June: 14, 2026
“Pressing” in the program French-Armenian Raffi-Philippe Kalfayan, doctor of international law at Paris-Panthéon-Assas University, lawyer, former secretary general of the International Federation of Human Rights also spoke about the TRIPP project perspective.
«Clearly, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio came to support Pashinyan. The agreement, which was initialed and then signed, is the third agreement between the Armenian and American parties (first in August, then in January). The signed agreement reminds again under what conditions the TRIPP project can be implemented, and none of them have been met so far, and the project is still up in the air. Iran does not participate in it, Russia does not, who is left, Azerbaijan and Turkey,” said the international law expert.
To the question: what is the geography of the TRIPP project and what area does it cover, Raffi-Filipp Kalfayan answered that it is not yet clear.
“They say that you should give us that area, but they don’t say which area. Moreover, they say that Armenia should give that territory without any obstacles. They want to say that no person or company can claim that area, they should free it and hand it over, they should compensate the residents and remove them from that area. That black matter will remain on Armenia. they won’t even give money…
If TRIPP is to operate under American law, what other sovereignty are we talking about? The TRIPP agreement cannot be superior to the Constitution of Armenia, if it is not yet an international agreement, and it can become such only if the CP had a 2/3 constitutional majority, which it does not have. Therefore, TRIPP cannot be transformed into an international treaty. This was the reason why there were no smiles on the faces of Nikol Pashinyan and CP members on the election night,” said Raffi-Filip Kalfayan.
Details in the video.
—
6 opposition political forces issued a joint statement
June: 14, 2026
6 opposition political forces issued a joint statement and noted that the results of the election cannot be the basis for the formation of a legitimate government that enjoys the trust of the majority of the people.
Regarding the results of parliamentary elections held on June 7 and the political situation in the country
The parliamentary elections held in the Republic of Armenia took place under such conditions that fundamentally question the free, fair and competitive nature of the electoral process.
Our undersigned political forces record that throughout the electoral process, including during the pre-election period and on the voting day, systematic and organized violations took place, which had a significant impact on the free expression of voters, ensuring equal political competition and public trust in electoral institutions, and the current administration allowed obvious manifestations of violation of the principles of electoral law.
Մասնավորապես՝
1. Extensive use of administrative resources and pressures
The intense involvement of state and community officials, as well as the same structures, educational and health institutions, power system resources in political processes has undermined the level playing field. The pressures applied to the employees of the state system, threats of dismissal and legal prosecutions have created an atmosphere of dependence, which is incompatible with the constitutional principle of free elections.
2. Political prosecutions and arrests
The pre-election campaign was accompanied by a wave of political persecution against opposition figures, activists and supporters. The authorities used the practice of unjustified arrests and detentions with the aim of isolating the figures enjoying public trust and disrupting the organizational work with the opposition electorate. Such systemic actions were especially carried out during the pre-election campaign in order to instill an atmosphere of widespread fear.
3. Targeted obstruction of the activities of the opposition headquarters
On the eve of the voting and on the day of the elections itself, on June 7, law enforcement agencies implemented a widespread paralysis of the opposition election headquarters. The searches, the disruption of the normal activities of the headquarters with groundless legal actions and the arrests of the organizers were aimed at neutralizing the control mechanisms of the electoral process.
4. Abuse of information propaganda
Throughout the campaign, public and government-related, even state-owned media resources were used to discredit the opposition, undermine the presumption of innocence, divide the public, and spread hate speech. Suppression of dissent in the information field has violated all constitutional norms of equal competition.
5. Invalid recognition of the results of vote counting and electoral polling stations
Cases of arbitrary editing of voting results in many polling stations and implementation of other illegal instruments in individual polling stations were recorded, which influenced the election results and the ratio of votes of political forces. This was combined with the direct intervention of the head of the administration in the election results before the presentation of the official data on the voting results.
Therefore, we declare.
The official data presented on the elections do not reflect the real will of the people and the exact results of the elections.
In such conditions, the recorded results cannot be the basis for the formation of a legitimate government that enjoys the trust of the majority of the people.
All responsibility for any further escalation of the situation in the country falls entirely on Nikol Pashinyan and his administration.
We will continue to act exclusively within the framework of the Constitution, laws and democratic principles, protecting the citizens’ right to free expression and the fundamental values of statehood and democracy of the Republic of Armenia.
In our future decisions and actions, we will proceed exclusively from these realities.
June 14, 2026
Yerevan
Alliance of “Strong Armenia” parties
Alliance of “Armenia” parties
“Prosperous Armenia” party
“Enlightened Armenia” party
“Armenian National Congress” party
“National Democratic Pole” party
—
It will be difficult, it will be unfair, but have dictators traveled like this? Narek
June: 14, 2026
Narek Karapetyan, a member of the political council of the “Strong Armenia” party, writes on his Facebook page:
“Every time I gave an interview to foreign media, I always said that Armenia is historically a democratic country, so as not to spoil the reputation of my country in the eyes of foreigners.
Even after the many illegalities done to us, we said that our country is “democratic”.
Today, the force passed by the people’s vote to the National Assembly, which would help us ensure our struggle against Aliyev’s constitution, against Aliyev’s plans, was simply removed from the National Assembly without explanation, despite the direct decision of the court.
The whole weight of the struggle is left on us.
Do we have the right to concede?
NO.
It will be difficult, it will be unfair, but did dictators like you travel? Nationwide, we will defeat the dictator who has lost the soul of a small group!”
—
Robert Kocharyan was not allowed to leave the “Zvartnots” airport by the law enforcement officers
June: 14, 2026
The second president of the Republic of Armenia, Robert Kocharyan, was not allowed by law enforcement officers to leave the territory of the Republic of Armenia at the “Zvartnots” airport.
It should be noted that earlier the office of the second RA president Robert Kocharyan informed that the president is leaving Armenia on a three-day visit. The visit is of a personal nature, long planned and postponed due to a tight election schedule.
“We have never provided information about the president’s many previous visits in advance because of their private nature. However, taking into account the recent lies spread by the authorities regarding the visits of representatives of the opposition, we consider it necessary to protect the public from the expected dose of government lies.”
—
168: If anyone wearing Aliyev’s shoes can even think that President Kocha
June: 14, 2026
Bagrat Mikoyan, head of the RA second president’s office, issued a statement.
“A little while ago, what was expected from these small authorities happened.
Despite the announcement made in advance that President Kocharyan is leaving for 3 days on personal issues, the President’s exit from the country was prohibited illegally and without any reason.
It is not surprising that the government media knew about it before the border guards.
The petty dictator has actually turned the “bastion of democracy” so praised by his European masters into a “democracy concentration camp”.
If anyone wearing Aliyev’s shoes even thinks that President Kocharyan can flee the country, he is terribly mistaken. One person will escape from Armenia, and that one person is Aliyev’s thug (if, of course, he is lucky enough to escape).
Head of the RA Second President’s Office
Bagrat Mikoyan
14.06.2026″
—
RFE/RL – Armenian Authorities Uphold Election Results As Fraud Claims Grow
The Central Election Commission (CEC) formally declared Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s party the winner of Armenia’s June 7 parliamentary elections on Sunday after scrapping vote results in three precincts that could have given the Armenian opposition more parliament seats.
The CEC refused to order a rerun of the elections in those precincts in what the opposition portrayed as further proof that the vote was rigged by Pashinian’s government.
The final vote results are virtually identical with the CEC’s preliminary tally that gave victory to the ruling Civil Contract party. According to them, it polled almost 49.8 percent of the vote and will have 64 seats in the 105-member National Assembly. Billionaire Samvel Karapetian’s Strong Armenia bloc came in second with nearly 23.3 percent, followed by former President Robert Kocharian’s Hayastan alliance (9.9 percent) and businessman Gagik Tsarukian’s Prosperous Armenia Party (3.99 percent).
The BHK appears to have lacked several dozen votes to pass a 4 percent threshold for being represented in the National Assembly. It recovered 147 votes as a result of recounts and verifications of vote protocols conducted in recent days. However, that was offset by the CEC’s decision on Thursday to cancel vote results in the three polling stations. The BHK got 222 votes there.
Tsarukian’s party and other opposition forces condemned the decision, saying that the Armenian authorities are illegally trying to give Civil Contract a more comfortable majority in the new parliament. They said the CEC should now at least rerun the elections in those rural precincts.
The commission headed by a longtime Pashinian collaborator refused to do that, saying that the more than 3,000 voters living there cannot influence the overall election outcome. The opposition countered that they can give the BHK the missing votes that would translate into 5 parliament seats.
The BHK’s loss of those seats means that Pashinian’s party will have a 60 percent parliamentary majority required for enacting key laws and installing senior law-enforcement officials and judges. Hence, the furious opposition reaction to the CEC’s decision condemned by the BHK as well as Strong Armenia and Hayastan as illegal. Hundreds of their members and supporters rallied outside the CEC building before its announcement.
“It’s clear that CEC is directed by one person and that person is Nikol Pashinian,” BHK spokeswoman Iveta Tonoyan told reporters.
“This is the most disgraceful election I’ve seen during my 20-year political activities,” she said.
“Our people won’t allow government to be formed with stolen votes,” declared Hayastan’s Gegham Manukian.
While pledging to work together in challenging the election results, the three main opposition contenders remained in no rush to announce street protests in Yerevan. Still, a joint statement issued by them as well as three other opposition parties, hinted at such a possibility.
“Nikol Pashinian and his regime would bear full responsibility for any further escalation of the situation in the country,” the statement warned.
It claimed that the official vote results “do not reflect the true will of the people” and “cannot serve as a basis for the formation of a legitimate government.”
Pashinian has brushed aside such allegations. He claimed on Thursday that Strong Armenia, Hayastan and the BHK themselves bought all of their votes.
Pashinian claimed a “historic victory” early on June 8 when less than one-fifth of the ballots cast were counted by election officials. The premier’s political allies denied opposition claims that his statement predetermined the vote results.
—
Dr. Karo Mumjian
Dr. is on the square. K. Mumjian’s posthumous volume “ARF and Constitutionalism in the Ottoman Empire, 1895-1908”
June 13, 2026
Dr. Karo Mumdjian
Bloomsbury Academic publishing house officially announced the late Dr. Karapet K. Mumjian’s “Armenian Revolutionary Federation and Constitutionalism in the Ottoman Empire, 1895-1908” (The Armenian Revolutionary Federation and Constitutionalism in the Ottoman Empire, 1895-1908) giving light to the volume. The book is part of “Armenians in the Modern and Early Modern World” (Armenians in the Modern and Early Modern World) series, whose editor-in-chief is Dr. Petros Der Matosian (University of Nebraska, Lincoln).
What was the nature of the relations between the Young Turks, who would later establish and lead the Ittihat ve Terak (Union and Progress) party and carry out the Armenian Genocide from 1915, and the Armenian revolutionaries?
Based on a wealth of Armenian, Ottoman, British and other archival documents and periodicals, this book reveals the complex process and relationship that Armenian organizations, especially the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), maintained with the Young Turks between 1895 and 1908, when mutual suspicion gradually turned into close cooperation. Considering the deterioration of the situation of the Armenians in the eastern provinces of the empire, the volume sheds light on the internal discussions and debates of the ARF in order to improve the situation of the Armenian people. At the same time, he explains how the Armenian revolutionaries were included in the strategies and aspirations of “Ittihat” to overthrow the power of Sultan Aptul Hamit. The book thus reveals the complex and gradual development of the relations between the two sides, before the manifestation of “Ittihat”‘s overt anti-Armenian policy and the Armenian Genocide. The volume also shows the ARF’s loyalty to the constitutional program and the difficult choices the party faced on the way to pursuing those goals.
Viewed in the light of the Armenian Genocide, the cooperation of the Armenian revolutionaries and the Young Turks may seem contradictory at first glance. However, Mumjian’s study shows that the situation in 1895-1908 was much more complicated. In the eastern provinces of the Ottoman Empire, the Armenian population faced increasing violence, insecurity and administrative arbitrariness. In these conditions, the Alliance was looking for political ways to improve the condition of the Armenian people and limit the oppression of the Hamite regime. At the same time, the Young Turk movement also sought to end the one-wheeler rule of Sultan Aptül Hamit and restore the 1876 constitution. Despite the ideological differences, both sides saw public interests for a certain period of time. That is why mutual suspicion is gradually giving way to certain forms of cooperation.
One of the important contributions to the book is that it did not present the Federation as a unified and unanimous structure. Mumjian finds out the internal discussions, disagreements and strategic disputes that existed within the party. Some believed that cooperation with the Young Turks could contribute to the protection of Armenian rights and the reestablishment of constitutional order. Others were more cautious and doubted their true intentions. Thus, the book presents not only the relationship between the organizations, but also the complex decisions faced by the Armenian politicians of the time.
One of the central themes of the book is constitutionalism. Mumjian states that the Federation was deeply devoted to the idea of reestablishing the constitutional order in those years. For the party, the issue was not only the protection of national rights. He also referred to the rule of law, representative governance and political participation. In this sense, the book recalls that Armenian political movements in the late Ottoman period were not only concerned with national issues. They also participated in the wider debates about the political future of the empire.
Historian Tigran Galikian, the author of the work Armenian Organization and Ideology under Ottoman Rule 1908-1914, recommends the book to be “must read” for all those trying to understand the political and security situation of the Ottoman-Armenian states before the constitutional revolution. American University of Beirut lecturer Dr. Varag Getsemanian emphasizes that the book will present a “decisive and much-needed re-evaluation” of this issue, showing how cooperation and ideological disagreement coexist between the two sides.
Dr. Petros Der Matosian will reflect on his close intellectual connection with Mumdjian, mentioning their common roots of the Marashian from the Middle East and their mutual interest in the history of Ottoman Armenians. Der Matosian Mumjian invites you to submit the manuscript of this work to the Armenians in the Modern and Early Modern World series. The work will receive a high professional evaluation, after which the processing of the text will begin. Unfortunately, Dr. Mumjian dies on March 29, 2023, before the project is completed. A year later, his widow, Nayiri Mumjian, expresses her desire to see the work published. With his encouragement and support, Dr. Der Matosian invites Dr. Mehmet Polatel to proofread and expand the original manuscript, and Dr. Tamar Boyadjian for editing and improving the text.
“Although Dr. Mumdjian did not live to see the publication of his book, but his scientific merit and memory will remain alive in the midst of this work. The book is dedicated to his widow, Nayiri, and their children, Yakob and Byurak,” says Der Matosian.
Karapet Mumjian was an independent historian and Ottoman scholar. He received his doctorate degree in 2012 from the University of California (UCLA) under Prof. Under the leadership of Richrt Yovannisian. His essay: “Struggle for the constitutional regime. “Struggling for a Constitutional Regime: Armenian-Young Turk Relations in the Era of Abdul Hamid II, 1895-1909”, examines the complex evolution of Ottoman-Armenian political relations. During his career, he was the director of the Mesrobian National School and the deputy director of the Vahan and Anoush Shamlean National School. He has also taught Armenian history at California State University Northridge (CSUN), University of La Verne, UCLA, and Glendale Community College (GCC). He also taught at the Ferahian National Secondary School and authored many textbooks on Armenian history, which continue to educate the new generations.
Today, this book is not only a historical study, but also a tribute to a historian who dedicated his life to the study of Ottoman-Armenian history.
And perhaps the greatest value of the book is that it reminds us that history is rarely black and white. It is often made up of complex choices, uncertain alliances and decisions, the consequences of which become fully visible only years later.
Copies of The Armenian Revolutionary Federation and Constitutionalism in the Ottoman Empire, 1895-1908 can be obtained from Bloomsbury’s official website and Amazon.
—
Armenpress: Iranian Parliament Speaker stresses importance of adhering to pote
Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Iran’s chief negotiator with the United States and Speaker of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Parliament), has stressed the importance of honoring commitments made within the framework of the ongoing diplomatic process between Tehran and Washington.
According to Iran’s Tasnim News Agency, Ghalibaf said that all agreements and commitments reached during the negotiations must be upheld without conditions or excuses.
“There is no other path for the deal ahead. You reap what you sow,” Ghalibaf stated.
His remarks came after Iranian Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi said that a memorandum of understanding expected to be signed between Iran and the United States in Islamabad had never been closer to completion than it is now.
Araghchi said all details of the proposed memorandum would be made public at the appropriate time.
“Until it is finalized and formally approved, the media should refrain from speculating about its contents. In line with our responsible and transparent approach, all details will be released at the appropriate time,” the Iranian foreign minister said.
Meanwhile, U.S. President Donald Trump dismissed reports published by Iranian media regarding a draft agreement with Tehran, describing them as inaccurate and inconsistent with the terms that have been discussed in writing.
According to Trump, Iranian media claims — including reports suggesting that an agreement has already been reached — do not reflect reality. In the same statement, he accused Iran of carrying out drone attacks against Indian vessels departing the Strait of Hormuz, calling such actions completely unacceptable.
Earlier, Iran’s Mehr News Agency reported that the proposed memorandum on resolving tensions between Iran and the United States consists of 14 points, including the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and the lifting of sanctions related to Iranian oil exports.
According to the agency, the reported provisions include an immediate cessation of hostilities on all fronts, including in Lebanon, the lifting of the maritime blockade within 30 days, the withdrawal of U.S. forces from areas bordering Iran, the presentation of at least $300 billion in reconstruction projects for Iran by the United States and its allies, and the removal of sanctions on the sale of Iranian oil and petroleum products.
Mehr also reported that Iran and the United States would hold negotiations on Iran’s nuclear programme within 60 days, with the aim of signing a broader agreement based on the outcome of those talks.
According to the agency, Tehran has set several conditions for launching nuclear negotiations, including the unfreezing of $12 billion in assets, the lifting of restrictions, and the removal of oil-related sanctions.
The report added that issues related to Iran’s missile programme and its support for forces associated with the so-called “Axis of Resistance” were not included in the text of the proposed U.S.-Iran memorandum.
Published by Armenpress, original at
—
Indonesia’s Dukono volcano erupts, spewing ash 2.4 km above sea level
An eruption of Mount Dukono has been recorded on Halmahera Island in Indonesia’s North Maluku Province.
According to Russia’s TASS news agency, the volcanic ash plume rose approximately 1.3 kilometres above the crater, reaching an altitude of 2,387 metres above sea level.
White and grey ash clouds drifted northwest from the volcano. Authorities urged residents of nearby communities and tourists to remain at least four kilometres away from the crater and to wear face masks to protect themselves from volcanic ash.
On May 8, an eruption of Mount Dukono reportedly left at least two people dead, while another person was reported missing.
The volcano is located in a region where the Pacific and Australian tectonic plates meet.
Indonesia’s archipelago consists of more than 18,000 islands and lies along the so-called Pacific Ring of Fire, making it one of the world’s most seismically active regions. The country has more than 500 volcanoes, around 130 of which are active.
Published by Armenpress, original at
—
Vladimir Putin signs decree increasing size of Russian Armed Forces
Russian President Vladimir Putin has signed a decree increasing the authorized strength of the Russian Armed Forces to 2,399,130 personnel, including 1.51 million military servicemen.
Russian media reported on the signing of the decree by the Russian president.
The document states that the previous decree on the size of the Russian Armed Forces, adopted on March 4, 2026, is no longer in force.
Under the previous decree, the authorized strength of the armed forces had been set at 2,391,770 personnel. The new decree increases the authorized size of the military by approximately 7,300 personnel.
The updated measure formally raises the maximum permitted strength of Russia’s armed forces, with military personnel accounting for 1.51 million of the total authorized number.
Published by Armenpress, original at
—