At a crossroads: Armenia’s Sunday election to test East-West balance

Frangulian Shushan
TVP World
June 6 2026

At a crossroads: Armenia’s Sunday election to test East-West balance

Sion Pennar

Armenia goes to the polls on Sunday, with Russia and the West’s geopolitical tug-of-war bringing global attention to the small landlocked state in the South Caucasus.

A part of the Soviet Union for most of the 20th century, the 3-million-strong country has maintained close political and economic ties with Moscow since independence in 1991 but its government is now expanding cooperation with the EU and the US. 

The shift has been driven in part by the loss of the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region to Azerbaijan in a seismic military defeat that occurred on the watch of Russian peacekeepers stationed in the sensitive territory. 

Nikol Pashinyan, the centrist prime minister who came to power on the back of protests in 2018, has tried to move Armenia closer to Europe while also keeping Russia on side, given Yerevan’s dependence on Russian trade and energy supplies. 

The difficulty of mastering such a balancing act has been on show in recent weeks. 

In the run-up to the parliamentary election, in which Pashinyan and his party face a fragmented, broadly pro-Russian opposition, the Kremlin has exerted pressure by banning the import of key Armenian goods and ominously warning of a future “Ukraine scenario.” 

The EU – whose leaders flocked to Yerevan, Armenia’s capital, for major summits last month – responded by announcing a €50 million support package, including the easing of some trade restrictions.  

It’s not all about geopolitics, however: Armenians are also being asked to decide in this election how they see their country after the traumatic conclusion of the decades-long Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. 

The frontrunner: Nikol Pashinyan

Polling suggests that Pashinyan’s reformist Civil Contract party will come first in the June 7 election – but the question is by how much. 

His campaign has focused on moving forward from the painful Nagorno-Karabakh defeat, which led to the displacement of 100,000 Armenians from the territory, by accepting the country’s present borders. 

This could lead to the normalization of relations with neighbors such as Turkey, a regional powerhouse, which is seen as key to unlocking Armenia’s economic potential – but it depends on the so far unratified peace deal with Azerbaijan being finalized. 

To do so, Armenia must amend its constitution to drop claims to the disputed region – something that’s unlikely to happen if Civil Contract fails to keep its current constitutional majority in parliament. 

Then, there is Pashinyan’s Russia balancing act.

From playing drums alongside a crooning Emmanuel Macron to friendly handshakes with Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the Armenian PM has shown his pro-EU face to the world over the next few months, while also meeting Vladimir Putin. 

He has sought to reduce Armenia’s dependence on Moscow, but is not turning his back on the Kremlin. 

Pashinyan has vowed to keep his country in the Russian-dominated Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), while continuing its de facto exile from the military-minded Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). 

He would try to keep walking the Russia-EU tightrope, if he returns to power. It is a “pragmatic” position that, in practice, eschews lofty goals such as EU candidacy, an expert told TVP World’s Eastern Express this week. 

“Armenia is much more pragmatic and is deepening relations with the West and the EU, [but] well short of membership,” Richard Grigosian from the Regional Studies Center said. “Armenia is also prudently pursuing a passive aggressive transactional strategy with Russia and not unnecessarily overprovoking Moscow.” 

The Armenian-Russian billionaire: Samvel Karapetyan 

Worth an estimated $4.1 billion, tycoon Samvel Karapetyan is Pashinyan’s strongest rival – even though he is under house arrest. 

The Armenian-Russian dual citizen was charged last year with calling for the government’s overthrow, as well as money laundering, as entered politics to speak out for the Armenian Apostolic Church in its clash with Pashinyan. 

His Strong Armenia party is running at the head of a coalition that has vowed to stop the country from becoming an “arena of geopolitical confrontation.” This would mean restoring friendly ties with Russia, including renewing full participation in the CSTO. 

Strong Armenia is vehemently opposed to Pashinyan’s push for a peace deal with Azerbaijan in its current form, and has stoked nationalist narratives by accusing the prime minister of wanting to let 300,000 Azerbaijanis settle in Armenia.  

“The opposition landscape is fragmented, but energetic,” TVP World’s political editor Stuart Dowell says. “Strong Armenia speaks to voters who want stronger business leadership, warmer ties with Russia and resistance to Pashinyan’s peace policy.”  

A poll in late May by the International Republican Institute (IRI) put Karapetyan’s party in second place at 6%, far behind Civic Contract on 32%. However, 23% of those polled said they were undecided, with 21% refusing to disclose their preference. 

The other pro-Russians 

Pashinyan has characterized his main opponents as a “three-headed war party,” throwing Strong Armenia into the same category as two others: former president Robert Kocharyan’s Armenia Alliance and eccentric tycoon Gagik Tsarukyan’s Prosperous Armenia. 

Both see Russia as Armenia’s key ally and are opposed to European integration. Kocharyan’s party is currently the main opposition and has called for a different peace deal with Azerbaijan, involving China, Russia and the US, while floating the prospect of Armenia having a Belarus-style union with Moscow. 

Tsarukyan – best known globally for funding a record-breaking 77-meter statue of Jesus Christ – has longstanding business ties to Russia. On May 21, Andranik Tevanyan, the leader of another party in his electoral coalition, was arrested and charged by the Armenian authorities with spying for Moscow. 

What will happen? Around 2.5 million Armenian citizens are eligible to vote in Sunday’s poll, which is held under a proportional representation system with different electoral thresholds for parties and coalitions. 

A minimum of 101 members will be elected to the single-chamber parliament, with the actual number of seats dependent on the results. The last election, held in 2021, resulted in 107 MPs – with Pashinyan’s party ensuring a constitutional majority with 71 seats.  

Whether that happens this time remains to be seen. 

According to Stefania Kolarz and Wojciech Wojtasiewicz from the Polish Institute for International Affairs, the most likely scenario is a win for Pashinyan, but short of the two-thirds needed to change the constitution. 

“This offers the prospect of maintaining the current foreign policy course, though without the ratification of the peace treaty with Azerbaijan,” the experts write, adding that a bigger-scale win would be Western powers’ preferred outcome. 

While Russia may wish to see the back of the current PM, it is not putting its weight too heavily behind the other contenders, think tanker Richard Grigosian told TVP World, arguing that Russian interference has been limited. 

“I’m not worried, simply because is not a close election. The opposition, which is divided [… with] single digit support in most cases, does not really have the potential for securing Russian support to upset the election,” he said. 

“The incumbent government’s real advantage here – beyond incumbency – is actually the advantage of having no credible alternative or rival.”


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Armenia prepares for an election that could reshape ties with Moscow and the W

Lilit Nahapetian
Associated Press
June 6 2026

By  YURAS KARMANAU and KATIE MARIE DAVIES
Updated 12:10 AM GMT+3, June 7, 2026
Leer en español 

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Armenia’s parliamentary elections Sunday will be a vote on its geopolitical future as incumbent Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan seeks closer relations with the European Union and the United States despite longstanding ties with Russia that have been championed by his critics.

Many analysts favor Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party to retain control of parliament, but with many opposition parties running on pro-Russia platforms, the Caucasus nation’s place on the international stage has been thrown into the spotlight.

In the months ahead of the election, Russian President Vladimir Putin and other Russian officials have warned Armenia that joining the EU could come at the expense of massive economic damage by disrupting Armenian trade ties with Moscow and its allies.

“These are the first elections in Armenia’s history where geopolitical orientation has become a decisive issue,” Mikayel Zolyan, an analyst and former member of the Armenian Parliament, told The Associated Press from Yerevan. “Until now, Armenia has remained within Russia’s sphere of influence, and this was taken for granted, but now, for the first time, this is being called into question.”

Armenians disappointed with Moscow over Karabakh

Relations between Moscow and Armenia soured in 2023 after Azerbaijan took control of the Karabakh region. The mountainous area had been controlled for decades by ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia, part of a long conflict between the neighboring countries.

Armenian authorities accused Russian peacekeepers deployed to the region of failing to stop Azerbaijan’s onslaught. Moscow, busy with the conflict in Ukraine, has rejected the accusations, arguing its troops didn’t have a mandate to intervene.

“It turned out that Russia’s image as a guarantor of Armenian security was not based in reality, and it all collapsed after the Karabakh war,” said Alexander Iskandaryan, director of the Caucasus Institute in Yerevan.

Pashinyan has begun cautiously weakening ties with Moscow, joining the International Criminal Court in 2023 and suspending its participation in the Moscow-dominated Collective Security Treaty Organization in 2024.

Armenia also officially declared its aspirations to join the EU and hosted the European Political Community summit in Yerevan in early May.

A convincing win in the parliamentary vote would give Pashinyan a mandate to continue the trend and finalize a deal with Azerbaijan.

Western ties could bring benefits

Western nations have sought to show some of the advantages that closer ties could bring.

In August, U.S. President Donald Trump hosted Pashinyan and Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev to sign an agreement declaring an end to their decades-long hostilities and including provisions for the creation of a new transit corridor between Azerbaijan to its exclave of Nakhchivan. An agreement in February could pave the way for a U.S. company to build a new nuclear reactor in Armenia.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen also has said that Europe is ready to invest in Armenia’s energy industry and its “booming digital scene.”

Trump has endorsed Pashinyan and called him a “great friend” and a leader who is making his country “strong, wealthy, and very secure!”

Opposition parties back Moscow ties

Much of Armenia’s opposition is still dominated by pro-Russia groups and many are also against normalizing relations with Azerbaijan. Key opposition figures have called for Pashinyan to stand down over the loss of Karabakh.

Nineteen political forces, including two blocs and 17 parties, are taking part in the elections.

Pashinyan’s main rival is the Strong Armenia Party, which wants closer business ties with Russia and accuses Pashinyan of attempting to spark a war with Moscow. The party is led by Armenian-Russian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan, who is on trial for calling for the overthrow of Armenia’s government. He denies the charges.

Armenian investigators said Saturday they issued six arrest warrants for members of the opposition Strong Armenia party, accusing them of buying votes.

It came just hours after Armenia’s Central Election Committee confirmed that the Strong Armenia Party could run in the elections, after a member of another opposition party, Republic, appealed for them to be barred, citing allegations of corruption.

Other potential contenders include former President Robert Kocharyan, who leads the Hayastan bloc and has accused Pashinyan of “seriously undermining” relations with Russia.

Russia applies economic pressure

Russia, which has a military base in Armenia, has warned that Yerevan’s Western turn could have dire political and economic consequences.

Putin has compared Armenia’s course to that of Ukraine in thinly veiled threats and has suggested Russia’s conflict with Ukraine started with its attempts to join the EU.

In recent weeks, Russian has introduced new restrictions on Armenian produce after citing sanitation violations, banning Armenian flowers, certain types of cognac and wine, eggplants, potatoes, dried fruits, fish and more.

Armenia’s membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, a Russian-led customs union, was placed under formal review during a members’ meeting in Kazakhstan in May, with threats to suspend it completely it by December.

During the Kazakhstan summit, the governments of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan also demanded Armenia hold a referendum on whether it would remain in their group or seek EU membership. Pashinyan has rejected the need for such a vote.

Armenian government statistics show 38% of Armenia’s exports went to countries within the Eurasian Economic Union in 2025, the vast majority heading to Russia. In comparison, just 8% of trade went to the EU.

The Russian measures prompted von der Leyen to announce Thursday that the 27-nation bloc would send 50 million euros ($58 million) to support Armenia. In a statement, she said Russia is “weaponizing” economic relations and its ban on imports was “nothing short of economic coercion.”

Facing an uncertain future

Russia could exert further pressure on Armenia because it controls a significant portion of the country’s energy and infrastructure and supplies cheap gas.

“It’s completely unrealistic to say that Armenia can somehow overcome Russian influence in a short period of time,” analyst Zolyan said.

Armenia’s civil society also is concerned by what they have described as Russian-backed disinformation campaigns ahead of the vote. Moscow denies any interference.

Daniel Ionnisyan, head of the Union of Informed Citizens, an independent election watchdog, told the AP that his organization has documented instances of Russian interference through social media campaigns, cyberattacks, vote buying and bribery of journalists.

That echoes findings of a delegation from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which visited Yerevan in May and said foreign interference included illicit political financing, cyberattacks, economic coercion and direct attempts to manipulate the electoral process.

“These hybrid tactics aim not only to sway public opinion but to secure long-term geopolitical leverage over Armenia,” the delegation said.

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Associated Press writer Sam McNeil in Brussels contributed to this report.




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Parliamentary Election Tests Armenia’s Strategic Pivot From Moscow Toward EU

Manouk Vasilian
Kyiv Post
June 6 2026

Armenia is entering a decisive phase ahead of its parliamentary elections this Sunday, which will serve as a referendum on the country’s shifting geopolitical trajectory and its gradual pivot away from Russia toward the European Union. Incumbent Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan leads the polls with approximately 32% of the vote, seeking a majority to implement constitutional reforms, finalize a peace treaty with Azerbaijan, and normalize ties with Turkey.

With parliamentary elections this Sunday, Armenia is entering a decisive phase that could shift its geopolitical trajectory, ease conflict and help soothe relations with regional neighbours.

In the streets of Yerevan, campaign posters from 18 parties and alliances compete for visibility. Those of incumbent Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, depicted forming a heart with his hands, are among the most prominent in the capital.

In office since 2018, Pashinyan is currently leading in the polls with about 32% of the vote.

This election will test whether he can secure a parliamentary majority strong enough to implement constitutional reforms, including concluding a peace agreement with Azerbaijan and normalising relations with Turkey, while continuing a gradual rapprochement with the EU.

This strategic shift has coincided with a gradual distancing from Russia, Armenia’s long-standing security partner, even as the country remains heavily dependent on Moscow in economic and energy terms.

“These are not elections simply dividing pro-Russian and pro-Western forces,” says Richard Giragossian, director of the Regional Studies Center in Yerevan. “But both Moscow and Brussels are closely monitoring the outcome.”

A fragile post-Karabakh realignment

Since Azerbaijan’s military takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023 and the displacement of more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians from the disputed territory, relations between Yerevan and Moscow have deteriorated significantly.

Pashinyan accused Russia of failing to provide adequate security guarantees during the offensive, while Armenia has accelerated its diplomatic engagement with the EU alongside emerging peace talks with Azerbaijan.

In 2025, Armenia’s parliament adopted legislation expressing the country’s intention to pursue EU membership. The successive organisation of an EU–Armenia summit and a European Political Community meeting in Yerevan in early May was also interpreted in Brussels as a signal of political alignment.

EU Ambassador to Armenia Vassilis Maragos noted that Brussels strongly supports Armenia’s efforts to normalise regional relations in the Caucasus, particularly with last month’s “connectivity” agreement to boost investment in digital infrastructure, semiconductor manufacturing and innovation.

“The connectivity partnership focuses on new projects in the context of peace and normalisation in the region, as well as border opening,” Maragos told Euractiv. “We have already identified three new border crossing points that we will support.”

Turkey-Armenia relations remain fragile

The electoral outcome is critical for Armenia’s regional diplomacy.

Benyamin Poghossian, an analyst in Armenia, warned that if Pashinyan fails to secure a majority in parliament the election result could “undermine not only the normalisation process with Azerbaijan, but also the one with Türkiye”.

Despite the absence of diplomatic relations since 1990, Armenia and Turkey have recently increased their engagement, including steps toward reopening borders, restoring historical infrastructure such as the Ani Bridge, and exploring the revival of the Kars-Gyumri railway line.

In Margara, near the Turkish border and within sight of Mount Ararat, expectations are cautiously rising among the village of 1400 inhabitants, where only the region’s famous white storks, known in Armenia as aragil, can travel on their seasonal migrations from one country to another for now.

“It’s time. Today, Armenian goods have to go through Georgia to reach Türkiye. Opening the border would simplify everything,” said Grigori Voskanyan, a taxi driver operating between Margara and Yerevan, near a border crossing recently renovated with European support.

EU steps up engagement as Russia increases pressure

From Russia’s standpoint, Armenia’s gradual drift away from Moscow’s traditional role as “Caucasus gatekeeper” is increasingly sensitive, particularly as Yerevan deepens its engagement with Brussels.

On Saturday, Russia recalled its ambassador in Yerevan for consultations over Armenia’s growing ties with the EU. At the same time, Moscow has intensified economic pressure through new restrictions on Armenian exports, including agricultural products, flowers and mineral water.

Russian authorities cite sanitary and technical concerns, but the measures are widely viewed in Yerevan and Brussels as politically motivated.

Ursula von der Leyen, the European Commission president, described the restrictions as “unacceptable economic coercion” and officials are exploring measures to support Armenian exporters and diversify trade routes.

EU officials say the bloc is also stepping up support for regional connectivity and border infrastructure projects.

A delicate balancing act for Yerevan

Despite rising tensions, analysts argue that a complete rupture with Russia remains unlikely in the short term.

Poghossian noted that Moscow maintains a strategic presence in Armenia, notably through the deployment of border guards along the Armenian-Iranian border. That region is where the “Trump Initiative for Peace and Prosperity”, a US-supported regional road project connecting Armenia and Azerbaijan in southern Armenia, is expected to be implemented. It plays a central role in the ongoing peace negotiations with Baku.

“Theoretically, Russia could block this project,” Poghossian said.

“Russia has many tools at its disposal,” he added, pointing to potential leverage including energy pricing, transport links and financial transfers.

Given this leverage, some members of Armenia’s opposition have criticised Pashinyan for weakening traditional ties with Russia. Nevertheless, analysts argue that the government’s approach remains largely pragmatic.

“The current government understands that EU membership remains a distant prospect,” said Giragossian. “Its main objective is to adapt the country to the new reality following the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023.”

Domestic tensions over foreign policy direction

Pashinyan’s main opponent, businessman Samvel Karapetyan (who is currently polling at 12.5%) and his “Strong Armenia” party, is capitalising on public discontent over the Karabakh conflict and fears of Russia’s negative impact on the country and its economy.

During a rally in Republic Square in Yerevan on 3 June, hundreds of his supporters gathered, including displaced families from across Armenia. Karapetyan, who is currently under investigation for money laundering and is suspected of acting on behalf of Russian interests, had to communicate with his supporters via a pre-recorded video message.

“We want to stay close to Russia, not the European Union,” said supporter Danik Avetisyan at the rally. “Listen, no one did anything when 100,000 Armenians in Karabakh were attacked by Azerbaijan.”

Still, as the vote approaches, the election is increasingly seen less as a binary choice between East and West, and more as a referendum on how the country manages its geopolitical constraints in a rapidly changing regional order.

See the original of this report by Emma Collet here.

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Armenia Launches Direct Rail Service — Yerevan-Tbilisi-Batumi

Nahapetian Zhanna
June 6 2026
 SOVA 10 hours ago

Armenia’s “South Caucasus Railway” is launching a new international route that also directly affects Georgia. Starting June 14, a train will begin operating on the Yerevan-Tbilisi-Batumi route and back to Yerevan.

Direct rail services to both the capital of Armenia and the Georgian city of Batumi will be operated by the “Armenia” train. According to the South Caucasus Railway company, these are modern carriages designed for long-distance travel and enhanced comfort.

The train will run every other day, and the current schedule will remain in effect until October 1.

Tickets can be purchased at railway station ticket offices in Armenia and Georgia, as well as online. The company noted that a new online ticket sales system has been introduced—while it is currently operating in test mode, it is already available for purchasing tickets for the “Armenia” train.

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EBRD, EU and ArmSwissBank support refugees and youth in Armenia

Manouk Vasilian
EBRD
June 6 2026

Author: Nina Tsintsadze

  • EBRD unlocks US$ 20 million (€17.1 million) to broaden access to finance for refugees and young entrepreneurs in Armenia
  • Backed by EU-funded grants, risk coverage and technical assistance
  • Part of the EBRD’s broader commitment to inclusive growth

The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), in partnership with the European Union (EU), is providing a US$ 20 million (€17.1 million) loan package to ArmSwissBank to expand access to finance for micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) owned or led by Armenian refugees and young people.

The package, which comprises two loans of US$ 10 million (€8.59 million), was signed by Francis Malige, the EBRD’s Managing Director for Financial Institutions, and Gevorg Machanyan, Chairman of the Management Board and Executive Director of ArmSwissBank, on the sidelines of the EBRD’s 2026 Annual Meeting and Business Forum in Riga.

One of the US$ 10 million loans is being made through the EU4Business-EBRD Credit Line, and targets refugee-owned and refugee-led firms, as well as businesses actively integrating displaced people into their workforces. Eligible borrowers can access EU-funded investment grants of up to 35 per cent of their loan, alongside tailored advisory support to strengthen operations and develop inclusive human resource practices.

The financing will help these businesses to upgrade their technologies and services to meet EU standards, improving workplace safety and resource efficiency, with at least 70 per cent of funds directed towards green technologies. Delivered under the EBRD-EU Local Currency Programme, the facility extends ArmSwissBank’s reach to startups that may lack capital, collateral or credit history.

A further US$ 10 million comes under the Youth in Business programme and will enable ArmSwissBank to launch a dedicated product for young entrepreneurs, who often struggle to access finance due to early-stage business profiles and limited financial track records.

Alongside lending, the programme provides young business owners with expert advisory, mentoring and networking opportunities, along with a wide range of non-financial services to help them navigate challenges, create jobs and grow successful businesses.

A tailored capacity-building programme will support ArmSwissBank in adapting its lending practices to better serve this segment, supported by EU-funded performance incentives linked to the successful roll-out of its youth lending offer.

The loan is also backed by first-loss risk coverage from the EU’s European Fund for Sustainable Development Plus (EFSD+) Financial Inclusion, designed to help partner banks expand lending while managing risk and optimising capital use. This is the first transaction between the EBRD and ArmSwissBank under the Youth in Business programme.

Francis Malige, EBRD Managing Director for Financial Institutions, said: “These agreements are the result of a strong partnership between the EBRD, ArmSwissBank and the EU. They reflect our shared commitment to ensuring that the benefits of economic growth reach those who need it most, creating new opportunities for refugees and the next generation of entrepreneurs in Armenia.”

Vassilis Maragos, Head of the EU Delegation to Armenia, commented: “We welcome this EU-backed loan agreement between the EBRD and ArmSwissBank, which will contribute to expanding economic opportunities for underserved businesses in Armenia especially relevant in the context of economic pressures on Armenian businesses. Through a combination of risk sharing and blending instruments, the EU is working with the EBRD to address financing gaps that often prevent underserved firms from growing, innovating and accessing EU markets. By improving access to finance, we are supporting the next generation of entrepreneurs, free trade, job creation and the goals of the EU’s Resilience and Growth Plan for Armenia.”

Gevorg Machanyan, Chairman of the Management Board and Executive Director of ArmSwissBank, noted: “We are pleased to further strengthen our longstanding cooperation with the EBRD through these agreements, which will enable us to better serve MSMEs, including young entrepreneurs and those supporting communities affected by displacement, and expand access to finance where it is most needed.”

ArmSwissBank has been an EBRD partner since 2010. The EBRD has, to date, invested over €3 billion in Armenia across more than 245 projects, 86 per cent of which are in the private sector.

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In Armenia’s elections, a choice: Stay in Russia’s orbit or engage with the W

Chakrian Hovsep
Christian Science Monitor
June 5 2026
By Alexander Thompson Correspondent

In 2020, Armenia suffered a huge military defeat at the hands of its historic rival Azerbaijan. Three years later, Azerbaijan compounded the indignity by overrunning the breakaway statelet of Nagorno-Karabakh, displacing its ethnically Armenian inhabitants.

For many Armenians, the losses were a deep humiliation, and they laid the blame at the feet of their prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan – all the more so because he signed a peace deal framework at the White House last August between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Now, Mr. Pashinyan is trying not just to realize peace, but to dramatically – and controversially – shift the foreign policy that has guided the Maryland-sized nation of 3 million since independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. He is seeking a thaw with historic enemies Azerbaijan and Turkey while also reducing Armenia’s dependence on its traditional ally Russia, by building new links to the European Union and the United States.

Why We Wrote This

As Armenia goes to the polls Sunday, voters face a thorny dilemma. Do they back a prime minister who led them during embarrassing military defeats, but is seeking a brighter future? Or do they opt for pro-Russia parties supporting the status quo?

And on June 7, Armenians will get to vote in parliamentary elections that will decide whether Mr. Pashinyan, the man who lost the war, will get a chance to execute his vision of peace.

“It’s a choice between the current trajectory versus the possibility of a reversal,” says Anna Ohanyan, an international relations professor at Stonehill College in Easton, Massachusetts.

A painful peace proposal

Mr. Pashinyan, a pugilistic former newspaper editor, came to power in 2018 after leading massive street protests against the rigid, authoritarian elite who had run Armenia since independence. He undertook a series of democratic reforms, but he stuck to Armenia’s alliance with Russia.

Then in 2020, Azerbaijan resoundingly defeated Armenian forces that had long occupied a swath of western Azerbaijan to protect nominally independent Nagorno-Karabakh. The Kremlin brokered an agreement to keep the enclave out of Azerbaijani control and deployed 2,000 Russian peacekeepers to guard it. Despite the Armenian defeat, Mr. Pashinyan won a comfortable victory in a 2021 snap election.

But much has changed since. In 2023, Azerbaijan launched a new offensive and quickly overwhelmed Nagorno-Karabakh with little resistance from the Russian peacekeepers or Moscow – a betrayal for many Armenians. Some 100,000 residents fled to Armenia. And Mr. Pashinyan has engaged in an ugly feud with the Armenian Apostolic Church, further driving down his popularity.

Nonetheless, a late-May poll showed his Civil Contract party with a wide lead of 32% of the vote against a divided and equally unpopular opposition, with many people, especially young people, still undecided.

At a campaign stop in the lakeside town of Sevan, an hour’s drive north of the capital, Yerevan, Mr. Pashinyan told a few hundred supporters that a peace deal with Azerbaijan, combined with promised U.S. support and investment, will bring peace and prosperity to Armenia.

Some voters are amenable, if reluctantly.

“I’ll put it this way: I don’t love one or the other, [but] we’ve got to choose so that Armenia develops,” says Aram Sargisan, a jeweler from Yerevan who indicated he’ll vote for Civil Contract.

Mr. Pashinyan is pushing to finalize the peace deal and to normalize relations with Turkey by dropping historical territorial claims and accepting what he calls “Real Armenia” – the 11,500 square miles within its internationally recognized borders. Reopening trade with Turkey and Azerbaijan will allow the economy to flourish, Mr. Pashinyan argues.

But it is a tough pitch. The Ottoman government in Turkey killed around 1 million Armenians in events widely considered to be a genocide during World War I, and the very recent military humiliation against Azerbaijan still stings.

Anna, a design student at Yerevan State University who declined to give her last name, isn’t sure for whom she will cast her ballot. But she is certain of one thing: It won’t be for Mr. Pashinyan. Reconciliation with Turkey and Azerbaijan isn’t possible, says Anna, who lost great-grandparents in the genocide. “I cannot forget what they did to Armenia,” she says.

Reshaping Armenia’s relations

Sunday’s elections have earned unprecedented attention from the White House and the Kremlin, since the prime minister’s international plans would significantly shift the balance of power at the crossroads of Europe and Asia.

Mr. Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev signed a peace deal framework at the White House Aug. 9 with U.S. President Donald Trump sitting between them. Key to the peace is the “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity,” a trade corridor that will run through southern Armenia, connect Azerbaijan’s mainland to its exclave of Nakhchivan, and then continue on to Turkey.

The corridor will be developed by the United States, representing a bridgehead for American influence in a region Russia considers well within its sphere of influence.

The Trump administration views the peace deal framework as one of its key foreign policy achievements and is squarely behind Mr. Pashinyan.

Vice President JD Vance came to Armenia in February, the highest-level American official to ever visit the country, and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio jetted into Yerevan May 26 to hype the deal. On May 28, Mr. Trump posted a social media endorsement of Mr. Pashinyan, calling him a “great friend and Leader.”

Russian President Vladimir Putin, meanwhile, has dialed up pressure on Mr. Pashinyan as he has made overtures westward.

In recent weeks, Russia has threatened its supply of discounted gas to Armenia, banned most agricultural imports from the country, and demanded Yerevan decide whether it wants to join the EU or stay in a Russia-led customs union “as soon as possible.”

Russia is also conducting an influence campaign against Mr. Pashinyan, and mulled a plan to fly thousands of Russian Armenians back to the country to vote against him, Reuters reported this week, citing Western intelligence officials.

Yet, despite talk of a pivot to Europe and the U.S., Armenia’s economy remains intertwined with Russia’s, and Russia has a military base in Armenia.

“Armenia does not want to abandon relations with Russia,” says Sargis Khandanyan, a Civil Contract member of Parliament. “Our foreign policy is a foreign policy of balances.”

Russian gravity

Mr. Pashinyan’s principal opponents in the election, who are closely aligned with Russia, vehemently oppose the prime minister’s peace plans with Azerbaijan.

Armenian Russian oligarch Samvel Karapetyan, leader of the Strong Armenia party, has emerged as Mr. Pashinyan’s main challenger. He wants to scrap the peace framework with Azerbaijan in favor of retaining firm ties with Russia.

Mr. Pashinyan is ruining the alliance with Russia, said Karen, a veteran of the Karabakh conflict who declined to give his last name, as he waited for a Strong Armenia rally to begin on June 3. “We’ve been friends with the Russians for so many years.”

Though thousands of his supporters marched at the rally, Mr. Karapetyan did not; he was under house arrest, and appeared only by video link. Authorities arrested him last year on charges of calling for the overthrow of the government. Mr. Karapetyan has called the allegations politically motivated.

Yet neither former President Robert Kocharyan, Mr. Pashinyan’s other pro-Russia challenger who is widely viewed as a relic of a previous era, nor Mr. Karapetyan have offered a concrete alternative to Mr. Pashinyan’s peace plan, says Yevgenya Paturyan, a political science professor at the American University of Armenia in Yerevan. “Only those who really hate Pashinyan and want him out at any cost are willing to follow these guys,” she says.

So, the unpopular prime minister and his “Real Armenia” vision may come away with victory on Sunday.

“We want peace, to be friends with everyone, to open the borders, to trade,” Pashinyan supporter Aida Navasardyan said as the prime minister’s campaign bus pulled out of Sevan. “No one wants war anymore.”

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RFE/RL – Voting Underway In Armenian Parliamentary Elections

Dabaghian Diana

June 07, 2026

Armenia – A voter casts a ballot at a polling station in Yerevan, June 7, 2026.

Armenians voted on Sunday in parliamentary elections that will extend or end Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s eight-year rule and pro-Western foreign policy increasingly resented by Russia.

Sixteen political parties and two alliances vied for over 100 seats in Armenia’s parliament. The opposition alliances led by Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetian and former President Robert Kocharian as well as Gagik Tsarukian’s Prosperous Armenia Party (BHK) are the ruling Civil Contract party’s main challengers. Among other opposition contenders are former human rights ombudsman Arman Tatoyan’s Wings of Unity party, former President Levon Ter-Petrosian’s Armenian National Congress and Edmon Marukian’s Bright Armenia Party.

The elections were held solely under the system of proportional representation. The parties needed to win at least 4 percent of the vote in order to be represented in the new parliament. The legal threshold for blocs is set at 8 percent.

“My expectations are the _expression_ of the free will of Armenian citizens,” Pashinian told reporters after casting a ballot at a polling station in Yerevan.

When asked what he will do if he loses the elections, he said: “Whatever the people decide, we will do it.”

Karapetian and his bloc are widely regarded as the ruling party’s number one challenger. The 60-year-old billionaire and philanthropist, who has made his fortune in Russian, decided to enter politics following his controversial arrest in June last year.

Under the Armenian constitution, he cannot become prime minister or even parliament deputy because of also having Russian and Cypriot citizenships. Strong Armenia’s list of election candidates is topped by Karapetian’s nephew Narek.

Armenia – Armenians vote in parliamentary elections, Yerevan, June 7m 2026.

“I voted for a big change in our country and a resurgent Armenia where Armenians are mostly focused on building their country and not on hurting or fighting each other,” Narek Karapetian said at a polling station in the northern town of Tashir.

The election campaign was marked by Pashinian’s threats to jail and “take out” the three top opposition leaders and mass arrests of their supporters on vote-buying charges rejected by the opposition as politically motivated. Karapetian’s bloc has been the main target of the crackdown which it believes is aimed at boosting Civil Contract’s electoral chances. Dozens more of its members and supporters as well as six of its election candidates were arrested on Saturday.

The Anti-Corruption Committee, one of the two law-enforcement agencies spearheading the crackdown, said earlier on Saturday that it detained 194 people in recent weeks. It said that 84 of them are currently in jail or under house arrest.

Pashinian’s party itself has been accused by its political opponents and some media of using public money to buy votes. None of its members or other government loyalists has been prosecuted on election-related charges.

The parliamentary race has also led to a further deterioration of Armenia’s relations with Russia, its traditional allies irked by the Armenian government’s efforts to close ties with the West and, in particular, join the European Union. After Yerevan hosted two European summits in early May, Russian President Vladimir Putin said the South Caucasus nation should choose “as soon as possible” between European integration and its continued membership in a Russian-led trade bloc essential for the Armenian economy.

Armenia – Armenians vote in parliamentary elections, Yerevan, June 7, 2026.

In the following weeks, Russia effectively banned on sanitary grounds the multimillion-dollar import of Armenian agricultural products and beverages. On Wednesday, the Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman urged Armenian voters to “save” their country.

The EU responded by accusing Moscow of seeking to influence the election outcome through “economic coercion.” European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said on Thursday that the EU will provide Yerevan with at least 50 million euros ($58 million) in urgent economic assistance.

The three main opposition forces running in the polls have blamed Pashinian for the sanctions and pledged to repair Russian-Armenian elections if they defeat the ruling party. Moscow has not openly backed any of them. Nevertheless, Pashinian has repeatedly branded them as Russian “agents” on the campaign trail.

U.S. President Donald Trump endorsed Pashinian for reelection on May 28, citing the latter’s commitment to opening a U.S.-run transit corridor for Azerbaijan. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan signed in the following days a new bilateral agreement on practical modalities of the transit arrangement. Rubio suggested on June 2 that the Russians would like to see Pashinian voted out of office because they are “less than happy about our engagement” in Armenia.

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Verelq: At night, 2 presidents and 1 secretary of the election commission were arrested.

Emil Lazarian

In 48 out of 2005 polling stations, we had 50 absences of committee members, 2 of them were the chairman and 1 was the secretary. For example, the absence of 2 presidents and 1 secretary is due to criminal proceedings. CEC President Vahagn Hovakimyan mentioned this today, on June 7, during his first press conference.


“They were arrested at night. We also have a case where the mother of the committee chairman died at night. The problem is related to the human factor. In some polling stations, there were technical problems when the device printed the ticket and the voter’s serial number was there, but one or two digits were different in the list. In this case, where there was such a problem, the voter was instructed to sign in front of his name.


The Electoral Code gives an opportunity to continue the work, even if there are vacancies, if necessary, new members are appointed,” he said.


Let’s remind that today, on June 7, parliamentary elections are taking place in Armenia, in which 18 political forces are participating: 2 alliances and 16 parties. 2 million 485 thousand 851 citizens have the right to vote.

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ANC warns about the violation of electoral rights

Emil Lazarian

The Armenian National Congress issued a statement regarding the violation of electoral rights and attempts to involve state bodies in unconstitutional actions.


“2026 on June 6, leading members of the “Civil Contract” party, Vahagn Aleksanyan, Arsen Torosyan, as well as the head of the “Independent Observer” observation mission, Daniel Ioanisyan, made video messages. In them, there are clear threats to initiate fabricated criminal cases against our fellow citizens returning to the Republic of Armenia and intending to participate in the elections.


Moreover, the said persons give explicit instructions and instructions to the law enforcement authorities to arrest the arriving citizens and “find out” the purposes of their return.


This way of working is nothing but an open attempt to involve the state and law enforcement agencies in activities aimed at subverting the constitutional order by abusing their official position and party affiliation. This is a call for political persecution against compatriots and a gross interference with the electoral right of RA citizens guaranteed by the Constitution.


We find that, if the law enforcement agencies really have a reason to study and make a criminal assessment, then it is precisely the illegal statements and actions of the above-mentioned persons. The state system cannot serve as a tool to hinder the expression of the will of the people. And if there are violations of the law, then they should be revealed according to the law, and not become an occasion for propaganda prohibited by the law.”

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Since the morning, the law enforcement system has been engaged in obstructing the electoral process

Emil Lazarian

 


Since the morning, the law enforcement system has engaged in actions to obstruct the electoral process. The “Armenia” alliance issued a statement about this.


In particular, it is said in the statement. The members of the pre-election headquarters of the “Armenia” bloc are illegally detained and/or arrested for various reasons, including under the pretext of being questioned as a witness.


This shameful and illegal behavior is not only an attempt to subject the public to information terror, but also a gross violation of electoral rights.


We request the observation missions and the Central Electoral Commission to record this fact.


We call on the voters not to succumb to these illegal actions and confidently fulfill their constitutional right. The persons who organize and implement these illegalities are threatened with the strictest liability established by law.”

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