LONDON, Dec 19 (Reuters) – Azerbaijan sees no major obstacles to securing a lasting peace treaty with its neighbour Armenia and believes the question of defining their borders can be resolved separately, a senior Azerbaijani official said on Tuesday.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev's forces mounted a lightning offensive in September to retake control of Azerbaijan's Karabakh region, whose ethnic Armenian population had broken away in a war in the 1990s. Aliyev said his "iron fist" had restored his country's sovereignty.

"The 35-year-long conflict is now over," Hikmet Hajiyev, a top foreign policy adviser to Aliyev, told reporters in London. "The strategy for Azerbaijan now is to win peace. (This) requires action from both sides.

"A peace treaty is not rocket science," Hajiyev said. "For Azerbaijan there are no longer obstacles on the way to a peace agenda."

The South Caucasus neighbours have fought two wars in the past 30 years over Nagorno-Karabakh, but staged a prisoner exchange this month and issued a joint statement saying they want to normalise relations and reach a peace deal.

The United States, the European Union and Russia have all tried for decades to mediate between the two sides, but Hajiyev stressed the importance of direct bilateral talks which he said would continue next year.

Since its recapture of Karabakh, Azerbaijan has been increasingly hostile to outside involvement in brokering an agreement. Aliyev has accused the United States of jeopardising relations by siding with Armenia, and Hajiyev called the U.S.-led approach to talks lopsided.

Among the outstanding issues between the two neighbours is the lack of agreement over their shared border, with each holding small enclaves surrounded by the other's territory.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said last month that this was a matter for negotiations. Hajiyev said Baku was willing to discuss it but "the border delimitation issue should be kept separate from peace treaty discussions".

Most of Karabakh's 120,000 ethnic Armenians fled to Armenia after Azerbaijan took back control of the territory. Armenia described that as ethnic cleansing; Baku denied that and said they could have stayed on and been integrated into Azerbaijan.

The World Court last month ordered Azerbaijan to let ethnic Armenians return and ensure their safety. Hajiyev said people's right to return should be determined on a case-by-case basis, and they would need to become citizens of Azerbaijan.

"Once Azerbaijani citizenship has been granted, the right of return can be ensured," he said. "We cannot afford a legal limbo status any more."

There should be reciprocal rights, he said, for Azerbaijanis who were forced to flee Armenia or Armenian-controlled territory since 1988.

Members of President Joe Biden's administration need to adopt "different attitudes" before the White House can play a mediating role in thorny—and strategically vital—peace talks between Azerbaijan and Armenia, a top official has said.

Speaking at a briefing with a small group of journalists in London on Tuesday, Hikmet Hajiyev—the top foreign affairs adviser to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev—warned that a "lopsided" American stance on the decades-long Nagorno-Karabakh dispute has caused "concern" in Baku.

Azerbaijan is becoming as a key battleground for Western, Russian, Iranian, and Chinese competition in the South Caucuses and Caspian Sea regions. The oil- and gas-rich nation is emerging as a key Western energy partner amid Russia's war on Ukraine, but concerns remain about human rights abuses and Baku's close relations with Moscow.

"We do expect that there could be some different attitudes…demonstrated by the United States executive branch of government," Hajiyev told Newsweek.

Newsweek has contacted the White House by email to request comment.

Baku and Yerevan are now negotiating an end to decades of conflict and several territorial disputes. Most notable among them is related to the ethnically Armenian Nagorno-Karabakh region, which is internationally recognized as Azerbaijani territory. A 23-hour conflict in September saw Baku seize control of the enclave and dismantle the Yerevan-aligned Republic of Artsakh.

Aliyev's administration has accused Washington of being "biased" in favor of Armenia. His officials have refused to take part in peace talks held in the U.S.

In November, Baku protested after U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs James O'Brien told a Congressional hearing that the State Department "has made it clear to Azerbaijan that there cannot be business as usual in our bilateral relationship" after its seizure of Nagorno-Karabakh.

"The United States has condemned Azerbaijani actions in Nagorno-Karabakh, canceled high-level bilateral meetings and engagements with Azerbaijan, and suspended plans for future events," O'Brien said.

Hajiyev said O'Brien's intervention was not helpful. "The approach was not balanced and also didn't demonstrate a quite objective position with regard to the history of the 35-year-long conflict," he said. "It was a one-sided and lopsided approach, which caused concern in Azerbaijan."

O'Brien visited Baku earlier this month in a bid to ease tensions, writing on X—formerly known as Twitter—that the visit was "positive and constructive."

But the U.S.-Azerbaijan spat goes beyond the State Department. Since 1992, Baku has contacted with the "Section 907" measure blocking American aid to Azerbaijan in response to its blockade of Armenia during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. Each year since 2002, the White House has issued a waiver to send aid despite ongoing conflicts over the enclave.

"We have not and do not anticipate submitting a waiver on 907," O'Brien told Congress in November. U.S. lawmakers, meanwhile, are pushing for further measures. The Senate voted unanimously in November to suspend military assistance to Baku, though the House did not take up the proposal.

Hajiyev said the issue remains a frustration in Baku, describing Section 907 as "incomprehensible" and "one of the most unfair, unjust amendments in the history of the U.S. Congress."

"Azerbaijan doesn't need any foreign aid or support," he said. "Azerbaijan is a self-sufficient country. But here the psychological aspect and political aspect is very important, because it was unfair treatment of Azerbaijan."

The dispute, the foreign affairs adviser added, makes it difficult to work with Washington on any peace deal with Armenia. "We do expect that there could be some different attitudes… demonstrated by the United States executive branch of government," Hajiyev said.

"Once it's done and we don't have any problems, [we can] continue our discussions on the Washington platform and with regard to peace discussions."

Around 2,000 Russian peacekeepers, deployed to Nagorno-Karabakh area after the 2020 conflict between the two nations, proved unable to prevent resurgent tensions. Hajiyev said Moscow and its local forces were given a 10-minute warning before the September "anti-terrorist" effort began. Several peacekeepers were killed in the crossfire of the short operation.

Neither Moscow nor Yerevan stepped in to stop the rout. Years of tensions between the Kremlin and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan have poisoned the fraying alliance between the two Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) member states, while growing cooperation between Moscow and Baku have raised suggestions that Russian President Vladimir Putin has dropped Armenia in favor of its long-term rival.

"It's yet another false narrative pursued by the Armenian side," Hajiyev said of suggestions that the September operation was coordinated with Moscow. "We didn't have any plan for the start of this operation…We had been left with no other choice."

Baku was not surprised with the lack of a Russian response, the official added. "Legitimacy was on the side of Azerbaijan," he said.

Armenia and Azerbaijan conducted a prisoner exchange last week, in what was touted as a diplomatic breakthrough and a significant step on the road to a comprehensive peace deal.

Hajiyev said it is "very difficult" to predict the next breakthrough and noted there remain "issues that need to be discussed." Still, he added: "I think we are much closer to the peace agenda…we don't see any longer major problematic issues."

"It's not nuclear physics, it's not rocket science," Hajiyev said. "What we are talking about are very basic principles of international law."

"Azerbaijan restored its full sovereignty and territorial integrity. We are facing a completely new reality in our region. Now the strategy of Azerbaijan is to win the peace. And winning the peace requires action from both sides, like a tango."

Azerbaijan is maintaining its "regional solutions to regional problems" mentality, disputing the need for any outside mediation.

"The seeds of the peace are lying in our region, in Baku and in Yerevan," Hajiyev said. "Our other partners can help us to move forward, but sometimes we are finding ourselves in a situation where we are trying to mediate between the mediators."

Baku, Hajiyev added, is "not excluding" peace talks held in Washington, Moscow, or Brussels. But, he said, "It doesn't matter where we are meeting, the important thing is [whether] it is result-oriented and what's on our agenda."

Baku sees no need for further fighting, the official continued, dismissing concerns that Azerbaijani forces might undertake an operation into southern Armenia to carve out a land bridge to its Nakhchivan exclave.

"We see false alarmism and hysteria [from] Armenia's side, and we also see the narrative of some partners, [as to] whether Azerbaijan has some other intentions," Hajiyev said. "Azerbaijan no longer has any military goals. For us, war and confrontation is over. We achieved what we deserved to achieve."

But now Baku and Yerevan must juggle the difficult challenges of peace, including a settlement on the right of return for some 100,000 people Armenia said fled Nagorno-Karabakh during the September fighting.

"Azerbaijan is proud to have a multiethnic society where different ethnic minorities are living side by side in peace," Hajiyev said. "The same conditions can be provided to Armenians who are living in Karabakh."

"But what we said is that we cannot accept aggressive separatism, we cannot accept the so-called Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, and we cannot accept also armed forces on the ground."

https://www.newsweek.com/us-lopsided-contest-russia-azerbaijan-armenia-peace-hajiyev-1853720

In the heart of Jerusalem’s Old City, the Armenian community, celebrated for resilience and profound centuries-old cultural legacy, is facing a dire battle for survival. As regional tensions escalate, the community grapples with challenges that not only endanger their freedom of _expression_ but also imperil their distinctive dialect— unique to Jerusalem and now on the brink of disappearing—along with their rich culture and very existence. 

In July 2021, the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem discreetly signed a real estate contract, ceding 25 percent of their quarter for 99 years to an Australian–Israeli settler investor. This action has thrust the Armenian community into crisis, as they now face the imminent threat of losing a significant portion of their quarter. 

While the community temporarily suspended proceedings upon the discovery of this arrangement in May 2023, bulldozers, accompanied by armed Israeli settlers, have already initiated the excavation of the parking lot surrounding the Monastery of the Armenian Apostolic Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

The Armenian ethnolinguistic minority has been present in the Holy Land since the fourth century, with a history that includes aiding survivors of the 1915 Armenian genocide. After the 1948 war, the Armenian population in Jerusalem has dwindled to fewer than 2000 residents today, the majority of whom live within the Armenian Quarter.

The site houses the Patriarchate’s Theological Seminary, the Brotherhood of St. James, ancient churches, a museum, library, health clinic, and the Sts. Tarkmanchatz Armenian School, founded in 1929. Here, Armenian children not only learn their language but also engage in activities within the courtyard—a pivotal space for the community to convene, converse in their native tongue, and safeguard their cultural identity.

Global Voices conducted an interview with an Armenian resident from Jerusalem who chose to remain anonymous for safety amid the ongoing war on Gaza and the threat faced by the Armenian quarter.

The interview delved into the political climate and surveillance in Jerusalem, shedding light on issues such as discrimination, hate speech, and the escalating restrictions on freedom of _expression_.

Co-authored by the resident and refined for clarity, the interview offers valuable insights into the challenges faced by the Armenian community  as they strive to preserve their language and cultural identity in the region.

Mariam A. (MA): How are you coping with the situation in Jerusalem and Gaza? 

Armenian Resident (AR): It's been very difficult. The current situation in Jerusalem, the ongoing genocide in Gaza, and the fact that we feel paralyzed and unable to do anything contribute to the overwhelming sense of helplessness.

The most challenging aspect for non-Jewish Jerusalemites is that we have been forbidden from expressing any type of sympathy or concern. We are witnessing complete surveillance, a militarized city, with most [Jewish] civilians armed with rifles, and a heightened presence of police officers and soldiers patrolling the city. 

There is a constant fear of being stopped at any moment, with the risk of having your phone snatched and the security forces going through its contents. 

I checked the emergency state law, and it states that the IDF has the right to enter private spaces, including homes, or go through personal property based on suspicions. This legal provision legitimizes such actions.

Aware of this, people are trying to monitor not only their speech but also their thoughts, fearing potential endangerment for knowing more than what is deemed acceptable about the current situation.

I would say it's a state of paranoia at this moment.

MA: Have community  members  experienced incidents where they were stopped, had their phones confiscated, and been checked?

AR: Yes, I've witnessed this happening several times in different parts of the city as I walk around. They stop young men under suspicion of being Arab, conducting thorough searches, which include checking their phones.

I know of particular cases involving young students, both men and women, whose phones were snatched. If phones showed any social media or text messages expressing sympathy or concern for the ongoing situation, they were detained.

MA: Do you think the Armenian community is affected by this surveillance mentality, or do you feel they are exempt from it?

AR: Nobody is exempt. What we've been witnessing, not just during this war but even before, is a trend that emphasizes that this is an exclusive city and an exclusive country. Waves of people, youth especially, audaciously scream out chants proclaiming it as a Jewish-only state, asserting that this is the state of Israel. 

The sad part is that this wave of fanaticism doesn’t acknowledge diversity;  The danger of this discourse is that it fails to recognize non-Jewish individuals for who they are, focusing instead on who they are not part of. It doesn’t acknowledge Armenians, Christians, Palestinians, what kind of Muslims they are, do they have families? Do they have pets? 

The trend categorizes individuals as something that doesn't belong. So their identity isn't even seen as an identity. It is negated. 

MA: Within this political landscape, how does the Armenian community's freedom of _expression_ fare? Do you think the community can openly express opinions and identities?

AR: It's funny that you ask that. We've had many discussions within in the Armenian community regarding this particular issue. Since the Armenian genocide of 1915, Armenians have been minorities in various parts of the world.

What's funny is that most Armenians assimilate, consciously avoiding what the state might perceive as “problematic,” by staying away from politics. They adapt quickly, embracing new languages, contributing their skill sets, and harmoniously coexisting with their host societies. Grateful for the countries that provided refuge after the genocide, they preserve their Armenian language, food, and culture. They have always been welcomed.

In Jerusalem for example, Armenians established the first printing house in 1833 and introduced photography and hand-crafted ceramics to the region. 

So it's strange for us to see that even Armenians are viewed as an unwelcome minority by settlers.

In recent years, various settlers have engaged in spitting at religious figures, cursing them, and even pushing them into alleyways. They target people they deem incompatible with their vision of a Jewish-only state.  

A video shows Jewish Ultra-Orthodox Community member spitting on Christian nuns at Jerusalem's Lions Gate. pic.twitter.com/tESUbgNgRG

— Local Focus – Security Alerts (@LocalFocus1) April 13, 2023

There is a lot of silence. 

People don't express their true thoughts; they are too afraid to express their opinion or criticize the state. The system compels us to keep our mouths shut and avoid trouble as much as possible.

Even having this conversation or contributing to this article makes me wonder if it's worth it. It's disempowering and makes me feel cowardly. However, looking around, I realize that most people are scared. They censor themselves, both offline and online. 

This exclusive mindset discriminates against Arab Christians and Armenians. In principle, it shouldn't discriminate against anyone. But the fact that it targets minorities speaks volumes about the mindset in this country at this moment.

MA: In January, settlers inscribed hate slogans on the walls of the Armenian Patriarchy in Jerusalem, advocating revenge and death to Arabs, Armenians, and Christians.  Can you provide more insight into these occurrences and elaborate on how they impact the community?

AR: There have been many incidents and they have been on the rise. 

The walls of the Armenian Convent in the Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem have been vandalized with hate speech, the Armenian National Committee of Jerusalem informs.

“Death to Armenians, Christians, Arabs, and Gentiles,” along with calls for revenge were written on the walls of pic.twitter.com/nKVsUibDAY

— Sanadroug Hajian (@SanadrougH) July 7, 2023

It's been happening against people who look religious and places that might not be strictly Jewish. 

In the Armenian quarter, settlers have been observed spitting at Armenian establishments. If anyone tries to defend or say, “hey, what's wrong with you?” they are met with pepper spray, if not rifles, often with impunity.

Visitors from Armenia are surprised by our “too nice” attitude; they ask us “How do you confront this type of radical, in-your-face harassment? Why aren't you fighting back? Why aren't you doing anything about it?”

They don't realize that people can't do much because the state may seize documents, rescind building permits, remove inhabitants, confiscate properties, or detain individuals. If individuals get attacked and they try to defend themselves, it would be a justification for further attacks.

MA: In light of the current atmosphere and the numerous threats— security concerns, hate speech, and existential threats — how do you preserve your language and cultural identity?

AR: In our community courtyard, we speak our own language, keeping it very much alive. It is used in our meetings and communications. We love it and feel attached to it, as it plays a role in strengthening our sense of identity and community.

The courtyard invokes memories of childhood. Whenever the city is under threat, the Armenian community gathers in the courtyard. It has always been a safe haven.

Amid the ongoing war, Armenians from various parts of the country, like Yafa and Haifa, have either temporarily relocated or begun bringing their kids to the courtyard. It's a beautiful space for children with clubs and the school. When we seek a sense of togetherness, it's usually found there. 

When my dad passed away, I experienced the power of community. Almost everyone attended the funeral, arriving in waves. It was then that I truly realized the strength of our community. We're there for each other.

I hope the monastery remains, though we're cynical these days. Amidst our uncertainty, I am certain of one thing, it is a beautiful community.