Russian major online retailers Wildberries and Ozon suspend sale of Armenian p

OC Media
May 4 2026

Russia has restricted the sale of Armenian products in Russian major online retailers Wildberries and Ozon, citing new customs requirements and demanding additional documents from sellers. Yerevan claimed that two Armenian opposition parties ‘are behind’ the developments related to Wildberries.

The news about the restrictions was shared on 1 May.

‘Due to changes in customs clearance procedures for goods imported into Russia, there have been temporary difficulties with deliveries from Armenia’, the Head of Ozon in Armenia, Hayk Karapetyan wrote in a Facebook post.

Karapetyan further stated that in order to prevent customers from cancelling orders due to delays in delivery, ‘we have temporarily hidden product listings for these products from customers in Russia’.

At the same time, he noted that all products from Armenian entrepreneurs ‘located in Ozon warehouses in Russia are being sold without restrictions’, while no restrictions were applied to the sale within Armenia from the local sellers.

Separately, a similar statement was released by Wildberries, with the latter noting the changes to customs clearance regulations were applied on 20 April.

‘The company is in constant dialogue with partners and relevant structures and is closely monitoring the development of the situation’, the statement read.

Wildberries further noted that as part of these activities, they held a meeting with Armenian sellers, attended by more than 50 entrepreneurs, discussing ‘emerging issues’. The company expressed hopes of ‘a phased settlement of the situation’.

Shortly after the news broke, Armenian Economy Minister Gevorg Papoyan blamed two unnamed opposition parties for the situation, suggesting that their supporters were ‘especially happy and delighted with the problem’.

‘You reached this point today by spending months filing complaints against Armenia with officials of other countries; we will resolve this matter soon’, Papoyan claimed, adding that those people ‘have no place in Armenia’s political life’.

On the same day, Narek Karapetyan, nephew of Russian–Armenian tycoon Samvel Karapetyan, was asked to comment on the potential impact. In their questions, journalists cited some as suggesting the possibility of ‘intensified sanctions’ against Armenia against the backdrop of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyi’s visit to Armenia to attend the 8th European Political Community (EPC) Summit, hosted in Yerevan on Monday.

While in Yerevan, Zelenskyi had a one-on-one talk with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

Armenia hosts European Political Community summit

‘The current government must take responsibility for its geopolitical and foreign policy manoeuvres, as each step can carry consequences. We hope these consequences will not be negative for our economy’, Narek Karapetyan said.

He further added that there was a risk that Zelenskyi’s visit could further ‘complicate relations’ with Russia.

Earlier in April, Samvel Karapetyan claimed there would be an ‘economic war’ with Russia in July if Pashinyan remained in power. The warning appeared to be a response to what has become a regular talking point by Pashinyan — that a victory by the opposition in the upcoming parliamentary election would lead to war with Azerbaijan in September.

Public opinion surveys suggest Karapetyan’s Strong Armenia Alliance of Parties is expected to be the main challenger to Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party in the upcoming parliamentary elections scheduled to be held on 7 June.

Pashinyan accuses Karapetyan and others of being ‘foreign agents’

Again, on 1 May, Papoyan further claimed there was no political context in Russia’s recent banning of around 1.4 million Jermuk mineral water bottles over alleged regulatory violations.

The two rounds of ban affecting Jermuk followed the recent reopening of an investigation against the company after tense talks between Pashinyan and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on 1 April.

Aside from the Jermuk case, immediately after the Pashinyan–Putin talks, Russia announced ‘stricter requirements’ on the import of Armenian products and accused Armenia of coming ‘very close to the point where we will have to restructure our economic relations with this country’.

Russia has previously been accused of using food health standards as a way to exert economic pressure on countries — including Armenia.

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Ahead of EU summit and election, Brussels is backing the wrong horse in Armeni

EU Observer
May 4 2026

Ahead of EU summit and election, Brussels is backing the wrong horse in Armenia

By David Grigorian, Bethseda, Maryland

, 4 May 2026 12:29

The European Union has built its identity around the export of democratic norms. Rule-of-law conditionality, election monitoring, civil society support are the tools Brussels deploys to signal virtue.

In Armenia, six weeks before the country’s most consequential parliamentary elections in a generation, the EU is deploying all of those tools and aiming every one of them at the wrong target.

The facts are not in dispute.

[ Subscribe to our flagship EUobserver morning update newsletter. .]

The EU’s Hybrid Rapid Response Team deployed in Armenia is not an independent monitoring body. Its formal mandate is to advise the office of prime minister Nikol Pashinyan.

Separately, a €12m EU package to “counter disinformation” ahead of the 7 June elections channels funds through institutions directly under the government’s influence.

Armenia’s opposition and many independent observers have characterised this support as green light for election manipulation by conferring European legitimacy on a government that has done nothing to earn it.

Under an emergency legislative procedure permitting adoption within 24 hours — a timeline that makes public deliberation impossible — the ruling Civil Contract party pushed through sweeping Electoral Code amendments, including granting authorities broad new powers to disqualify election observer organisations.

Brussels issued no public response.

Samvel Karapetyan, Armenia’s leading opposition figure, an Armenian-Russian businessman, and a principal financial backer of the Armenian Apostolic Church, remains under house arrest on charges widely described in Armenia as fabricated.

The EU, which conditions candidate country negotiations on judicial independence, has not linked either case to its programming in Armenia.

A Brussels success story?

Brussels would counter that Armenia is a success story, a country that signed a Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement with the EU and expressed aspirations toward European integration.

But Pashinyan’s own words tell a different story.

Presenting his party’s official election programme, he declared that “it is difficult to overestimate the importance of our relations with Russia” and vowed he “will not allow any attempts to create problems in Armenia–Russia relations.”

He has gone further still: those who seek to “undermine Armenian–Russian friendship and brotherhood,” he announced, “are simply foreign agents”, using the precise term the Kremlin uses to silence dissidents and suppress opposition.

His European overtures are a negotiating card — played to extract resources and legitimacy while he remains firmly tethered to Moscow and Ankara.

The EU is not witnessing a geopolitical pivot. It is being played.

This should surprise no one who has followed the record closely. As this author documented in a 2024 ECIPE Policy Brief, there is evidence that suggests Pashinyan could have met with Sergey Naryshkin, the head of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service, in Moscow as far back as 2015, three years before his celebrated “Velvet Revolution.”

Once in power, he sent Armenian troops to serve alongside Russian forces in Syria, something his predecessors refused to do, chaired the Eurasian Union Summit in Moscow as recently as May 2024, and has visited Putin several dozen times since coming to power in 2018.

The EU is not financing a democratic partner. It is subsidising a Russian asset.

The EU has been aware of these warning signs and has chosen to ignore them. As the same report published by ECIPE documented, Western officials with direct knowledge of Armenia “ignored all the signs of foul play that were visible” from the outset.

The more structural explanation, however, is energy. When Russia’s invasion of Ukraine forced Europe to diversify its gas imports, Brussels turned to Baku.

EU commission president Ursula von der Leyen travelled to Azerbaijan in July 2022 and praised it as a “reliable partner,” signing a deal to double gas imports from a regime Freedom House classifies as “Not Free.”

Pashinyan’s Armenia sits squarely between Brussels and Baku. Keeping him in power keeps Aliyev’s gas flowing and the South Caucasus corridor open.

Europe’s failure in Armenia is not simply negligence. It is a transaction.

The stakes are about to become even more concrete.

Three-steps at summit

The first-ever EU–Armenia summit — on Monday (4 May) and Tuesday in Yerevan, with both European Council president António Costa and von der Leyen making the trip — risks compounding every mistake described above.

EU leaders travelling to Yerevan while Pashinyan jails opponents, persecutes the church, and rewrites electoral rules in real time would hand him precisely the Western legitimacy stamp his pre-election narrative requires.

EU leaders would do well to recall how US vice-president JD Vance’s embrace of Viktor Orbán backfired — and resist the temptation to make the same mistake in Yerevan.

Three course corrections are available before 7 June.

First, the EU should reorient its monitoring resources away from the prime minister’s office and toward genuinely independent civil society organisations and opposition-linked observer groups. 

Second, Brussels should issue a clear public statement that last-minute changes to the electoral code designed to give the ruling party expanded powers, is incompatible with the democratic standards Armenia has committed to uphold.

Third, the EU should make explicit what its partnership conditionality has always implied: that imprisoning political opponents to prevent their participation in an election, and directing state resources against the country’s principal religious institution, are not behaviours compatible with European integration.

The EU helped Armenia open a door toward Europe. It would be a particular kind of tragedy if European funding and institutional cover were what allowed Pashinyan to slam it shut.

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Türkiye’s vice president attends European Political Community summit in Armen

Anadolu Agency, turkey
May 4 2026
Cevdet Yilmaz represents President Erdogan at gathering of more than 40 leaders in Yerevan, holds talks on sidelines
Harun Kutbe and Seyit Kurt
04 May 2026

YEREVAN / ISTANBUL

Türkiye’s Vice President Cevdet Yilmaz on Monday attended the European Political Community summit in Yerevan, where he also held meetings on the sidelines.

Yilmaz, representing President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, took part in the gathering at the Karen Demirchyan Sports and Concert Complex, where he was welcomed by Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

Following the opening ceremony, he joined the inaugural session and posed for a family photo with other leaders.

More than 40 leaders are attending the summit, including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, French President Emmanuel Macron, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.

On the sidelines, Yilmaz met with Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Store to discuss bilateral ties and areas of cooperation.

In a statement shared on Turkish social media platform NSosyal, Yilmaz said the talks covered Türkiye-Norway relations as well as cooperation in the economy, trade, tourism, investment, energy, science and technology, the defense industry and counterterrorism.

“Türkiye attaches importance to enhancing cooperation with Norway in all areas,” Yilmaz said, thanking Store for his constructive approach and contributions to bilateral ties.

Separately, Yilmaz met with Feridun Sinirlioglu, secretary general of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE).

In a statement shared on NSosyal, Yilmaz expressed hope that the OSCE, with its institutional experience, will continue to contribute effectively to peace, stability and prosperity across the Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian regions, and wished Sinirlioglu success in his role.



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CSI releases new report on persecution of Armenian church

May 4 2026

CSI releases new report on persecution of Armenian church

Press Release Date 05-04-2026


Etchmiadzin, the Mother See of the Armenian Apostolic Church. photo: csi

As European leaders gather in Yerevan for first EU-Armenia Summit, human rights group publishes list of known political prisoners in Armenia

ZURICH, SWITZERLAND, May 4, 2026 /EINPresswire.com/ — “Not since the worst excesses of Soviet rule has the Armenian Apostolic Church faced state-sponsored persecution of such depth and intensity,” concludes a new report released today by Christian Solidarity International (CSI).

The report includes a list of known political prisoners in Armenia, the first of its kind published by an international human rights group.

The report is authored by Peter Flew, an international lawyer and historian specializing in religious freedom across Eastern Europe, the Baltic States, and the Caucasus, and is based on his recent fact-finding mission to Armenia. Combining legal analysis with historical background, the report details the effort by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to “subordinate the church to state control.”

The political prisoners named in the report include clergymen, relatives of the clergy, podcasters, church workers, and others detained by the Armenian authorities in their campaign against the church. The report’s list of political prisoners was compiled by CSI in consultation with the Armenian Center for Political Rights.

The report’s release comes as European leaders are gathering in Yerevan for the 8th European Political Community Summit on May 4, followed by the first ever EU-Armenia Summit on May 5.

“European leaders attending well-staged political events in downtown Yerevan should know that they are within walking distance of the prison where Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan is being held on manufactured charges,” said Dr. Joel Veldkamp, CSI’s director for public advocacy.

Since May 2025, Prime Minister Pashinyan has been publicly campaigning to force the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church, Catholicos Karekin II, to resign. As the report shows, Pashinyan’s government has arrested one-third of the archbishops in Armenia, imposed travel bans on the Catholicos and other senior church leaders, and attempted to foment a schism in the church.

On March 12, 2026, the International Observatory for Democracy in Armenia, a watchdog group whose executive team includes Kenneth Roth, the former Executive Director of Human Rights Watch, issued a warning about democratic backsliding in Armenia, including “the apparent weaponization of the judiciary and security forces by the government against political opponents.”

The government’s campaign against the church began in May 2025, after the Catholicos spoke at a conference in Switzerland organized by the World Council of Churches. There, the Catholicos publicly advocated for Armenian refugees from Nagorno Karabakh, a region which was ethnically cleansed by Azerbaijan in 2023, to be allowed to return to their homes.

Pashinyan has made signing a peace treaty with Azerbaijan the centerpiece of his national agenda, and has called discussion of the refugees’ right of return “dangerous” for peace. In his address to the European Parliament in March, he accused church leaders of seeking to start a new war with Azerbaijan.

In his introduction to the report, CSI’s president, John Eibner, argues that the Pashinyan government’s campaign against the church must be understood as part of Turkey and Azerbaijan’s effort to “weaken the Armenian nation and diminish its ability to resist submission and integration into the emerging Turkish-led order in the region.”

“More than any other Armenian institution today, the Armenian Apostolic Church poses an obstacle to Turkey and Azerbaijan’s plans,” Eibner argues.

The report ends with a set of official recommendations from CSI to European and American policymakers. These include publicly affirming the right of the Armenian church to choose its own leaders without state interference, urging the Armenian government to release detained clergy and other political prisoners, engaging with independent human rights groups in Armenia, and supporting the Swiss parliament’s Peace Initiative for Nagorno Karabakh.

“Now is the moment for principled and coordinated action,” Flew concludes in the report. “Armenia’s security and prosperity will not be strengthened by subordinating the Armenian Apostolic Church. Instead, they depend on safeguarding the fundamental rights of all Armenians, as well as its national church.”

Patrick Degenhardt
Christian Solidarity International
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UK PM meeting with Prime Minister Pashinyan of Armenia: 4 May 2026

GOV.UK
May 4 2026
Press release

The Prime Minister met Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan in Yerevan this afternoon.

The Prime Minister met Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan in Yerevan this afternoon.

The Prime Minister began by thanking Prime Minister Pashinyan for hosting the European Political Community summit. 

He commended the significant steps Armenia had taken to secure peace in the region and thanked Prime Minister Pashinyan for his leadership on the issue. 

The Prime Minister underlined the UK’s support for Armenia’s resilience through counter-disinformation, cyber security and supporting an independent judiciary and media industry. 

As part of discussions, the leaders agreed a new UK-Armenia Strategic Partnership to strengthen cooperation on defence and security, economic growth and democratic resilience.

The leaders looked forward to staying in touch.

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European leaders converge on Armenia as Russia looks on

BBC, UK
May 4 2026

European leaders converge on Armenia as Russia looks on

Rayhan Demytrie

European leaders are descending on Armenia for two unprecedented summits in a country long considered Russia’s closest ally in the South Caucasus.

The symbolism for this country of fewer than three million people is hard to overstate; Armenia is a member of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s Eurasian Economic Union, and Moscow hosts a military base on Armenian soil.

On Monday, more than 30 European leaders and Canada’s prime minister will take part in a European Political Community (EPC) summit in the capital Yerevan.

Tuesday will then see the first ever bilateral EU-Armenia summit, attended by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President António Costa.

Armenia is heavily dependent on Russia for energy resources. It buys Russian gas at a preferential rate – which Putin made a point of spelling out when Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan visited Moscow on 1 April.

Russia sells gas to Armenia for $177.50 (£130.30) per 1,000 cubic metres, he noted, while in Europe it costs $600 (£440.40).

“The difference is large, it is significant,” the Russian president said.

How did a country this embedded in Russia’s orbit end up hosting most of Europe’s leaders?


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Armenia summits show Europe’s Caucasus rivalry with Trump and Putin

The Japan Times
May 4 2026
By Andrea Palasciano
BLOOMBERG

Twin European summits in Armenia are pointing to an intensifying contest for influence between major powers in the strategic Caucasus region.

The end of a decadeslong conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan is helping to sharpen the rivalry for dominance over energy and trade routes across the narrow belt of land linking Europe and Asia.

The wars in the Middle East and Ukraine are adding to the significance of the Caucasus, with routes to the north and south constrained by conflict, sanctions and geopolitical frictions.

Russia, long the dominant force in the region, faces growing competition from the United States, as U.S. President Donald Trump pushes a new transport and energy corridor in Armenia, as well as from Turkey, the European Union and China.

“The current U.S. interest in the South Caucasus is unprecedented and has permanently undermined Kremlin interests in Azerbaijan and Armenia to a degree,” said Kate Mallinson, a partner at PRISM Strategic Intelligence in London. “Washington’s approach is to facilitate the economic integration of the nations of the South Caucasus” and to expand those ties to include Turkey and Central Asia, she said.

Leaders from 48 countries have been invited to the European Political Community meeting on Monday in Armenia’s capital, Yerevan, where they’ll discuss economic and energy security as well as “democratic resilience” and hybrid threats.

Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney is expected to attend the annual gathering as the first head of a non-European state, a signal of stresses in relations between the U.S. under Trump and its traditional allies. NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte is also due to take part.

The first European Union summit with Armenia will take place the next day, aiming to strengthen bilateral ties. The government in Yerevan last year announced it would seek EU membership, pulling away from Moscow’s orbit amid bitterness at Russia’s failure to defend it during clashes with Azerbaijan over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.

The EU plans to strike a connectivity partnership with Armenia, including a potential funding package of as much as €2.5 billion ($2.9 billion), a senior official in Brussels said.

The goal is to support transport, energy and digital ties as regional borders open up in the wake of Armenia’s peace accord with Azerbaijan and warming relations with neighboring Turkey. That’s helping to bind the region together in the same way as coal and steel cooperation did in Europe, according to the official.

The bloc also intends to step up security cooperation with Armenia including with a new civilian mission to advise on responses to cyberattacks and disinformation, particularly ahead of June 7 parliamentary elections in the republic of about 3 million people.

The U.S.-backed corridor, the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP), emerged after the president held White House talks with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in August.

It gives the U.S. a deep economic stake in the region for as long as 99 years through a partnership with Armenia to manage a rail and road route across the country’s south connecting Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhchivan. The agreement extends to the development of oil and gas pipelines and fiber optic networks for digital infrastructure.

The global turmoil triggered by disruption to trade through the Persian Gulf from the war in Iran is only increasing its strategic significance.

Turkey, which has a mutual-defense pact with its long-term ally Azerbaijan, is also close to opening its border with Armenia that it closed in 1993 in solidarity with Baku. Air services already run between the two states even as they’ve yet to formally establish diplomatic relations.

Armenia is turning toward the EU and the U.S. despite currently being a member of the Moscow-led Eurasian Economic Union customs zone. It also hosts Russia’s only military base in the south Caucasus.

Russian President Vladimir Putin made clear his displeasure at Kremlin talks with Pashinyan on April 1, where he highlighted Yerevan’s dependence on Moscow for heavily discounted gas supplies.

“Simultaneous membership in the Customs Union with the European Union and the EAEU is impossible,” Putin told Pashinyan. “It is simply untenable by definition.”

This was the first instance when Russia used “quite direct threats against Armenia,” said Tigran Grigoryan, director of the Regional Center for Democracy and Security in Yerevan. “They are trying to show that there are certain red lines, and if you cross them, there will be consequences.”

That’s why Armenia is trying to tread carefully. The government in Yerevan asked to remove a reference to sanctions circumvention from the summit draft conclusions it’s negotiating with the EU, according to people familiar with the matter. The EU refused, they said, speaking on condition of anonymity because the talks are private.

Neighboring Georgia offers a cautionary tale. Its application for EU membership stalled after the Georgian Dream government passed a “foreign agent” law in 2024 targeting independent media and nongovernmental organizations that Brussels and the U.S. labeled as “Kremlin-inspired.” Opposition parties accuse the government of drawing closer to Russia.

The EU-Armenia talks come after the bloc held its first summit with the five Central Asian states — Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan — in April last year, signing a €12 billion investment program focused on transport, critical minerals and energy.

Trump hosted the central Asian leaders at the White House in November, a month after Putin met with them in Tajikistan. Chinese President Xi Jinping joined a summit with central Asian states in Kazakhstan in June to discuss boosting investments under his Belt and Road infrastructure program.

The TRIPP corridor is intended to link to the Trans-Caspian Trade Route from Azerbaijan to central Asia and China, while joining up with routes in Turkey that connect to Europe.

Pashinyan in January called the implementation of the project as part of the peace process with Azerbaijan an “historic and turning point opportunity” for Armenia.

“The involvement of the United States is viewed in Armenia as a form of political anchoring, offering reassurance,” said Narek Sukiasyan, a political scientist at Armenia’s Center for Culture and Civilization Studies. “While the official framing is economic, its strategic implications are clear.”

Aliyev told the Munich Security Conference in February that TRIPP would contribute to “an absolutely new situation” for trade and transport through what is called the Middle Corridor between China and Europe. “All the countries on the route will be more politically and economically integrated,” he said.

While Moscow’s dominance in the Caucasus is being undermined as the war in Ukraine drains its ability to devote resources to the region, “it is probably too early to say that Trump is decisively winning while Putin is decisively losing,” according to Natia Seskuria, senior research fellow in Russian and Eurasian Security at the London-based RUSI think tank.

“Russia still has long-standing leverage in the South Caucasus, and its influence has not disappeared,” she said. At the same time, “Trump has created incentives for countries in both Central Asia and the South Caucasus to look for alternative economic partners, especially at a time when Russia is widely seen as a less reliable, less militarily effective, and less economically sustainable partner.”

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EU forging closer ties with Armenia as it sends experts to help counter Russia

The Guardian, UK
May 4 2026

Bloc’s leaders to hold first summit with Armenia on Tuesday at it ramps up efforts to combat Kremlin’s influence

The EU is sending a team of experts specialised in combating Russian propaganda and interference to Armenia, as it increases its support to the former Soviet republic in a tense political period.

In a highly symbolic sequence of events, EU leaders will hold their first summit with Armenia on Tuesday, after a pan-European gathering of about 45 leaders at the European Political Community summit in Yerevan.

The EU has been deepening links with Armenia as Russian influence has waned since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine that is seen as having diverted Moscow’s attention other countries it regards as its “near abroad”.

On Tuesday, Armenia’s prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, and the EU leaders, Ursula von der Leyen and António Costa, are expected to formally welcome the concept of an EU mission to counter foreign interference in Armenia at the summit in Yerevan, where they will also discuss energy, transport and economic support.

The EU is setting up a team of 20-30 civilian experts for a two-year mission based in Armenia aimed at improving the response to Russian cyber-attacks, information manipulation and interference, as well as countering illicit financial flows. The mission, which could be increased in headcount and duration, is expected to start work after parliamentary elections on 7 June.

Separately, the EU’s foreign service has announced “a hybrid rapid-response team” with the short-term goal of battling foreign interference before those elections, which are seen as pivotal in determining whether Armenia stays on a broadly pro-western path.

The EU foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, said last month: “Armenians are facing massive disinformation campaigns and cyber-attacks. When Armenians go to the polls in June, they alone should choose their country’s future.”

A senior EU official described the EU-Armenia summit as a “critical milestone in our relationship” and “a symbol of Armenia, gradually, slowly, geographically reorienting towards the west”. The EU is attempting to improve transport links and the green transition in Armenia and has embarked on talks that could eventually allow Armenians visa-free travel to the bloc for short stays.

Armenia was long Russia’s staunchest ally in the Caucasus, but disillusionment set in after Moscow failed to send military aid during the 2020 and 2023 Nagorno-Karabakh wars. Armenia’s 2018 velvet revolution, which emphasised democracy and the rule of law, also set the former Soviet republic on a different path to Russia, which slid deeper into authoritarianism.

Even before signing a peace agreement with Azerbaijan, Armenia had been seeking to move closer to the EU. Speaking to the European parliament in March, Pashinyan signalled an intention to adopt EU standards, while Armenia’s parliament passed a law last year declaring its intention to apply for EU membership.

But Armenia is under heavy pressure from Russia, still a significant trading and security partner, which has a base in the city of Gyumri. Moscow has imposed restrictions on the sale of imported Armenian mineral water and cognac, which recalls similar attempts to use economic leverage over its neighbours. Vladimir Putin has also warned Pashinyan that cheap Russian gas supplies are at stake if Armenia pursues deeper integration with Europe.

MEPs last week urged the EU to go beyond the symbolism of events in Armenia. In a non-binding resolution, the European parliament called for a robust international election observation mission, cybersecurity for electoral infrastructure and strong safeguards against vote buying.

The French centrist MEP Nathalie Loiseau, who was involved in drafting the text, said: “Faced with all those seeking to pressure Armenian voters, the country is looking to the European Union to help it hold free and fair elections.”

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Ancient faith to AI future: Five things to know about Armenia

MALAY Mail
May 4 2026
YEREVAN (Armenia), May 4 —Armenia hosts major summits today it hopes will edge the former Soviet republic closer to Europe, as Yerevan cautiously moves to loosen its long-standing reliance on Russia.

Here are five things to know about the landlocked South Caucasus country:

Between Moscow and the West 

Armenia’s constrained geography shapes a delicate diplomatic balancing act.

Landlocked and with closed borders to arch-foes Turkey and Azerbaijan, it relies on Georgia and Iran for access to global markets, limiting its room for manoeuvre.

Long anchored to Russia for security, Armenia hosts a Russian military base and remains part of Moscow’s security and economic alliances.

But ties have cooled as Yerevan questions the reliability of its traditional ally, which failed to come to its aid when Azerbaijan moved to recapture the long-disputed Karabakh region in 2023.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has cautiously deepened engagement with the European Union and the United States, seeking economic support and political backing.

Armenia—which has frozen its participation in the Russia-led collective security organisation—has avoided a full break with Moscow, reflecting both economic dependence and the realities of its volatile neighbourhood.

Star-studded diaspora 

More Armenians live abroad than in the country itself, forming a vast global diaspora estimated at eight to 10 million people compared to Armenia’s population of some three million.

Notable members include Kim Kardashian, Cher and French singer Charles Aznavour.

The diaspora swelled after the mass killings and deportations of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire during World War I—massacres which Yerevan and many historians recognise as genocide, while Turkey rejects the label.

The largest cohorts live in Russia (1.5 million), the United States (1.3 million) and France (400,000).

Armenians outside the country play a key role in the domestic economy and politics through remittances, investment and lobbying.

First Christian country 

Armenia is often described as a biblical land.

The country prides itself on being the first state to adopt Christianity as a state religion in 301 AD.

Ancient monasteries dot its rugged landscape, perched on cliffs or tucked into remote valleys.

The Armenian Apostolic Church remains a powerful institution, closely tied to language and heritage in a country that has seen centuries of foreign domination by the Persian, Ottoman and Russian empires.

In the fifth century, the Bible was translated into Armenian using the distinctive alphabet created by Saint Mesrop Mashtots.

Stone fountains 

Small stone drinking fountains known as “pulpulaks” are popular across the country, from the capital Yerevan to remote mountain villages.

Fed by natural springs, they offer free, continuously flowing cold water and are typically built as public gifts, sometimes dedicated to loved ones or historical figures.

Their understated design, carved in tuff stone, blends into the landscape, with locals hailing them as a reflection of Armenia’s culture of hospitality.

Betting on a tech future 

With few natural resources, Armenia is investing in technology and education to drive growth. Building on strong Soviet-era scientific training, it has developed a vibrant IT sector and startup scene.

Armenia’s IT sector has surged since 2017. According to official figures, the number of companies rose from 650 to more than 12,000, employment nearly tripled and turnover and exports grew more than threefold, underscoring its expanding economic role.

Tens of thousands of Russians—mostly young men avoiding conscription—moved to the country after Moscow invaded Ukraine in 2022.

Many are remote tech workers, contributing to the development of the sector, though the influx has also triggered angst among locals as rent prices surged.

The government is promoting ambitious projects, including large-scale AI infrastructure, in a bid to position the country as a regional innovation hub.

The strategy aims to reduce economic dependence and offer opportunities for young people who might otherwise leave the country. — AFP

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