on X. “We will also accelerate our work bolstering trade and energy links to and within the South Caucasus, supporting Armenia’s economic links with its immediate neighborhood.”

The EU’s two top officials, Antonio Costa and Ursula von der Leyen, did not pledge additional economic aid to Armenia when they met with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian on May 5 the day after a European Political Community summit in Yerevan. Moscow reacted furiously to those gatherings, accusing Pashinian’s government of siding with the EU against Armenia’s traditional ally.

Participants of the 8th European Political Community summit pose for a family photo in Yerevan, May 4, 2026.

Russian President Vladimir Putin said on May 9 that Yerevan should choose “as soon as possible” between continuing to seek EU membership or remaining part of an ex-Soviet trade bloc that guarantees Armenian exporters’ tariff-free access to the Russian market. Russian authorities began banning the import of Armenian agricultural products, mineral water and alcohol about two weeks later.

Russia accounted for 35.8 percent of Armenia’s foreign trade last year, compared with the EU’s 11.7 percent share. The Russian embargo could hit many Armenian farmers, agribusiness firms and alcohol producers particularly hard.

Pashinian sought to reassure them on Tuesday as he campaigned for the June 7 parliamentary elections. He said, in particular, that his government has already found new export markets for them in Europe. He did not elaborate.

Former Robert Kocharian, who leads one of the three main opposition groups running in the elections, shrugged off Pashinian’s assurances.

“European farmers don’t let anyone enter their market at all,” he said. “What Russia is saying is that it is not ready to finance Armenia’s path to the European Union.”

Some Armenian entrepreneurs, whose trucks carrying agricultural produce have been turned away from the Russian border in recent days, were also skeptical. As one of them told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service: “Will Spain let us sell tomatoes in Europe? Will Bulgaria let us sell green pepper there? Or will France let us sell cognac there?”

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RFE/RL – Armenian Opposition Figure Arrested Ahead Of Elections

June 2, 2026June 2, 2026 Arpi Talalian

June 02, 2026

Armenia – Aleksan Aleksanian addresses a Strong Armenia rally in Yerevan.

Five days before Armenia’s parliamentary elections, law-enforcement authorities on Tuesday arrested a senior member of billionaire Samvel Karapetian’s Strong Armenia bloc and raided several campaign offices of another major opposition contender led by former President Robert Kocharian.

Both opposition forces accused them of continuing to execute Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s orders to try to influence the election results through crackdowns on the ruling Civil Contract party’s leading election challengers.

Strong Armenia’s Aleksan Aleksanian was swiftly charged with large-scale vote buying and money laundering. The Investigative Committee said that since last September Aleksanian has hired some 1,400 people to work for a non-governmental organization that formed the backbone of Karapetian’s opposition movement.

The law-enforcement agency claimed that they were paid to attend the movement’s rallies under the guise of their wages. It did not explain why it thinks that their jobs registered with tax authorities were fictitious.

Armenia – Billionaire and opposition leader Samvel Karapetian meets with residents of Kotayk province at his home in Yerevan, May 24, 2026.

The committee said that the movement received over 763 million drams ($2 million) from Karapetian’s charity and two firms to pay those individuals’ wages. It did not back up its claim that the money was “obtained as a result of criminal activity.”

In anticipation of his arrest, Aleksanian recorded overnight a video appeal to supporters. It was posted on Strong Armenia’s social media accounts a few hours after he was taken into custody and indicted.

“My dear people, if you watch this video, it means that I have been detained or arrested,” Aleksanian said. “All this is the result of this regime’s fears, weakness and ineptness.”

The authorities “will not succeed,” he said, expressing confidence that Pashinian and Civil Contract will be defeated on Sunday.

Dozens and possibly hundreds of Strong Armenia members or supporters have been arrested in recent months on charges of giving or taking vote bribes. Karapetian’s bloc rejects them as politically motivated.

Armenia – Former President Robert Kocharian and senior members of his Hayastan bloc campaign in Spitak, May 29, 2026.

The authorities have opened a smaller number of such criminal cases against the two other opposition heavyweights, Kocharian’s Hayastan alliance and businessman Gagik Tsarukian’s Prosperous Armenia Party (BHK). Also, Andranik Tevanian, who is second on the BHK’s list of election candidates, was arrested on May 23 on charges of spying for Russian intelligence strongly denied by him.

On Tuesday, investigators searched Hayastan’s campaign offices in Ashtarak, a town 21 kilometers west of Yerevan, as well as the home of an opposition lawmaker overseeing them. They did not immediately comment on the raids strongly condemned by Ishkhan Saghatelian, a leading Hayastan member. He claimed that Pashinian’s administration keeps trying to disrupt the bloc’s election campaign and bully its supporters.

“Nikol Pashinian, you and the law-enforcement system catering for you have long been predictable and you will not achieve any results with such actions,” Saghatelian said in a video statement posted on Facebook.

The ruling party itself is accused by the Armenian opposition of trying to buy votes with mostly public money. None of its members or supporters have been prosecuted on corresponding charges. Nor have the law-enforcement authorities launched formal investigations into reports that schoolchildren, teachers and other public sector employees are illegally ordered to attend Pashinian’s campaign rallies.

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GCC Marks Armenian Genocide Anniversary

June 2, 2026June 2, 2026 Garo Vardanian

Glendale – May 31 2026

Alina Garcia, Staff Writer • May 31, 2026

The 111 year commemoration of the Armenian Genocide brought together the remembrance, culture , and community in a meaniful way. This event was held at Glendale Community College, the event was more than just a memorial it was an experience that connected the past to the present through art, conversation, and even sharing understanding.

As many people walked into the student center they were welcomed in by so many paintings and creatity. Paintinging and artwork lined the space and each piece telling its own story. From artworks telling a story of loss, remembrance, survival, and even identity. There would be art work that was really emotional showing the pain of genoicide while others were focused how Armenian culture has continued to thrice despite tragedy. It helped make those who don’t understand the importance of this special day how very personal it is and how important it is in history.

In addition to the art there were also vendors and community meme nerds giving away idetms and sharing resources. Some tables offered really welll handmade items , treats, and even informational materials about about Armenian history. Others provided free items creating welcoming and generous environment. Throughout this event it didn’t feel like a formal it was more of a community gathering where many people feel connected , they learn more , and also support one another during this anniversary.

Food also was provided, it helped bring people together. Traditional Armenian dishes were provided allowing others outside the aremian culture to also try some amazing food. When sharing this food it has a perk of showing people that culture is not only just in history books but also can be through everyday traditions like cooking and eating together.

Throughout the whole night the important thing was when there was a presentation about the event. The slideshow shared details about the aremian genocide, and why it’s important to remember it today. Many others also shared stories , historical facts, and person reflections. Listening to these speakers made it clear that this is not only just something about history but something that some of these families can be affected with till this day. The words on screen and even from people mouth can be a clear awareness of education, and preventing future acts of violence.

Overall the event of this remembrance with culture and community was really azmaing. Throughout the food, art, generosity and powerful storytelling the event honored so much. It shows us that even after 111 years the memory of the Armenian Genocide continues to live on not only in history books but also in everyone’s voice , creativity, and even unity of those who remember it today.

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Closing immunity gaps in Armenia – local evidence driving action to strengthe

June 2, 2026June 2, 2026 Lilit Nahapetian

UN – World Health Organization

June 2 2026

1 June 2026

News release

Reading time: 3 min (690 words)

Armenia is taking decisive steps to close immunity gaps and prevent future outbreaks of vaccine‑preventable diseases. Although the country has maintained overall high immunization coverage for more than 2 decades, measles outbreaks in 2023 and 2024 revealed pockets of un- and under‑vaccination – often hidden within otherwise high national coverage.

To better understand and address these immunity gaps, the Ministry of Health and National Centre for Disease Control and Prevention conducted an in‑depth assessment across 3 regions (marzes) – Armavir, Gegharquniq and Yerevan – with technical support from WHO and funding from Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance. The findings were discussed with national and local health authorities, health workers and academia on 29 April 2026 to guide development of an Immunization Equity Improvement Plan.

“As the country has progressed from identifying immunization gaps and the factors contributing to them to designing and implementing targeted interventions, the action plan to address immunization inequities will guide concrete activities at the facility, marz and national levels – ensuring that every child, in every community, is protected,” says Zaruhi Grigoryan, Deputy Director General of the National Centre for Disease Control and Prevention in Armenia.

Taking a closer look: finding the reasons for under-vaccinated children

Using an approach developed by WHO to address inequities in immunization programmes, Armenia mapped the geographic location in the targeted marzes of the children who have missed their vaccination doses, followed by triangulation of facility‑level measles/mumps/rubella vaccine (MMR) coverage and measles surveillance data from 2023 and 2024. Eight health facilities were prioritized for site visits to review immunization records, and behavioural insights research was carried out with caregivers of fully vaccinated, partially vaccinated and unvaccinated children in the catchment areas of these identified health facilities.

Why are children falling behind with their routine vaccinations? Insights from health workers and caregivers

The findings show that Armenia’s immunization programme is robust: vaccination is available free-of-cost 5 days a week, waiting times are short, stockouts are rare and health workers are committed.

But the investigation uncovered several factors contributing to under‑vaccination in the reviewed areas.

Missed opportunities. Some paediatricians reported requesting pre‑vaccination tests, which are not part of the approved protocol, and many reported being more cautious than what the national contraindication guidelines suggest; for example, postponing vaccination if a child presented with a mild cold, thereby creating missed opportunities to vaccinate on time.
Communication. Health workers reported that they felt well‑prepared to speak with caregivers but relied on one‑size‑fits‑all communication strategies. Although they noted that autism and vaccine safety, especially around MMR, are frequently raised concerns, they did not have specific strategies to address these topics directly with caregivers.
“Drop out” risk. Most under‑vaccinated children had received some of their routine vaccine doses at the health facility but had dropped out prior to receiving the first dose of MMR at 1 year of age, suggesting insufficient follow-up or potentially negative experiences with vaccination or the health facility.
Documentation gaps. For many children classified as under‑vaccinated, no reason for missing a vaccine dose was recorded in facility journals, preventing targeted outreach.

From evidence to action

These findings will drive efforts to address vaccination gaps in Armenia. Health authorities, experts and partners came together to translate this evidence into actions as part of an Immunization Equity Improvement Plan, with the aim to reach every child with all recommended vaccine doses. Planned actions include:

standardizing the documentation of reasons for missed or delayed doses;
introducing structured reminder and recall systems, including text messages and follow‑up calls;
reducing missed vaccination opportunities around unwarranted contraindications through targeted paediatrician training;
strengthening the communication skills of health professionals to better address common concerns and rumours; and
enhancing data quality and use within Armenia’s electronic immunization system.

A model for the WHO European Region

Armenia’s commitment to equity‑focused, data‑driven improvement reflects the goals of the European Immunization Agenda 2030, which calls for tailored local action to reach under‑served groups.

“By combining facility assessment, behavioural insights research and surveillance data, Armenia is setting an example for other countries working to restore or sustain high vaccination uptake in all communities,” says Dr Siddhartha Datta, WHO Representative in Armenia and Head of Country Office.

—

Saakashvili says Russia will march through Georgia to attack Armenia if Pashin

June 2, 2026June 2, 2026 Aram Torosian

OC Media

June 2 2026

Saakashvili says Russia will march through Georgia to attack Armenia if Pashinyan wins

by Mikheil Gvadzabia

Georgia’s imprisoned former president Mikheil Saakashvili has suggested a scenario in which Russia could occupy Armenia via Georgia if incumbent Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan wins in the upcoming parliamentary elections. Saakashvili also criticised the Georgian government, claiming it would ‘agree’ to a potential demand from Moscow.

‘Despite Zakharova’s praise of [the ruling Georgian Dream party], Putin’s threats toward Armenia are very dangerous for Georgia’, Saakashvili wrote in a Facebook post on Monday, referring to positive comments by Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova about the foreign policy of the ruling Georgian Dream party.

Saakashvili claimed that if Pashinyan wins the 7 June parliamentary elections — which Saakashvili emphasised he ‘very much wants’ — Moscow will ‘immediately switch to plan B’.

‘[This is what] was done by [Russia] in Georgia, after I disrupted their plans in 2007 by calling and winning the presidential elections’, Saakshvili wrote, referring to the snap presidential election in Georgia in January 2008, following a political crisis. Saakashvili remained in power and the August 2008 War erupted later that year, which Saakashvili was likely referring to as Moscow’s ‘plan B’.

According to Saakashvili, who regularly comments on Georgian and international affairs from prison, ‘in this great geopolitical game, Moscow will not remember at all how it was appeased’ by Georgian Dream founder Bidzina Ivanishvili, whom critics have repeatedly accused of pulling Georgia toward Russia’s political orbit.

‘Now Russia is threatening to send troops into Armenia, which would only be possible via Georgia, and if Russia decides to carry out such an operation, it will inevitably also occupy Georgia’, he added.

‘Russia will ask Ivanishvili to allow the passage of troops, and he will of course agree, and the public will be told that this does not concern us’, he wrote, adding that ‘after the occupation of Armenia, Russia will fully take over Georgia as well and will temporarily leave Ivanishvili as a leader, while completely controlling all aspects of Georgian life, securing recognition of occupied territories, and massively eliminating elements in Georgia that are undesirable to Russia’.

Saakashvili also accused Ivanishvili of preparing the ground for a Russian occupation, including ‘weakening the army’ and killing its ‘fighting spirit’.

‘We all have to bet on the strengthening of Ukraine as the only way to save ourselves and the Armenians’, Saakashvili wrote.

‘I do not want this prophecy of mine to come true, and the only thing that can prevent it is active military action on Ukraine’s part and the ultimate weakening of the Russian military machine, which I truly hope for’, he concluded.

While Moscow has not issued a direct threat to send troops to Armenia, it has repeatedly expressed dissatisfaction over Armenia’s EU aspirations, amidst worsening relations between Moscow and Yerevan.

Leaked documents show Russian plans to unseat Pashinyan, ties between Karapetyan and Putin

In January, when Kremlin propagandist Vladimir Solovyov voiced the idea of Russia launching a new ‘special military operation’ against Armenia or Central Asia. The Russian Foreign Ministry distanced itself from his remarks, however, Zakharova did not directly criticise Solovyov at the time.

Georgian Dream repeatedly denies critics’ claims that it is isolating Georgia from its traditional Western partners and pursuing a course favourable to Russia. Meanwhile, the ruling party has accused Saakashvili of instigating conflict with Russia in 2008 — something it crystalised in its 2025 anti-opposition report, declaring Saakashvili’s rule as a ‘bloody regime’.

Saakashvili, one of the leaders of the 2003 Rose Revolution that overthrew then-President Eduard Shevardnadze following rigged parliamentary elections, was elected president in 2004 with an overwhelming majority through popular vote.

He remained in office throughout a tumultuous period of Georgian history, including the August 2008 War.

In the 2012 elections, Saakashvili and his United National Movement (UNM) party were defeated by the Ivanishvili-led Georgian Dream coalition, ending the party’s nine-year rule.

The following year, in 2013, Saakashvili’s presidential term also came to an end and he left the country soon after. Moving to Ukraine, he acquired citizenship there, and took up official positions.

In total, six cases were opened against Saakashvili under Georgian Dream’s rule, including for alleged abuse of power and embezzlement of state funds.

After facing multiple charges in absentia, Saakashvili was detained in October 2021 following his secret return to Georgia. He is expected to be released from prison in 2032.

—

Sports: The Armenian Basketball Pioneer Reshaping What’s Possible for the Next

June 2, 2026June 2, 2026 Babken Chilingarian

ABC Money, UK

June 1 2026

News Team

1 June 2026 2 Min Read

10 0

Gary Chivichyan got a standing ovation at the Intuit Dome during Armenian Heritage Night this past April. For most fans in the building, it was a nice moment. For the Armenian basketball community, it meant something else entirely.

It meant someone had actually made it.

Armenian athletes have carved out serious careers in soccer, tennis, wrestling, and MMA for decades. Basketball? That’s been a different story. The road from youth leagues to Division I, then professional play, then the NBA pipeline — it’s one of the most brutal filtering systems in sports. Very few people worldwide get through it. Even fewer from communities that haven’t historically had a blueprint to follow.

Chivichyan built one anyway.

At the collegiate level, he became one of the more productive players in his program’s history — earning conference recognition, ranking among the school’s all-time leaders in three-point shooting, and helping drive a successful Division I run. After graduation, he took his game overseas, competing professionally across multiple countries and picking up International All-Star recognition along the way.

Then came the part that’s harder to achieve than most people realize.

He broke into the NBA development pipeline. Multiple pre-draft workouts. Multiple training camps — G League and NBA. Time inside the Sacramento Kings and Los Angeles Clippers systems. And in July 2025, he officially made a roster and competed in the NBA Summer League. By most accounts, he’s the only player of full Armenian descent to reach that level of professional basketball exposure. Full stop.

That’s not a small thing. And here’s where it gets interesting: the impact of a career like this isn’t measured only in stats or contract values. It’s measured in what becomes imaginable for the kid watching from the stands.

For young Armenian basketball players growing up in Los Angeles, there simply weren’t many examples of someone who looked like them getting that far in the sport. Other communities had their trailblazers. Armenian basketball didn’t — not at this level.

Now it does.

Chivichyan’s attention has shifted to making sure that pipeline gets wider. His Los Angeles-based program, Blueprint Project, is built specifically for young athletes chasing the same path he once navigated alone. The model mixes skill development with mentorship and real guidance for families trying to figure out how competitive basketball actually works — the recruiting process, the exposure events, the decisions that shape a career before most kids turn 18.

The results are already showing up. One of Blueprint Project’s athletes, Rafayel Masumyan, recently secured a Division I opportunity — the kind of outcome that validates the entire model. Several others have moved into higher levels of competition.

The question of where Chivichyan’s career ultimately ranks in Armenian sports history is fair to debate. But what’s not really debatable? The doors he opened, the visibility he created, and the fact that a generation of young players now has evidence — actual, tangible evidence — that reaching the highest levels of basketball is possible.

For some kids, that’s the only proof they needed.

—

California Courier Online, June 1, 2026

June 2, 2026June 2, 2026 Kalantarian Kevo

California
Courier Online, June 1, 2026

1- Russia, the U.S., and the EU Should

Keep Out of Armenia’s Domestic Affairs

By Harut
Sassounian

TheCaliforniaCourier.com

2- Israeli Desecrates Armenian Monastery in Jerusalem

3- How Armenia Lost Its Strategic Compass

4- Cher at 80: The Armenian Christian roots behind the woman rumored to never age

5- Millions of Dollars Paid in Bonuses to Armenia’s Provincial Governors and Staffers

6- Forbes included Eurnekian, Karapetyan, Vardanyan, and Kardashian in the ranking of the world’s richest people

7- Senate Candidate Graham Platner Questioned

the Armenian Genocide in Now-Deleted Post

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1- Russia, the U.S., and the EU Should

Keep Out of Armenia’s Domestic Affairs

By Harut Sassounian

TheCaliforniaCourier.com

No foreign country should meddle in the internal affairs of Armenia — a sovereign and independent country. Its people are the only ones entitled to choose their government leaders and determine their policies.

Ironically, those Armenians who have been screaming day and night about Russian intervention remain completely silent when Western countries (the European Union and the United States) blatantly intervene in Armenia’s domestic affairs. Those who think that Western interference, as opposed to Russia’s, is harmless and acceptable, are either ignorant of, or naïve about, international affairs.

Foreign leaders (whether from the East, West, North or South) do not offer anything to Armenia out of the goodness of their hearts. They are simply pursuing their self-interests.

The problem is that Armenia’s leaders, throughout history, have not distinguished themselves by their knowledge of international relations. Armenians ignore, to their detriment, developments around the world that may affect their lives or their very survival. When you are a small and weak country, you cannot afford to be oblivious to events taking place around you. Otherwise, you become vulnerable to external threats. What you need to do is strengthen yourself as much as possible and then, using skillful diplomacy, seek to minimize those threats.

Armenians, justifiably, have a very negative view of Turkey and its leaders. However, we must admit that Turkish leaders, like their Ottoman predecessors, are very skillful in international politics. For centuries, Ottoman sultans were able to pit major foreign powers against each other and repeatedly switched sides to protect their empire’s interests. Pres. Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s actions are a continuation of that traditional tightrope walk. Erdogan has exceptional skills in maneuvering in troubled international waters. Armenia does not have now, and rarely had in the past, a leader with similar skills.

The second problem is that Armenians approach foreign relations emotionally — based on who they like and who they dislike. International relations cannot be compared to personal relationships. You can interact even with your enemies if doing so benefits your country.

The third problem is that Armenians, throughout their history, have always expected a foreign power to come and rescue them from their enemies. Armenians may have had such unrealistic expectations at the beginning of their history. However, after thousands of years of being subjected to invasions, mass killings, and even genocide, one would think that they would finally wake up and, having seen that no foreign power has ever come to their rescue, conclude that no one is going to help them.

Regrettably, Armenians have never learned the necessary lessons from their tragic history. Even today, they are expecting some foreign country to defend them. In recent decades, Armenians vainly hoped that Russia would protect them, as if it were obligated to do so. All countries only protect their own interests, not those of others. Being utterly disappointed by Russia’s lack of action during the 2020 Artsakh War, and even more so during Azerbaijan’s invasion and occupation of parts of the Republic of Armenia’s territory in 2021 and 2022, most Armenians started looking elsewhere in vain for their country’s protection. Their disappointment was based on the fact that Armenia and Russia, along with several other former Soviet republics, had signed a mutual defense treaty — the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization). That treaty was supposed to protect the Republic of Armenia. However, Armenians forget that treaties are often considered just pieces of paper. All countries place their national interests ahead of any treaty obligations they may have.

After being understandably disappointed by Russia, one would have thought that Armenians would conclude that no one is going to come to Armenia’s rescue, and stop searching for a new savior. Instead, they continued their eternal search. They are now hoping that France, the European Union, or the United States will be their new saviors. However, if Armenia comes under attack, neither the EU nor the United States will come to its rescue. It is naïve to expect that these foreign countries would risk their soldiers’ lives to defend Armenia’s borders. That is the obligation of Armenia’s leaders.

Rather than vacillating between East and West, it is in Armenia’s interest to establish mutually beneficial relations with all countries in the world, without expecting any of them to come to its rescue. However, to accomplish such an important task, Armenia needs competent leadership.

I suggest that Armenians ignore the frivolous endorsements of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan by President Donald Trump, Vice President JD Vance, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio — a blatant example of foreign interference in Armenia’s domestic elections. I hope their endorsements meet the same fate as Vance’s personal visit to Budapest, Hungary, on the eve of the elections in April to support Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who suffered an overwhelming defeat.

What Armenians need is action, not empty words. Trump, Vance, and Rubio did not lift a finger to obtain the release of Artsakh leaders illegally detained in Baku since 2023. Nor did they condemn Pashinyan’s persecution of the Armenian Apostolic Church. This shows that their multiple declarations about protecting Christians around the world are nothing but hot air.

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2- Israeli Desecrates Armenian Monastery in Jerusalem

International Middle East Media Center

A video recorded days earlier shows an Israeli pooping in the parking lot of the Armenian Patriarchate, thus desecrating the site. This act was condemned by the Jerusalem Governorate as part of a growing and documented pattern of attacks targeting Christian clergy, churches, and religious symbols across the city.

The Jerusalem Governorate said Monday that a video filmed four days earlier near the Armenian Monastery in the Old City of Jerusalem captures an Israeli violating the sanctity of the site, provoking widespread anger among Christian residents and church institutions.

The footage shows the Israeli engaging in behavior described as a direct insult to one of Jerusalem’s most significant Christian landmarks.

In its statement, the Governorate said the act constitutes a deliberate provocation against the Christian community and an assault on a historic religious institution that has stood in the Armenian Quarter for centuries.

It added that the incident reflects a broader escalation in attacks carried out by Israelis against Christian clergy, churches, and religious symbols in Jerusalem.

Christian clergy and local residents have repeatedly reported a surge in harassment, including spitting attacks, verbal abuse, vandalism of church property, and attempts to intimidate priests and monks.

Armenian and Greek Orthodox clergy have documented dozens of such incidents in recent months, many occurring within meters of Israeli police stations that fail to intervene or act promptly.

The Governorate stressed that the absence of accountability encourages further violations, noting that Israelis often act with full confidence that they will not be arrested or prosecuted.

Christian institutions, including the Armenian Patriarchate, have warned that these attacks are becoming routine, increasingly aggressive, and aimed at pressuring Christian communities in the city.

This latest desecration is not an isolated case. In recent weeks, Israelis have assaulted clergy, vandalized churches, disrupted religious ceremonies, and spat at Christian processions.

Similar attacks have been documented in the Armenian Quarter, the Christian Quarter, and around the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

Human rights groups and local journalists have repeatedly stated that Israeli authorities are enabling these violations by failing to enforce the law or protect Christian clergy and institutions.

The Governorate called for immediate measures to halt these attacks, hold perpetrators accountable, and implement effective protections for Jerusalem’s religious heritage.

It urged international bodies to intervene to safeguard the Christian presence in the city and ensure respect for its diverse historical and religious character.

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3- How Armenia Lost Its Strategic Compass

Armenia risks becoming a smaller version of what Syria became: a geopolitical intersection where larger powers pursue competing strategic agendas through local fragmentation.

Kevork Almassian

Kevork’s Newsletter

When I listened to my conversation with Dr. Arthur Khachikyan about Armenia’s future, I had the impression that we were no longer discussing ordinary politics in the South Caucasus. We were discussing the possible extinction of the Armenian state itself, through a long process of managed surrender, psychological exhaustion, geopolitical manipulation, and elite failure that is slowly convincing Armenians to detach themselves from the very foundations that allowed them to survive for centuries.

What struck me most during the discussion was: how does a nation with Armenia’s historical memory arrive at a moment where dismantling its own strategic position is marketed as modernization, where weakening its own state institutions is presented as reform, and where dependency on external powers is sold as sovereignty?

Because this is really the issue now. Armenia is no longer simply debating East versus West. The deeper issue is whether Armenia still possesses the political seriousness necessary for survival in an increasingly brutal geopolitical environment.

And this is where I think many Armenians, especially among the Pashinyan supporters, misunderstand the nature of the world they are entering.

For years, Armenia has been sold the fantasy that geopolitical reality can be replaced by moral branding. That if one speaks the language of democracy loudly enough, waves European flags enthusiastically enough, and distances oneself from Russia aggressively enough, then somehow the hard realities of geography, military balance, and regional power politics will soften. But history does not work that way. Geography certainly does not work that way. And the Caucasus, perhaps more than most regions on earth, punishes illusions mercilessly.

The European project being marketed inside Armenia today is built largely on emotional aspiration rather than strategic reality. Of course, many Armenians would like visa-free travel, European integration, educational opportunities, economic modernization, and closer ties with Europe. Those are understandable desires. But wanting something and possessing the geopolitical conditions necessary to secure it are not the same thing.

No serious European power is offering Armenia security guarantees. No serious Western state has demonstrated a willingness to defend Armenia against Turkish or Azerbaijani aggression. And this matters because states survive not through slogans, but through power, leverage, deterrence, and realistic balancing.

What Armenia is being offered instead is something much more dangerous: symbolic integration without actual protection.

And this is where the contradiction becomes severe.

Because the same Western actors speaking endlessly about democracy and human rights remained largely passive during the destruction of Artsakh. The same European leadership now embracing Nikol Pashinyan did not intervene meaningfully when 120,000 Armenians were displaced from their ancestral homeland. The same governments speaking about international law accepted realities imposed through military force, the moment those realities aligned with broader geopolitical interests involving Turkey, Azerbaijan, energy corridors, and the containment of Russia.

That is not an emotional complaint. It is simply how international politics functions.

And once you understand that, the deeper Armenian crisis becomes visible.

The problem is not merely Pashinyan himself, though Arthur made a devastating case against him during our discussion. The deeper problem is that large parts of Armenian political culture still approach geopolitics emotionally rather than strategically. Armenia continues searching for civilizational protectors instead of constructing durable balancing mechanisms rooted in its actual geography.

Arthur made a point during our conversation that stayed with me long after the stream ended. He said Armenians still psychologically behave as though Byzantium exists, as though Europe remains spiritually and strategically anchored in the Caucasus, as though salvation will eventually arrive from Paris or Brussels because Armenia is Christian and therefore naturally belongs to the Western world.

But the geopolitical map changed centuries ago.

Armenia today exists between Turkey, Azerbaijan, Iran, and Russia. Whether one likes that reality or not is irrelevant. States do not choose their geography. They survive by understanding it soberly.

And this is why the Zangezur corridor issue matters so profoundly.

Because what is being discussed is not merely infrastructure or trade connectivity. It is the restructuring of the South Caucasus itself. Turkey and Azerbaijan understand this very clearly. For Ankara, direct territorial and logistical connectivity stretching from Turkey through Nakhichevan into Azerbaijan and eventually toward Central Asia represents a historic geopolitical opportunity. It would deepen Turkey’s role not only in the Caucasus but across the wider Turkic world, while simultaneously strengthening NATO’s long-term access to the Caspian basin and Central Asia.

For Israel and the United States, such connectivity also weakens Iran strategically by narrowing Tehran’s northern access routes and increasing Turkish-Azerbaijani leverage in the region.

And that means Armenia is no longer merely a small republic navigating difficult neighbors. It is increasingly becoming a frontline geopolitical corridor inside a much larger struggle involving Russia, NATO, Turkey, Iran, Israel, and broader Eurasian competition.

This is precisely why the illusion of neutrality through weakness is so dangerous.

Weak states located in strategic corridors do not get left alone. They get absorbed, pressured, fragmented, instrumentalized, or transformed into arenas of competition between larger powers.

And here I think Arthur was correct to raise alarms about the gradual dismantling of Armenia’s institutional pillars.

Because once a country loses territorial confidence, military confidence, civilizational confidence, and finally historical confidence, what remains is a society psychologically prepared for managed decline.

The attack on the Armenian Apostolic Church is especially important in this context. Not because church institutions are beyond criticism; no institution is. But, because in Armenia’s case, the church historically functioned as a civilizational survival mechanism. Through genocide, imperial collapse, exile, and centuries of foreign domination, the Armenian Church helped preserve continuity when statehood itself disappeared.

So when the state begins treating the church not as a historical anchor but as an obstacle to geopolitical realignment, many Armenians naturally interpret this as civilizational severance.

And frankly, one cannot fully separate this from the broader ideological atmosphere imported into Armenia since 2018.

What we increasingly see is a familiar post-Soviet pattern: NGOs, media ecosystems, activist networks, donor structures, and externally financed political cultures reshaping national discourse until strategic realism itself becomes morally suspect. Once that process matures, questioning Western alignment becomes “treason,” caution becomes “Russian propaganda,” and geopolitical skepticism becomes “anti-democratic extremism.”

This does not mean Russia is blameless. Far from it. Russian policy toward Armenia and the wider region has often been passive, contradictory, and strategically shortsighted. Moscow clearly underestimated the scale of Western penetration into Armenian society after 2018, underestimated Turkish-Azerbaijani coordination, and failed to prevent the collapse of Artsakh despite maintaining peacekeepers on the ground.

And this is where the Iran factor becomes decisive.

The war surrounding Iran changes everything for Armenia because Armenia sits directly beside one of the central geopolitical fault lines of the emerging Eurasian conflict. If pressure on Iran intensifies further, Armenia risks becoming even more strategically contested as competing powers seek leverage over north-south transit routes, energy corridors, and regional logistics.

In other words, Armenia risks becoming a smaller version of what Syria became: a geopolitical intersection where larger powers pursue competing strategic agendas through local fragmentation.

That is why the coming Armenian elections matter far beyond domestic politics alone.

The real question is no longer whether Armenians prefer Europe or Russia emotionally. The real question is whether Armenia can still produce a leadership capable of understanding that survival in the Caucasus requires balance, realism, deterrence, diplomacy, and strategic maturity rather than ideological fantasies imported from abroad.

Because the world entering existence now is not the liberal world many Armenians still imagine.

It is a harder world. A colder world. A more transactional world.

And small states that confuse symbolism for strategy tend to disappear first.

—Kevork Almassian is a Syrian geopolitical analyst and the founder of Syriana Analysis.

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4- Cher at 80: The Armenian Christian roots behind the woman
rumored to never age

Jemimah Wright explores the extraordinary life of Cher as
the superstar celebrates her 80th birthday — from Hollywood fame and endless
reinvention to the ancient Christian faith woven through her Armenian roots.

At 80 years old, having celebrated the milestone birthday
on May 20, 2026, Cher remains one of the most recognizable women on the planet.
With her glossy black hair, razor-sharp wit and seemingly ageless appearance,
she has become a cultural phenomenon as much as a singer or actress.

Born Cherilyn Sarkisian in California in 1946, Cher is
proudly of Armenian heritage through her father, John Sarkisian, whose family
roots trace back to Armenia. That heritage carries a remarkable spiritual
history. Armenia is widely recognized as the first nation to adopt Christianity
as its state religion, doing so in AD 301, centuries before much of the Western
world embraced the faith.

I have a special love for Armenia, having taken youth
groups out for a few years running to help on Christian camps for children in
the town of Zorovan. It was there we learned that the Armenian Church became
central not only to the nation’s worship but to its survival, preserving
identity through centuries of persecution, displacement and suffering.

That suffering reached its darkest point during the
Armenian genocide of 1915, when an estimated 1.5 million Armenians were killed
under the Ottoman Empire, forcing many survivors to flee across the world. Like
countless Armenian families, Cher’s ancestors were part of a diaspora shaped by
trauma, resilience and faith. The Armenian Christian story also continued in
America through figures such as Demos Shakarian, whose family escaped
persecution before he later founded the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship
International in California – an organization I know well, as my Dad was the
European director at one point. It was, and is, a movement where Christian
businessmen shared their testimonies at dinners – inviting their friends and
colleagues to have a meal and hear the good news of Jesus.

Though Cher has never publicly embraced Christianity in a
clear or traditional sense, she has spoken openly about God and spirituality
over the years. “I only answer to two people, myself and God,” she apparently
once said. Elsewhere, she admitted her discomfort with exclusivist religion,
saying: “I have a problem with religion that makes it so, like, ‘We are the
chosen ones.’” In later life she has also expressed interest in Buddhism and
meditation, appearing more spiritually curious than doctrinally committed. Yet
the Christian heritage of Armenia still forms part of the backdrop to her story
— a faith carried through exile, persecution and survival.

Her rise to fame began in the 1960s alongside
then-husband Sonny Bono. As Sonny and Cher, the pair became famous for hits
such as I Got You Babe, with Cher’s distinctive contralto voice setting her
apart from the sweeter pop vocals of the era. What followed was a career that
constantly defied expectations. While many artists fade after one successful
decade, Cher reinvented herself repeatedly, conquering music, television, film
and even dance music across six decades.

She won an Academy Award for Moonstruck, released global
hits such as Believe, and became a fashion icon in the process. Each
reinvention seemed to arrive just as critics were ready to dismiss her. In many
ways, Cher’s enduring youthfulness has less to do with her appearance and more
to do with her refusal to become stuck in the past.

Perhaps, then, the most meaningful thing Christians could
pray for Cher as she enters her ninth decade is not simply health or continued
success, but that she would come to deeply know the faith of her forefathers,
the ancient Christian hope that sustained generations of Armenians through
suffering, exile and survival. Beneath the glamor, fame and mythology
surrounding her life is a woman made in the image of God, still deeply loved by
Him. And unlike earthly youth, that love never fades.

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5- Millions of Dollars Paid in Bonuses to Armenia’s Provincial Governors and Staffers

By Grisha Balasanyan

HETQ.am

Over the past five years, employees of Armenia’s eight provincial administrations have been paid bonuses exceeding $11.7 million. Some of them refused to tell Hetq exactly how much money high-ranking officials received as bonuses, while others urged us to examine the officials’ income declarations to be published this May.

Hetq sent a written request to all ten provincial administrations, asking them to provide information on the number of employees who received bonuses in 2021-2025 and the amounts. We also asked them to specify information about the governors and their deputies. The $11.7 million mentioned above does not include bonuses for employees of the provincial administrations of Vayots Dzor and Syunik. These two governors did not provide complete information on the employees who received bonuses and the bonus amounts. The governors of Armavir and Shirak did not report how many employees received bonuses.

Vayots Dzor Governor Vahagn Arsenyan noted in his written response to Hetq that the funds allocated to the governor’s staff, including the bonus amounts, are reflected in the law on the state budget of Armenia for each year. “I also report that the governor, deputy governors, advisors and assistants are declarant officials,” Governor Arsenyan’s response states. He, in fact, avoided providing information.

The information provided by the Secretary General of the Syunik Governor’s Office is not complete and dependable. In his response, he noted, for example, that in 2025, all employees of the provincial administration were awarded $313, in 2024, $361, etc. There is no information on how many employees were awarded annually or how much money was allocated for this purpose. Were department heads, technical workers, and the regional governor paid the same amount?

In response to the question about the bonuses received by the provincial governor and his deputies for the year, reference was made to their financial disclosures that are compulsory. These disclosures, published once a year, do not separate salaries from bonuses.

Both the governor and the deputies submit annual declarations during their term of office by May 31 of the year following the given year. That is, the declarations for 2025 will be submitted by May 31, 2026, which means that it is theoretically impossible to obtain information on bonuses before that.

The Armavir and Shirak administrations also did not report how many employees received bonuses annually, therefore it is not possible to average the data.

Compared to 2024, the total amount of bonuses in 2025 was reduced only in Gegharkunik, Aragatzotn, Lori, and Kotayk (we are talking about eight provinces, excluding Syunik and Vayots Dzor). In Gegharkunik, the total amount of bonuses in 2024 was $490,000 for 106 employees, while in 2025, 102 employees received $378,000.

The total amount of bonuses in the provincial administrations of Ararat, Armavir, Tavush, and Shirak has increased. For example, in 2024, Armavir employees received $118,000 in bonuses, rising to $283,000 in 2025. In Shirak, they received $251,000 in 2024, and $283,000.

Referring to the six provincial administrations that provided complete information on bonus payments, in 2025. employees of the Tavush provincial administration were awarded the largest amount of bonus – an average of $3,801. Aragatzotn and Gegharkunik provincial administration staffers received, on average, bonuses of $3,709, and $3,701, respectively. On average, the Ararat administration employees received the smallest bonuses – $2,220.

The data presented does not mean that all provincial administration employees received the same bonus payments. Those holding high positions were re-warded more, which is why, based on the average data of the total number of employees, the amount per person increases.

For example, in 2025, the governor of Kotayk and his two deputies received a total of $69,041 in bonuses, and the administration’s eighty one employees together received $211,000. It turns out that the governor and his deputies received an average of $23,014 in bonuses, and each employee received $2,603.

Compared to 2024, the bonuses of Kotayk Governor Aharon Sahakyan and his two deputies increased sharply, while those of the employees decreased. In 2024, the governor and his deputies received $48,913 in bonuses, and the eighty four employees received $364,130.

Of the six provinces, the largest number of employees awarded bonuses was in Gegharkunik – 639 people in five years, followed by the Lori – 577 people. The smallest number of employees awarded was in Tavush – 366.

The public in Armenia remains uninformed as to why government staffers are awarded these considerable bonuses. For what result?

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6- Forbes included Eurnekian, Karapetyan, Vardanyan, and Kardashian in the ranking of the world’s richest people

YEREVAN /ARKA/ — Forbes published its 40th annual ranking of the world’s richest people for 2026. It includes a record number of billionaires—3,428—with a combined net worth of $20.1 trillion.

The ranking includes several billionaires of Armenian descent from various countries.

Forbes lists Albert Avdolyan as the 557th richest person in the world for 2026, with a net worth of $7.1 billion. He is known as an investor, with interests in coal and energy assets, among other things. His net worth was estimated at $5 billion last year.

Argentine-Armenian entrepreneur Eduardo Eurnekian ranked 891st on the Forbes 2026 list, with a net worth of $4.6 billion. He is the owner of the diversified group Corporación América, which manages airport and energy assets. In 2025, his net worth was reported at $3.4 billion.

Samvel Karapetyan ranks 1044th on the Forbes 2026 list, with a net worth of $4.1 billion. His Forbes profile describes him as the owner of Tashir Holding, a commercial real estate development group. In 2025, his net worth was estimated at $3.2 billion.

Andrey Andreyev (Ogadzhanyants) ranked 1611th, also made the Forbes 2026 list, with a net worth of $2.6 billion. He is known as the creator of dating services and apps, including Mamba, Badoo, Bumble, Chappy, and Lumen.

Kim Kardashian is ranked 2177th Kim Kardashian. Her net worth is $1.9 billion is primarily derived from the Skims brand and other business holdings.

Noubar Afeyan is also included on the Forbes 2026 list, ranked 2177th with a net worth of $1.9 billion. He is known as the founder of Flagship Pioneering and co-founder of Moderna. In 2025, Afeyan appeared on the list with a net worth of $1.2 billion.

Artem Khachatryan, co-founder of the Fix Price chain, ranked 2274th on the Forbes 2026 list ($1.8 billion). In 2025, his net worth was estimated at $1.6 billion.

Ruben Vardanyan and his family ranked 2858th on the Forbes 2026 list ($1.3 billion). In 2025, Vardanyan and his family’s net worth was estimated at $1.2 billion. Known as the founder of the Russian stock market, Vardanyan co-founded the investment company Troika Dialog in the early 1990s. In 2013, Vardanyan and his managers sold Troika Dialog to state-owned Sberbank for $1.4 billion. In 2014, Vardanyan founded the investment boutique Vardanyan, Broitman & Partners, which serves ultra-high-net-worth individuals. In 2021, he received Armenian citizenship, later renounced his Russian citizenship, and moved to Armenia. In November 2022, Vardanyan was appointed State Minister of Artsakh. He transferred his business assets to a family trust. In February 2023, he resigned as State Minister. He has been under arrest in Azerbaijan since September 2023.

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7- Senate Candidate Graham Platner Questioned

the Armenian Genocide in Now-Deleted Post

‘I don’t think he’s going to do very well with Armenian voters in Maine,’ an Armenian human rights activist in the state said.
Left-wing Maine Senate candidate Graham Platner—who’s repeatedly accused Israel of genocide—publicly questioned the Armenian genocide in a now-deleted internet post, the Washington Free Beacon can reveal.
In a June 2016 posting to Reddit, Platner responded to a thread about Germany formally recognizing the Armenian genocide, suggesting the widely accepted mass slaughter of Armenians during World War I was more complicated.
“The problem with your statement is that Turkey fully admits the Incident happened, the issue is whether it was in fact genocide or if it was mass killing/displacement,” Platner opined.
“I’m no fan of Turkey, but it’s important to get the facts straight.”
In a later post on the same topic, Platner tried to wiggle out of his past comment by clarifying that “I do in fact believe it should be termed a genocide.” But then he dug himself deeper into a hole by claiming that “while I’m no fan of the Turks, to say the actions of the Ottomans in relation to the Armenian population is the same [as Nazi Germany] is downright incorrect … To say Turks need to bury themselves in the national shame as the Germans have is just emotional pandering.”
The Armenians, who for years have been locked in a bitter diplomatic battle with Turkey over Turkey’s longtime refusal to take responsibility for the slaughter, might disagree with Platner that the Turks don’t need to feel shame.
Up to 1.5 million Armenians were killed in the genocide in 1915 and 1916, when the Ottoman Empire carried out systematic mass murder and deportation of the Armenian people. In recent decades, the Turkish government has furiously denied the genocide and used diplomatic pressure in attempts to rewrite history and keep other countries from acknowledging the atrocities.
Platner’s post prompted criticism from an Armenian human rights activist in Maine, Anna Astvatsaturian Turcotte, who called Platner “anti-Armenian” and said his stance on the genocide would hurt him with Armenian-Americans in the state.
“There has been denial of the Armenian genocide for over 100 years … He’s not getting my vote,” Turcotte told the Free Beacon. “I don’t think he’s going to do very well with Armenian voters in Maine.”
Platner’s nuanced approach to the Armenian “incident” contrasts sharply with his repeated and claims that Israel is committing a genocide against the Palestinians in Gaza.
“I said on the day of our campaign’s launch that the genocide in Gaza is the moral test of our time,” Platner offered in a statement on the two-year anniversary of Hamas’s Oct. 7 terrorist attacks in Israel which left more than 1,200 dead. Platner had additionally called the United States “complicit” in the “genocide” and has condemned U.S. military assistance to Israel.
Historians have cited the Turks’ skillful 1920s and ’30s erasure and denial of the Armenian genocide as paving the way for the Nazi extermination of the Jews.
“Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the Armenians?” Adolf Hitler said in 1939 as Germany’s mass murders of Jews were beginning to accelerate—in a quote which now hangs in the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, D.C.
In addition to Platner’s Reddit post, Turcotte criticized his January rally with Deqa Dhalac, a far-left Somali-born state representative tied to a nonprofit under congressional investigation for allegedly defrauding the state of millions of dollars in Medicaid payments. Dhalac has been criticized for her close ties to Tarlan Ahmadov, an Azerbaijani-born former Maine state official who resigned following allegations that he harbored anti-Armenian sentiment. Dhalac went on a junket organized by Ahmadov to Nagorno-Karabakh, a contested part of Azerbaijan whose original Armenian Christian population has long been brutalized by Azerbaijani Muslims.
Raising awareness of the genocide has long been a major issue for the United States’ small but influential Armenian community. In August 2019 Kim and Kourtney Kardashian and their families visited the Armenian Genocide Memorial in Yerevan, Armenia, and have remained consistently outspoken on the issue. In 2021 President Joe Biden became the first U.S. leader to recognize the Armenian genocide, infuriating Turkey.

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Literary Lights 2026 June Edition to Feature Naira Kuzmich’s Novel Fearcatcher

June 2, 2026June 2, 2026 Khondkarian Raffi

Literary Lights 2026 June Edition to Feature Naira Kuzmich’s Novel Fearcatcher

The fourth installment of Literary Lights 2026 will feature Naira Kuzmich’s posthumous debut novel, Fearcatcher. Vedran Husić, author and Kuzmich’s former partner, will be joined by writers and editors Aram Mrjoian and Chelsey Kimberly Shannon. The virtual event, cosponsored by the University of New Orleans Press, will take place on June 14, 2026, at 10:00 AM Pacific | 1:00 PM Eastern | 9:00 PM Armenia time. Register here.

In a remote Soviet Armenian village, baby Ruzan is found abandoned and taken in by the local fearcatcher—a woman both revered and feared. Raised in this mystical trade, Ruzan longs to escape the village’s insularity and the destiny her mother insists she can’t outrun. When she moves to Yerevan on the brink of revolution, she finally begins building a life of her own. But danger pulls her back, forcing her to face who she is and who she might become. Fearcatcher is a lush, intimate novel that blends folklore and fate into a spellbinding coming-of-age story.

Praise for the Book

“Naira Kuzmich is the rare writer whose technical mastery and ineffable magic soar together on the page to create works that are unforgettable. In this superb novel, Kuzmich deftly weaves an epic story of what holds together family and identity, the boundless ways we both run from and toward the ones we love. Fearcatcher is a new cornerstone of Armenian-American literature.” — Aram Mrjoian, author of Waterline

“Naira Kuzmich is the rare writer who slips readers effortlessly into her fictive dream, who makes you forget you are reading her glorious words… This is magnificent, curative writing. Kuzmich was one of the greatest writers of her generation. In every line, we can still see her hand.” — Jennifer Maritza McCauley, author of When Trying to Return Home

“In Ruzan Garsevanian, Naira Kuzmich has created one of the most iron-willed protagonists I’ve ever read… Fearcatcher is proof that Naira Kuzmich was a fearless storyteller, a writer capable of making—in far too brief a time—a lasting work of art.” — Chris McCormick, author of The Gimmicks

About the Authors

Naira Kuzmich was born in Armenia and raised in the Los Angeles enclave of Little Armenia. Her fiction and nonfiction have appeared in West Branch, Blackbird, Ecotone, The O. Henry Prize Stories 2015, The Threepenny Review, The Massachusetts Review, The Cincinnati Review, and elsewhere. She is the author of the short story collection In Everything I See Your Hand. She passed away in 2017 from lung cancer.

Vedran Husić was born in Bosnia and Herzegovina and raised in Germany and the United States. His debut short story collection, Basements and Other Museums (Black Lawrence Press, 2018), was a semifinalist for the 2019 PEN/Robert W. Bingham Prize. He is the recipient of two fiction fellowships from Provincetown’s Fine Arts Works Center and a fiction fellowship from the National Endowment for the Arts. His short stories and poems have been published in places such as North American Review, Image, Blackbird, Ecotone, and Electric Literature’s Recommended Reading, among others. Excerpts from his recently completed memoir, For Those Truly Living—which deals with his fiancé Naira Kuzmich’s struggle with cancer, their life before and during her illness, and a year of his life following her death—have appeared in Cincinnati Review, Copper Nickel, and AGNI. He currently teaches at Saint Leo University, where he is on faculty for the low-residency MA in Creative Writing program, and lives in Tampa, Florida, with his wife, the writer Anne Barngrover.

Aram Mrjoian is a writer, editor, critic, and educator. He teaches creative writing at the University of Michigan, where he serves as the managing editor of Michigan Quarterly Review, and on the MFA faculty at the Rainier Writing Workshop. Aram has previously worked as an editor at The Rumpus, the Chicago Review of Books, the Southeast Review, and TriQuarterly. He is also the editor of the anthology We Are All Armenian: Voices from the Diaspora. His writing has appeared in the Guardian, Runner’s World, Literary Hub, Catapult, West Branch, Electric Literature, Gulf Coast, Boulevard, Joyland, Longreads, and many other publications. He holds an MFA in creative writing from Northwestern University and a PhD in creative writing from Florida State University. He lives in Michigan. His debut novel, Waterline, is out now with HarperVia (June 2025).

Chelsey Kimberly Shannon is a writer and an editor at the University of New Orleans Press. She holds an M.F.A. from the UNO Creative Writing Workshop. As a teenager, she published the memoir Chelsey: My True Story of Murder, Loss, and Starting Over. Other publications can be found here. Scorpio moon, Cancer rising, Aquarius sun, Chelsey is committed to interrogating and creating from her position as a biracial Black queer femme. She’s prone to obsession and lives in New Orleans with her family.

Literary Lights 2026 is a monthly reading series organized by the International Armenian Literary Alliance, the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research, and the Krikor and Clara Zohrab Information Center. Each event—held online or in-person—will feature a writer reading from their work, followed by a discussion with an interviewer and audience members. Read along with the series by purchasing Fearcatcher and more titles at IALA’s Bookshop.org storefront.

Missed the last Literary Lights 2026 event featuring the editor and poetry contributors of Remain in Light: Visions of Homeland and Diaspora? Watch the full recording here.

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4- Cher at 80: The Armenian Christian roots behind the woman rumored to never age

Jemimah Wright explores the extraordinary life of Cher as the superstar celebrates her 80th birthday — from Hollywood fame and endless reinvention to the ancient Christian faith woven through her Armenian roots.

4- Cher at 80: The Armenian Christian roots behind the woman
rumored to never age

Jemimah Wright explores the extraordinary life of Cher as
the superstar celebrates her 80th birthday — from Hollywood fame and endless
reinvention to the ancient Christian faith woven through her Armenian roots.