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Armenian Bar Association Repudiates Pashinyan-Imposed Resignation of AGMI Dire

March 17, 2026March 17, 2026 Emil Lazarian

by Contributor

March 17, 2026

in Latest, News, Top Stories

Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has gone on record to confirm that he required the termination of Dr. Edita Gzoyan as the Director of the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute.

Dr. Gzoyan is an expert of Armenian Genocide studies who has devoted her professional life to the vindication of historical records and who is held in the highest regard by her peers in Armenia and throughout the world. She has been a longtime collaborator of the Armenian Bar Association’s Genocide Reparations Committee and an essential ally in the Armenian Bar Association’s work under its Memorandum of Understanding with the AGMI.

According to the Prime Minister, the reason for his directive was that Dr. Gzoyan had the poise to mention Artsakh (Nagorno Karabagh) to U.S. Vice President JD Vance and Second Lady Usha Vance during their visit to the Tsitsernakaberd Armenian Genocide Memorial Complex as part of their official visit to Yerevan in February. He indicated that Gzoyan’s mere reference of Artsakh to the Vice President amounted to an outrageous act of defiance requiring her dismissal from AGMI.

The Prime Minister also indicated that he found to be inexcusable Dr. Gzoyan’s gesture of gifting written literature about Artsakh’s history to her American guests and showing them nearby memorials to the victims of the Sumgait, Kirovabad and Baku pogroms of Armenians conducted by Azerbaijan in the late 1980s-early 1990s.

The historical facts and academic research surrounding Artsakh and the Pogroms of Armenians are not political issues, they are historical facts. They are facts that need to be documented and researched under the leadership of academic institutions such as the AGMI and should not be silenced or buried. Moreover, they are the cornerstones of legal rights surrounding the right of return of Artsakh citizens to their native homes, the preservation of Artsakh’s cultural and religious heritage, and the pursuit of related claims in international courts.

The Armenian Bar Association has in recent years maintained a formal working relationship with AGMI and its staff on a broad range of topics and projects. During this time, representatives of the Association have met with Dr. Gzoyan on a monthly basis and partnered with her and her team on initiatives dedicated to preserving historical truth, advancing genocide scholarship, and documenting the lived experiences of Armenians who have survived persecution.

Among the most significant initiatives is the Armenian Bar Association’s Pogroms Project. A group of the Association’s members from across the country interview Armenians who arrived in the United States as refugees from Azerbaijan, following the anti-Armenian pogroms in cities such as Sumgait, Kirovabad, and Baku. These interviews document first-hand accounts of violence, displacement, and survival. The recorded testimonies are then transmitted to AGMI for archival preservation and scholarly use so that these histories may be studied by researchers and preserved for future generations.

The Armenian Bar also supports AGMI’s academic initiatives, including its Moot Court program for teams of students from law schools in multiple countries. This program engages mostly non-Armenian students and scholars in examining legal questions related to genocide, crimes against humanity, accountability, and reparations. These collaborative programs are a testament to the vital role AGMI plays as a global center for research, documentation, and education concerning the Armenian Genocide and subsequent anti-Armenian violence.

The independence of institutions devoted to genocide research is not merely an administrative matter—it is a fundamental requirement for credible scholarship and the preservation of historical truth. Any action that appears to subject the leadership of such an institution to political pressure raises serious concerns about academic freedom and institutional integrity.

AGMI is not simply a national institution; it is a cornerstone of global genocide scholarship. Its credibility depends on the ability of its scholars and leadership to pursue historical truth free from political interference. Attempts to pressure or remove leadership for political reasons risk undermining the institution’s reputation and weakening international efforts to combat genocide denial and distortion.

The Armenian Bar Association therefore calls upon the authorities in Yerevan and the responsible governing bodies to rethink and reconsider the forced departure of the Director and that they ensure that AGMI remains independent and protected from political interference. The AGMI’s ongoing projects are of utmost importance to the preservation of Armenian history, and any political effort to derail that work is unacceptable. The safeguarding of historical memory—particularly concerning genocide and crimes against humanity—must remain beyond the reach of short-term political considerations.

In light of these developments, the Armenian Bar Association joins the growing number of scholars and experts who have raised alarm.

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‘Armenia’ Alliance Names Robert Kocharian as its Candidate for Prime Minister

March 17, 2026March 17, 2026 Garnik Tadevosian

by Asbarez Staff

March 17, 2026

in Armenia, Featured Story, Latest, News, Top Stories

Former president Robert Kocharian enters the Karen Demirchyan Sports Complex in Yerevan on Mar. 16

The “Armenia” Alliance announced that former president Robert Kocharian will serve as the bloc’s candidate for the upcoming parliamentary election.

The announcement was made at a campaign kick-off event on Sunday at the Karen Demirchyan Sports Complex in Yerevan, with members of the alliance, supporters and guests in attendance.

The announcement of Kocharian’s candidacy by Armenia Alliance lawmaker Anna Grigoryan was followed by remarks by the candidate who declared: “We are determined. Our goal is victory.”

“The evil embodied by this government will be defeated. I entered the struggle against them from the very first days they came to power, and I will not rest until they are removed. This is also what distinguishes me from the other candidates for prime minister. But this is not enough. Those responsible for the deaths of our thousands of heroes must be held accountable—those who surrendered Artsakh and who today force the people to forget their heroic history,” Kocharian said.

The slogan of the campaign, “Together We Can,” became the rallying cry of the event.

Also addressing the event was Armenian Revolutionary Federation Supreme Council of Armenia chair Ishkhan Saghatelyan, who announced that the alliance has been shored up by the participation of the Aratch (Forward) Party, which recently joined the bloc.

Saghatelyan explained numerous other civic organizations and group have also joined the alliance. The ARF leader paused his speech for a video presentation highlighting the Armenian alliance’s accomplishments.

Other speaking at the event included, Sevak Khachatryan, the leader of the Arach Party; Chritine Vardanyan, a member of the ARF Supreme Council of Armenia and a lawmakers; and Arthur Khachatryan, another ARF member and a lawmaker representing the Armenia alliance.

In her remarks Vardanyan spoke about the alliance’s programs related to youth, noting that making higher education free in Armenia is among the alliance’s priorities.

Khachatryan, an economist by profession, outlined the bloc’s economic policy priorities and sharply criticized the government’s economic performance. He argued that official statistics fail to reflect the reality faced by ordinary citizens.

Arthur Khachatryan

He said that living conditions can be better understood “by looking at people’s refrigerators and wallets,” pointing to rising debt levels among the population. According to Khachatryan, around 300,000 people in Armenia hold problematic consumer loans, while approximately 150,000 citizens lack even 250,000 drams ($68,000) to meet basic financial obligations.

He also questioned the government’s claims about average wages, noting that a significant portion of workers earn below the reported figures once taxes are taken into account.

Khachatryan further criticized the country’s growing public debt, stating that Armenia’s state debt has reached approximately 5.3 trillion drams ($14 billion) and continues to increase rapidly. He argued that a substantial portion of the state budget is now directed toward debt servicing, placing a heavy burden on taxpayers.

He also pointed to structural weaknesses in the economy, noting that Armenia’s largest sector remains wholesale and retail trade and vehicle repair, rather than high-tech or industrial production, despite government promises of promoting a knowledge-based economy.

Khachatryan outlined three core pillars of the Armenia Alliance’s economic strategy:

Creating a favorable environment for economic and business development;
Providing targeted support for domestic producers; and
Ensuring fair distribution of national wealth

He also presented a 12-point economic plan:

Transforming Armenia into a high-tech industrial country, with industry accounting for at least 25% of GDP
Integrating Armenian businesses into global value chains
Expanding state support for technology startups and research projects, particularly in the defense sector
Encouraging banks and pension funds to finance the real economy and establishing investment funds for major infrastructure projects
Prioritizing Armenian-made products in public procurement and expanding export markets
Protecting strategic sectors such as agriculture and textiles from unfair foreign competition
Supporting small and medium-sized enterprises through tax incentives, automated reporting systems, and a two-year tax holiday for startups
Promoting balanced regional development beyond Yerevan
Strengthening agriculture, targeting at least 15% of GDP, while improving rural living standards and food security
Introducing a progressive income tax system and reducing unemployment by creating 30,000 to 45,000 jobs annually
Raising the minimum wage to align with the cost of living
Increasing the base pension by 50% and indexing it annually to inflation

Khachatryan said the measures outlined represent foundational principles rather than a complete program, adding that a more detailed economic platform will be presented in the coming weeks.

He expressed confidence that the proposed policies would drive economic growth and improve living standards across Armenia.

—

Asbarez: New Book Examines the Armenian Genocide Through Biographical Approach

March 17, 2026March 17, 2026 Ophelia Vardapetian

by Contributor

March 17, 2026

in Books, Latest, News, Top Stories

OXFORD/NEW YORK— Berghahn book publishers announced the publication of “Lives in Fragments: Self-Narrative Sources and Biographical Approaches to the Armenian Genocide“, edited by Eren Yıldırım Yetkin, Nazan Maksudyan, and Adnan Çelik. The volume embarks on an intricate exploration of biography, memory, and the legacies of violence. By focusing on life stories, it highlights contested memories and counter-narratives, offering new perspectives on the social dynamics that led to genocidal violence, its remembrance, and denial. Lives in Fragments emphasizes lives fragmented and shattered by the Armenian Genocide, providing a nuanced understanding of its complex historical and social dimensions. Diverse autobiographical sources are analyzed in chapters that examine both the historiography and remembrance of the genocide.

The book is structured into three parts, each tracing a distinct trajectory in the study and experience of the Armenian Genocide:

Part I: Methodological Questions on Biography, History, and Memory
This section opens with reflections on the intersection of biography and memory. Lena Inowlocki and Eren Yıldırım Yetkin address methodological challenges scholars face when navigating personal and collective memories. Nazan Maksudyan focuses specifically on biographical approaches to studying the Armenian Genocide, establishing the theoretical and methodological foundations for understanding individual lives amid historical cataclysms.

Part II: Lives in Genocide
This part turns to the lived experiences of survivors and witnesses. Fatma Müge Göçek provides a foreword framing the narratives. Boris Adjemian examines the life of a survivor in exile, emphasizing the role of libraries and writing in reconstructing a fractured self. Nazan Maksudyan presents the biography of Johannes Jakob Manissadjian, showing how knowledge, nature, and dispossession shaped a life interrupted by genocide. Bedross Der Matossian recounts Sahag II Khabayan, Catholicos of Cilicia, as a witness to massacres. Talin Suciyan and Paul Vartan Sookiasian trace the ongoing exile of Sourpik Tekian. Vahé Tachjian concludes by exploring how post-genocide Armenian memory is preserved and expressed through song, dance, and photography.

Part III: Afterlives of Violence and Genocide
This section examines the enduring impact of genocide across generations. Yael Navaro introduces the challenges of reconsidering biography under genocidal conditions. Alice von Bieberstein studies the “double” identity of Islamized Armenians, which complicates historical and epistemological understandings. Adnan Çelik analyzes memoirs of Kurdish intellectuals, while Duygu Taşalp investigates the genocidal literary style of Young Turk memoirs. Annika Törne recounts escape routes through Dersim, demonstrating how survival narratives traverse life and death. Eren Yıldırım Yetkin reflects on racialization, gendered narratives, and intergenerational memory in a family from Van. Michael Rothberg’s epilogue situates these life stories within frameworks of trauma, multidirectionality, and moral responsibility, highlighting the enduring afterlives of genocide.

Through this structure, the book demonstrates that the Armenian Genocide is not only a historical event but also a deeply human story, experienced through fragmentation, resilience, and lived memory. The volume emphasizes the importance of considering individual agency in biographical analysis. By engaging with personal trajectories, decisions, and actions, it problematizes approaches that ignore personal agency, offering critical insights into both the history of the Armenian Genocide and its denial in public discourse.

The editors commented, saying: “Personal stories are intertwined with histories of violence and contain watermarks of the social conditions, changes, and processes that go hand in hand with persecution. In genocide studies and interpretative social research focusing on the trauma and memory of mass violence, life-historical documents and biographical methods have been used as important components in the multi-perspective reconstruction of social and political processes Methodological designs may vary in terms of the type of data, its collection, and analysis, but working with biographies and life story narratives contributes to the analytical examination of violent events.”

According to them, the volume considers these aspects as its main focus and explores biographies and related biographical materials on the Armenian genocide. The book uses life stories and biographical sources to reflect this perspective and shows how biographical reconstructions can offer valuable insights into the violent past and its memory across various collective, individual, and intergenerational levels. They argue that an essential point is to view biographies in terms of actors’ agency and their ability to decide and act, rather than viewing them as passive. In this context, biographical approaches challenge interpretations of social and political dynamics that, by nature, do not account for personal agency as a genuine component of these processes. To critically examine the history and significance of Armenian genocide denial in public debates that overlook individual paths, decisions, and trajectories, engaging with life stories, biographical sources, and methods is of utmost importance.

Eren Yıldırım Yetkin

Eren Yıldırım Yetkin is a social scientist at the Catholic University of Applied Sciences Berlin, with a PhD in sociology from Goethe University Frankfurt. His research focuses on collective and individual memory, political violence, and narrativity. He authored “Violence and Genocide in Kurdish Memory” (2022) and coauthored “Jugendliche Erinnerungspraktiken “(2025). He serves on the advisory board of ISA Research Committee 38, “Biography and Society.”

Nazan Maksudyan

Nazan Maksudyan is a Senior Researcher at Centre Marc Bloch and a visiting professor at Freie Universität Berlin. Her research examines the social and cultural history of the late Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey, with interests in children, youth, gender, sexuality, exile, migration, and sound studies. Key works include “Orphans and Destitute Children in the Late Ottoman Empire” (2014) and “Ottoman Children & Youth During World War I” (2019).

Adnan Çelik

Adnan Çelik is an associate professor of anthropology at EHESS, Paris. His research centers on political violence, memory regimes, and transnational activism. Publications include “Dans l’ombre de l’État: Kurdes contre Kurdes” (2021) and “Laboratories of Learning” (2024), as well as co-edited works on Kurdish experiences and social movements.

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168: Jobs have been significantly reduced. What happened in the labor market?

March 17, 2026March 17, 2026 Albert Nalbandian

March: 17, 2026

At the beginning of the year, the number of jobs in Armenia was reduced, but the reduction also has a size, they were significantly reduced. In January, 36.5 thousand jobs were closed.

If the number of jobs declared in December of last year, according to official statistics, was almost 821.5 thousand, in January of this year there were only 785 thousand such jobs.

Have you heard Nikol Pashinyan or any CP official talking about this recently or referring to the jobs, indicators about the available jobs? There is no such thing. Everyone’s mouths watered. Meanwhile, not so long ago, everyone was talking in unison about the historical records of jobs.

We see that at the beginning of the year, there is nothing left of those “records”. The jobs were even less than 800 thousand. Do you remember when Nikol Pashinyan announced that for the first time in history the number of registered workers in Armenia exceeded 800 thousand?

“2025 as of September, for the first time in history, the number of registered and paid jobs in Armenia exceeded 800,000. Historically, we have never had such a number – 805 thousand 687. Compared to September last year, there are 37 thousand 140 more jobs or 4.8 percent,” Nikol Pashinyan announced about this “historic” achievement in October of last year.

He does not speak until there are no “historical records”. Talking about record declines is not part of the plans of Nikol Pashinyan and members of the CP. However, in January of this year, we have the fact that the declared jobs are tens of thousands less than not only 800 thousand, but also the “historical” record of September.

In January, there were fewer jobs in Armenia than in September last year. Less than in July and August. Less than in June, even in May.

In January of this year, the number of jobs in Armenia was about 2,000 less than in April of last year.

In January, compared to the end of the year, jobs in Armenia decreased by 4.4 percent. Of course, there is a certain factor of seasonality in it, but never before has there been such a sharp decrease in the number of declared jobs. Last year, the number of jobs decreased at the beginning of the year. But much less, only 15.5 thousand. In January of this year, a record decrease of jobs was registered, 36.5 thousand less than at the end of last year. The pace of job cuts has increased by 2.3 times compared to last year.

It is not known what the reason was. However, it is obvious that the trend of job growth on an annual basis has significantly weakened.

In January of this year, compared to January of the previous year, the number of jobs increased by only 16.6 thousand. A year ago, the same figure was 41 thousand.

These numbers show what happened in the job market. Even the growth of jobs, which the CPs consider one of their main achievements, very often confusing the coming out of the shadow of unregistered jobs with newly created jobs, has started to give way. In January, compared to the end of the previous year, jobs were reduced in almost all sectors of the economy. About 14.8 thousand in small and medium businesses, and 21.7 thousand in large ones.

The largest decline was recorded in construction. Compared to the end of the previous year, the number of people employed in this branch of the economy decreased by more than 6.7 thousand, from 43.2 thousand to 36.5 thousand.

The number of people employed in construction has decreased not only compared to the end of the previous year, but also compared to the beginning of the previous year. 1.2 thousand less people were employed here than in January last year.

It is strange that this happened in the conditions of officially recorded high growth in the construction sector. In January of this year, according to the data published by the statistical service, the volume of construction increased by 18.7 percent compared to the same month last year.

The volume of construction has increased at such a high rate, but the number of people employed has decreased.

How is this possible, probably only official statistics can tell.

In the conditions of 18.7 percent growth, jobs were reduced by 1.2 thousand. It seems that it should be the other way around, as the volumes increase, logically the employed should also increase. But the official statistics are unique here as well. It is not clear that fewer people were employed in construction, but the volume of construction continued to increase at a high rate.

Compared to the end of the previous year, almost 5.2 thousand jobs were closed in the field of retail and wholesale trade. By the way, this is the branch of the economy that provides the largest number of jobs. At the end of last year, 142.6 thousand people were employed here. In January of that year, 137.4 thousand remained.

The next sector with the biggest job losses is manufacturing. Here, too, the number of jobs decreased by more than 4,000. In January, 90.9 thousand people were employed in the manufacturing industry.

At the beginning of the year, more than 3,000 workers were laid off in the field of accommodation and catering. 2.9 thousand workers were reduced in other maintenance services. Compared to the end of last year, there were about 1.7 thousand fewer people employed in agriculture at the beginning of this year.

There is almost no sector where jobs and employment are not reduced at the beginning of the year. Such a phenomenon at the beginning of the year, of course, is not new, the whole problem is that the rate of job cuts this year was unprecedentedly high.

HAKOB KOCHARYAN

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Banks creep into politics and private life. Trump at the helm of JPMorgan

March 17, 2026March 17, 2026 Frangulian Shushan

March: 17, 2026

More and more common todaywho gets «debanking» the new word. It even appeared in explanatory dictionaries. Means be deprived to the person from banking services: But not because the actual or potential customer violates some laws related to money, for example, engages in money laundering or transfers money to terrorists. Such a person cannot access their bank accounts. they must be blocked in accordance with applicable laws.

No, it is about depriving a person of access to banking services for political reasons. Or because of the person behavior defies the bank’s notions of what is good and what is bad (by the way, some banks have their own corporate value system, which may differ from the general system adopted in the country):

It seems that banks should be apolitical and tolerant of their customers, serving everyone regardless of nationality, religion, political views and behavior (except when the behavior is in clear conflict with existing laws).

Looks like «debanking» start the termto spread widely In 2023, when in the UK flared up scandal՝ associated with the famous English politician Nigel Farage around։

Being a member of the European Parliament since the end of the 1990s, he stood out for his sharp criticism of European integration within the framework of the European Union and the Eurozone. And became one of the most active initiators of Brexit. At the end of December 2019, the British newspaper Financial Times included Farage in its published list of 50 people who “made the face of the decade”. Presumably, Faraj had many political opponents. But unexpectedly it turned out that he has opponents not only among politicians, but also from the banking world.

In June 2023, Coutts, a member of the NatWest group, blocked Nigel Farage’s personal and business accounts without explanation. At first, the politician assumed that this happened because of the news of receiving money from the Russian RT channel. Farage later said he had been denied access to the accounts because the bank had identified him as a “political figure”.

According to Farage, the 36-page document attributes to him a friendship with former US President Donald Trump, and also discusses his political views, his stance on LGBT people and his attitude towards Russia. Moreover, the politician claims that he was characterized as a “racist and xenophobe”.

The scandal was huge. By the way, not only Farage was upset, but also many other politicians who realized that they are also not immune to the whims of bankers. The confrontation between Farage and the bank ended in a victory for the politician. Even British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak condemned the blocking of accounts due to political views. The scandal led to the resignations of NatWest Group chief executive Alison Rose and Coutts bank chief Peter Flavell.

Farage’s aforementioned story reminded us that debanking has happened in the UK before. Several Muslim organizations, in particular, have recalled that In 2014, HSBC closed their accounts, probably due to a religious factor: Bank executives said the decision to close the accounts was “absolutely unrelated to race or religion.”

Here is another similar case in the foggy Albion Isles. In 2016, the Co-operative Bank closed the bank accounts of Friends of Al-Aqsa, Palestine Solidarity Campaigns and about 25 other Palestine-related organizations. The Independent reported in the same 2016 that the decision to close the accounts was made without any explanation. At that time the Govt to announce was that it empowered banks to reduce the risks associated with possible questionable financing or money laundering.

There are many similar cases in continental Europe as well. in April 2023 former lobbyist Frédéric Baldan initiated a criminal case against the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, in the investigative chamber of Liège. Baldan accused von der Leyen of abuse of official position.

We are talking about the famous “Pfizergate” scandal. The essence of the scandal is that there was a secret SMS correspondence between von der Leyen and the head of Pfizer, Albert Burla, which led to a dubious deal to supply 1.8 billion doses of a vaccine against the coronavirus, worth about 35 billion euros. In June 2023, Baldan’s lobbyist certification was revoked. Two years later, he reported on Platform X that his accounts at ING and Nagelmackers banks in Namur (Belgium) had been closed.

Baldan published a letter in which the bank informed him about the decision to close the accounts. According to Baldan, the closing of the accounts affected not only his personal bank account, but also the accounts of his consulting firm, his household, as well as his five-year-old son’s savings account.

The loudest scandal related to debanking in Germany took place in November last year. At the same time, several German cooperative banks have closed the accounts of the opposition party Alternative for Germany, which has serious chances of winning the next Bundestag elections.:

Some banks brazenly announce that they will pursue a debanking policy based on their understanding of what is good and what is bad. From 1 November 2023 National Australia Bank (NAB, Australian Banking Group, one of the big four banks in Australia) threateningly stated: will block accounts of citizens publishing unauthorized statements on the Internet.

In Canada, in 2022, a wave of closing accounts rose, which can be called debanking. At that time, the country was engulfed in protests by citizens and companies regarding all kinds of bans and restrictions, which were allegedly introduced to fight against the “COVID pandemic”. The prohibitions and restrictions were illegal in nature. In response to the protest, Canadian banks blocked at least 76 accounts of the protesters, worth a total of C$3.2 million.mb: Later, the courts recognized them as illegal.

There were not few cases of debanking in the USA. On August 7, 2025, Trump issued an executive order calling for an end to debanking and punishing those who unfairly cut off legitimate customers from the banking system.

Here is the most recent and perhaps the most resonant story on the subject of bank debanking. The most recent, since it started in the second half of January 2026. Most resonant for at least two reasons. Because Donald Trump, the 47th president of the USA, appears in it as a victim of debanking. And the bank insulting the US president is JPMorgan, the largest bank in the United States։

All this is quite detailed is described “What is debanking and why is Trump suing JPMorgan over it?” in the article. On January 22, CNN and Bloomberg reported that Trump filed a $5 billion lawsuit against JPMorgan Chase Bank and its CEO Jamie Dimon because the bank stopped providing banking services to him personally, Donald Trump, and his businesses in 2021.

The denial of services, the lawsuit states, was due to political reasons. The mentioned article states: “Trump’s legal team not only claims that JPMorgan made the wrong decision, but accuses the bank of turning financial infrastructure into a political tool.”

The closing of the accounts has caused significant financial and reputational damage to Donald Trump. Moreover, as if on the sidelines, the US president explained that he filed the lawsuit not only to compensate for his own losses, but also to create a convincing precedent and prevent future debanking in America that violates the US Constitution.

This precedent, Trump supporters say, should strengthen the president’s August executive order mentioned above. This ordinance prohibits banks and other financial institutions from denying or restricting services based on political or religious beliefs. The order directs federal bank regulators to remove “reputation risk” provisions from their guidelines, reinstate customers who have been illegally deprived of bank accounts, investigate past discriminatory practices and refer religious denials to the attorney general.

Jamie Dimon denies wrongdoing and believes there is an element of “personal vendetta” in the lawsuit. After all, Trump could address his claim only to the bank, and he is also addressing it to the head of the bank, Jamie Dimon. The decision regarding Trump was “subjective” and “politically motivated.” Furthermore, Dimon is a member of the Democratic Party and thus a political opponent of Republican Trump.

Those who agree with Dimon’s opinion about “personal revenge” pay attention to such a “trifle”; US President Donald Trump announced on January 10th the introduction of a fixed maximum interest rate of 10% on credit cards, starting on the anniversary of his inauguration on January 20th. Dimon responded to this initiative of the president.

Speaking at the World Economic Forum (WEF) meeting in Davos, he said Trump’s proposed restriction would lead to an “economic disaster”. Probably, it angered the owner of the White House. Because the lawsuit against JPMorgan Chase Bank and Jamie Dimon appeared literally one day after the speech of the head of the bank in Davos.

By the way, Trump said that in 2021 he was debanked not only by JPMorgan Chase, but also by Bank of America. However, the head of the second bank is afraid to criticize Trump, hoping that he will be able to avoid the trial.

The lawyers of the Trump team emphasize that the guilt of JPMorgan Chase bank can be proven even on the basis that the blocking of Trump and his business in 2021 was done in gross violation of the bank’s own internal rules.

Some observers believe Trump’s lawsuit against a major Wall Street bank is unprecedented in US history. No owner of the White House has dared to do this. It is believed that the 47th US president wants to control the US banking system: By the way, at the beginning of November, the US government started an investigation against JPMorgan Chase by order of the president. The investigation concerned whether the bank provided its customers with fair access to banking services.

JPMorgan what happened at the time was connecting with Trump’s August executive order overhauling bank policies that could have led to customer rejections due to “reputational risks.” Especially given that he has already launched a prosecutorial investigation into US Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell, which has a very high chance of escalating into legal proceedings against Powell. of the claim.

For now, experts refrain from evaluating what decision the court will make in this case. Of course, the court’s ruling on Trump’s lawsuit against JPMorgan Chase and Dimon could have far-reaching consequences. The mentioned article concludes:

«If the court considers the idea that a major bank used control of its accounts to punish a sitting president for political reasons, it could open the door to new legal restrictions on how financial institutions manage reputational risks.:

On the other hand, if JPMorgan successfully defends its right to close accounts, the outcome of the case could strengthen banks’ broad powers to decide which customers they serve, even if those decisions affect influential public figures.”

VALENTINE KATASONOV

fondsk.ru

Translation by Zhanna Avetisyan

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“I’ll take your pain, don’t give me that name… The blood of thousands of our boys on his nose

March 17, 2026March 17, 2026 Hovik Karapetian

March: 17, 2026

During the past weekend, the “campaign bus” led by Nikol Pashinyan, with its regular passengers, CP members, was singing and dancing in the Vayots Dzor region. Like the previous marz visits, this time Nikol Pashinyan traded in the markets, ate in front of cameras, convinced people that there was peace, and thinking that everyone was satisfied and happy, he went to Syunik marz.

In 2023, when Nikol Pashinyan went to Vayots Dzor Marz again, Narine Asatryan, a mother of many children forcibly displaced from Berdzor, threw a raincoat in his direction, remembering the thousands of victims, the destroyed homeland, her lost house in Berdzor, thus expressing her anger. After that incident, Narine Asatryan was charged under part 3 of Article 44-452 of the Criminal Code, which provides imprisonment for 2-5 years.

He was guilty recognized He was sentenced to 2 years imprisonment for committing the crime provided for by Article 44-452, Part 3 of the RA Criminal Code. By applying Article 84 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Armenia, Narine Asatryan was sentenced to probation for a period of 2 years, and the probation service of the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Armenia was placed under probation.

The court obliged Narine Asatryan, without the decision of the competent authority exercising control over the convict’s behavior, not to allow him to leave the territory of the Republic of Armenia.

Today, we asked Narine Asatryan whether she met him during Nikol Pashinyan’s visit to Vayots Dzor marz.

After hearing Nikol Pashinyan’s name, Ms. Narine said, she no longer gets nervous when hearing that name.

“I’ll bear your pain, don’t give me that name, who is he who says that there is no question of Artsakh, forget it, he has his head against the wall?” I don’t want to say other words, who is he, when that person talks about that topic, my nervous system gets disturbed. Who is it, what is it that has brought our Armenian nation to this law, if he wants to become a Turkish fan, let him go, but away from us.” of 168.am Narine Asatryan said in a conversation with

He found it difficult to say whether anyone forcibly displaced from Artsakh went to meet Nikol Pashinyan in Vayots Dzor or not.

“Yesterday I was watching that person’s live broadcast, I was at work, I could hardly stop myself from calling a taxi to go upstairs. I am convicted because of it, today is the day to sign, there are 3 months left for me to be released completely.

Let the National Security Service also listen: the blood of thousands of our boys should come from their noses, at least after all this, they should keep a little restraint, the people are in a state of paralysis.

If at least a part of our nation were dignified, naturally we would not be in this situation,” emphasized Narine Asatryan.

Let’s also remind that Narine Asatryan came to Armenia with her children after the 44-day war. After the war, he returned to Artsakh to live in his permanent home in Kashatagh, but in August 2022, when the Armenian authorities handed over Berdzor, Narine Asatryan’s family was forcibly displaced and moved to Armenia, to Malishka settlement. He was one of the last residents of Berdzor who left his home.

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“If Pashinyan sees something illegal in it, then first of all, it should be against him

March 17, 2026March 17, 2026 Frangulian Shushan

March: 17, 2026

Until last week, Nikol Pashinyan, the Minister of Justice and the CP members in general did not clearly say that there will be no reference to the Declaration of Independence in the new Constitution. Nikol Pashinyan in a press conference with journalists after the Cabinet meeting last Thursday confirmed.

“There will be no reference to the Declaration of Independence in the new Constitution.”

Minister of Justice Srbuhi Galyan in a conversation with journalists at the National Assembly on March 2 had saidthat the new text of the Constitution is ready, but there is still no final decision regarding the Declaration of Independence. He also said today that the text of the Constitution will be discussed at the session of the CP department.

Founder of “Njar” constitutional movement, human rights activist Nina Karapetyantsi in my opinion, Nikol Pashinyan should not be given any chance to be re-elected, all legal measures that are allowed both by RA law and international conventions should be used.

“Everyone should take part in the elections, should give an account of what situation we are in and what danger threatens us. This is not about the presence or absence of the Declaration of Independence, this is not about constitutional changes, but about canceling the Republic of Armenia as a state, many people are already talking about this.” 168.amNina Karapetyants said in a conversation with

According to Nina Karapetyants, when the former speak, they try to target them as “pro-Russian” forces, “formers”, etc., but she does not personally represent either the former or the present, nor is she pro-Russian, and continues to insist that Nikol Pashinyan’s proposal can be implemented only in one case: when the statehood of the country is canceled, the Third Republic of Armenia is canceled.

“There is simply no other way to not refer to the Declaration of Independence. Nikol Pashinyan has announced this and has full support from Aliyev, he has exclusive support only from him. And he does not have any support from adequate people inside Armenia, this is the reason why he constantly seeks support abroad and receives support abroad. Naturally, it will be very difficult to fight against this, because Nikol Pashinyan has started using all possible and impossible methods and will continue to use them before the elections,” added Nina Karapetyants.

According to him, Nikol Pashinyan will continue all that after the elections, when people will face a situation where no one will ask the opinion of RA citizens regarding the implementation of Aliyev’s Constitution in RA.

He is sure that it is not possible for Nikol Pashinyan to get 51 percent of votes. “I am sure that he alone cannot gather so many votes, moreover, the political forces that could have supported Nikol Pashinyan with their votes do not have any chance, because they have been ruthlessly discredited and will not enter the National Assembly at all. It is a different matter that Nikol Pashinyan will collect enough votes, including through fraud, pressure, administrative resource and other various machinations. But it will not be enough to form a government. Here comes the next question: will the opposition forces be able to unite and form a coalition in the post-election phase, will they have enough common sense or not, and will they have enough votes or not?

On the other hand, I do not rule out the street struggle at all, the way Nikol Pashinyan came to power on the street. His election in 2018 did not follow the RA constitution, but it was the will of the people gathered on the street. So I think we can do that too, there is nothing illegal about it. If Pashinyan sees something illegal in this, first of all, a criminal case should be initiated against him,” emphasized Nina Karapetyants.

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According to our estimation, the increase of pensions can bring inflation of 0.1-0.2 percent.

March 17, 2026March 17, 2026 Baghdasarian Karlen

March: 17, 2026

Journalists asked the President of the Central Bank, Martin Gastyan, whether the increase in pensions and benefits, as a factor, was included in the factors of demand growth and inflation.

“Yes, according to our estimation, it can bring inflation of 0.1-0.2 percent, but until the end of the year,” Galstyan said in response.

To remind, it was announced earlier that pensions in Armenia will increase from April 1. For 623,353 people, the pension will increase by 10,000 drams and more, and for 39,594 people, it will increase by around 8,500 drams.

Details in the video

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We ask the Human Rights Council to stand by our people, aspiration

March 17, 2026March 17, 2026 Hovik Karapetian

March: 17, 2026

Famous Armenian-American lawyer, “Kerkonyan

In his speech, Kerkonyan noted that after the forced deportation of 150 thousand native Armenians from Nagorno Karabakh, Azerbaijan continues to prevent their safe return, violating the decision of the International Court of Justice of November 17, 2023. According to him, in fact, just two months ago, Azerbaijan expelled the 11 Armenians remaining in Nagorno-Karabakh.

“But this is not enough, Mr. Vice President, Azerbaijan continues to destroy Armenian culture and religious heritage, violating the requirements of the decision of the International Court of Justice of December 7, 2021, seeking to erase even the evidence of our people’s presence in Nagorno-Karabakh, a presence that has lasted for 4,000 years.

Today, Azerbaijan is deviously detaining 20 Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh, subjecting them to false trials and torture, without access to a lawyer or even evidence against them. By expelling the Red Cross, Azerbaijan deprived these detainees of independent humanitarian observation. These violations require a response from the board.

Mr. Vice President, the elected representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh are ready to participate in the peace forum initiated by the Swiss Parliament last year. We ask the Human Rights Council to stand by our people, because we strive for the most fundamental human rights, the right to return to our native homeland,” said Garnik Kerkonyan.

On his Facebook page, referring to his above speech, Kerkonyan wrote:

“JUST PEACE.

The right of forcibly displaced Armenians of Nagorno Karabakh to return to their native homeland remains on the agenda of the international community, and today also in the UN Human Rights Council. Real and lasting peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan must address the right of the people of Artsakh to collectively return to their homeland, under security and protection and with the undisturbed preservation of their fundamental rights, including the right to self-determination. Ethnic cleansing is not the way to peace. It has never been like that.”

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It is an Orwellian reality. foreign intervention for the sake of “anti-interference”.

March 17, 2026March 17, 2026 Talar Tumanian

March: 17, 2026

At the request of RA: The EU will send a rapid response team Armenia to protect democracy during elections. the information that became known earlier was confirmed yesterday by the high representative of the EU, Kaya Kalas.

“We will not leave Armenia alone in the fight against foreign interference. Democracies under pressure can count on Europe,” the diplomat quoted his leader as saying. department.

Back in December, Kalas announced that the European Union would help Armenia in the fight against “hybrid threats” and third-party interference attempts in the 2026 parliamentary elections. He claimed that the EU plans to allocate 15 million euros for this.

168․amtalked about the topic political scientist Hrant Mikayelyan with, specifically wondering if this “support” to fight against “interventions” is not actually an intervention, and is this not also a prologue to the perspective that the elections will proceed according to the consensus scenario of the authorities and the West?

In response, Hrant Mikayelyan mentioned: “This is definitely an interference and of course they are interfering and they should say that it is against interference. it is an Orwellian reality in which we live, where, say, war is peace, and where foreign intervention is against foreign intervention, and not foreign intervention.

But the fact is that Brussels is already heavily involved in the internal politics of Armenia, and this is just another step. In addition, in a month and a half, the Brussels union will gather in Armenia at the 8th summit of the European Political Community, and, probably, after that, the RA-EU summit. And this, other than calling it an election campaign for Pashinyan, is not possible.”

The political scientist reminded that this is not the first episode when Brussels supports the current government and the so-called democracy, and, according to him, it is in this context that it is outlined that all repressions that take place in Armenia are, by and large, under the permission of Brussels.

As an example, the specialist reminded the situation of Moldova and Ukraine.

To the question: There are precedents that Brussels was able to play a role with its influence, and are there precedents indicating the opposite, when it was possible, for example, to overcome the “Brussels influence”, Hrant Mikayelyan answered:

“It is the experience of Georgia. Brussels tried (Brussels, of course, was not alone, together with London and Washington) to carry out a street coup. A new government came in America, they even confirmed that USAID, which was financed by US state funds, had participated in that anti-government activity.

But, in any case, the government in Georgia resisted such pressures with power levers. this is one thing, however, as for the opposition, it is a little more difficult to say here;

The EU has now become an internal political player in Armenia and exerts a great influence on the internal political process of Armenia, but we have seen several polls, according to which the opposition should win, therefore, there are opportunities for the opposition to win.”

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