The state of Armenia’s economy was not a problem before, and even more so now. The assurances that, in case of losing the Russian market, Armenian products, particularly agricultural products, can be sold in Europe are groundless.

No one expects Armenian products in Europe. Europe cannot solve the problem of realizing its own economy and products, let alone solving the problems of Armenia’s economy.

This situation, which has been created, is a serious blow to Armenia’s economy. And while the authorities consider it to be temporary, the economy and business suffer great losses. No government is capable of fully compensating the losses that the economy will suffer as a result of all this. The state budget simply will not be enough for this, if the business does not solve its problems very quickly. And the business does not have the ability to solve these problems at the moment. It takes time, sometimes a long time. Meanwhile, agricultural products cannot wait until alternative markets are opened. It was time to think about creating alternative markets.

Almost the entire assortment of agricultural products, which went to Russia, has lost its market. Exports to other countries, including the EU, are very few, if any.

Armenian products have serious problems related to competitiveness in the markets of the European Union. The price-quality ratio leaves Armenian products out of competition. Even the compensations are not enough to overcome this problem and occupy a tangible place in the EU markets.

The small volume of production is also a problem, which affects both cost, competitiveness, and demand satisfaction.

Solving these problems takes years. The authorities did not do that work and with their actions directly put the economy under attack, on the one hand, by depriving the main export market, on the other hand, by not creating an alternative.

There are announcements that we will increase the export to the EU by 4-5 times by the end of the year. Such statements are irresponsible statements, there are absolutely no such grounds.

Although at first glance there is some recent movement in terms of the volume of exports from Armenia to the EU, it actually has little to do with the reorientation of the export of Armenian products. Exports from Armenia to EU countries have increased this year, but this is mainly due to the increase in metal exports and the increase in their prices. Exports of other goods, as they were and continue to be, remain in small volumes.

These volumes almost did not change even after it was decided to subsidize export customs duties to some countries. It will not change, especially after the Russian gas suddenly becomes more expensive.

It is an attempt to mislead the people and business when, in response to the rumors about the possible increase in the price of Russian gas, the ruling oligarch Khachatur Sukiasyan announces that there are opportunities to buy cheaper gas from Russia. Allegedly, third countries have expressed their willingness to sell gas to Armenia, and these processes are underway. As if they told him about it in a friendly manner, he cannot reveal which country it is, but that country is not Azerbaijan.

In fact, there is nothing to reveal here, and there is no need to add any extra mystery to it. We are talking about Turkmen gas, discussions about which did not start today or yesterday. Those conversations started tens of years ago, they continue even today, but there is no result, and there is no hope that it will happen in the near future. Even if there is, it cannot become an alternative to Russian gas.

We are talking about importing Turkmen gas through the territory of Iran, in the so-called swap version. If the problems related to it have not been solved for years, imagine how likely it is that they can be solved now, in this tense regional situation. What’s more, these problems are not only purely economic, financial and logistical, they are also political and related to Turkmenistan-Iran relations. But even if it turns out that all these problems will be solved by a miracle, all the same, this direction cannot be a substitute for Russian gas.

At best, Armenia can receive only 600 million cubic meters of gas annually from Turkmenistan. The gas pipeline coming from Iran has no more opportunities than that. The capacity of that gas pipeline is in the order of 1-1.1 billion, through which 400-500 million cubic meters of Iranian gas comes annually within the framework of gas-electricity exchanges.

So, in the best case, Armenia can get only 600 million cubic meters of gas per year, which is a very small part of the domestic demand.

We still do not say what the price of that gas will be before it reaches Armenia.

It is ironic when the ruling oligarch complains about the high gas tariffs in Armenia. He says that we are the only country in the world where gas reaches consumers at a price 120 percent higher than the price at the border. He forgot that domestic gas tariffs are not set by the supplying country, nor by “Gazprom Armenia”, nor by the consumer. Internal gas tariffs are set by the authorities and the “independent commission” under the authorities, in the form of the Public Services Regulatory Commission. And if they are 120 percent higher than the border, the government and that commission are responsible, which did not favor reducing gas tariffs even after the 25 percent devaluation of the dollar, left them high and took billions of drams out of citizens’ pockets.

Today, the gas price for the population is 2.3 times higher than the Russian gas that reaches the border. And if it turns out that tomorrow we will be deprived of Russian preferential gas, the population will have to pay a much higher price for gas than they pay today. When a citizen pays around 390 dollars or 143.7 thousand drams per thousand cubic meters for the 170 dollar gas received at the border, calculate how much he can pay if the price of imported gas, let’s say, doubles. The price of gas sold to the economy, including the greenhouse economy, will be doubled.

After that, how many days will the economy last, and how many will be able to pay for it?

HAKOB KOCHARYAN

—

Davit Ananyan, a member of the management board of the “Wings of Unity” party, writes on his Facebook page.

“Today, the CEC will announce the final results of the elections.

The opposition political forces seem to show unity, each with its own ideas, its own tactics and the extent of its political responsibility. We are also ready for any scenario of legal and political struggle starting today.

However, there is one thought that does not give rest all this time.

According to our estimation, the actual electoral base of the current government was around 550 thousand votes. Even with the maximum use of administrative, information and repressive resources, that number could hardly approach the threshold of 600 thousand. How 550 or 600 became 727 thousand will be a subject of long discussions and evaluations.

But, to be honest, I was always more concerned about those 550,000 during the entire pre-election campaign.

The 550,000 who, after six years of pandemic, war and post-war years, thousands of victims, the loss of Artsakh, national humiliation, the weakening of state institutions and the deepening division of society, continue to maintain their loyalty to the same political force.

This is no longer a matter of political preference.

This is a symptom of the crisis of values, the disruption of national self-awareness, the loss of origins and the renunciation of one’s own responsibility.

When a significant part of the society begins to come to terms with the unacceptable, learn to defeat, justify failures and lose the ability to distinguish between good and evil, dignity and humiliation, statehood and its imitation, the problem long ago ceases to be only the problem of the government.

At that moment, the problem becomes nationwide.

And here is perhaps the biggest concern.

Because those who wanted change, as it turns out, were not only few in number, but also often inferior in organization, persistence and belief in their own convictions.

What will happen next?

We will do what we have to do. We will fight where we have to fight. We will talk where we need to talk. We will not give up our responsibility and our mission.

But there is a limit, after which the political forces can no longer make decisions for the people.

Beyond that boundary is the people’s choice.

The step is yours, dear people.

Because, in the end, each nation gets not only the power it deserves, but also the future it is ready to fight for.”

—

The beginning is here.

In September 1918, Turkish troops occupied Baku. Armenians also participated in the defense of the city. It was planned in advance by the Turkish-Tatar thugs that after the capture of the city, the massacres of Armenians should take place. On the night of September 14-15, the capture of the city begins, the British troops flee from the city. After capturing the city, the military disarms the residents, imposes a curfew and makes false statements that nothing will happen to them if the population calms down. The Turkish-Tatar thugs are implementing their traditional method of promising peace after disarmament, but carrying out a massacre. The massacres of Armenians in Baku began on September 16.

 

Apart from Armenian sources, there are documentary materials about the massacres of Armenians in Baku in Russian sources as well. Decades later, German and Austrian sources also published exceptional documentary material. In the previous issue, we already presented one of those unique archival documents, the telegram of Von Kress, the head of the German imperial delegation in the region. We are already presenting Mayro Mayo’s report to the same Von Kress, where it is actually mentioned about the massacre of Armenians in Baku, its organization by Turkish-Tatar terrorist groups, the massacre of foreigners and the number of killed Armenians.

“Major Mayo’s report to Von Kress.  Baku, 21.09.1918

It seems that the numbers regarding pogroms (see my report of the 20th of the month) should be increased sooner. The Danish consul told me today that in his opinion that number reaches 30,000. As you can see, Turks and especially Azerbaijanis feel that they will bear an ugly stigma in front of the whole world. They are nervous. for the easterners it means a lot. They are now trying to collect material to prove otherwise.
(a) the testimony of all possible witnesses, especially of neutral nations, according to which the necessary measures were taken immediately and in time.
b) deny individual cases.

(c) to confirm that the participants were not regular army soldiers and that there were fewer Tatars than Persians (this last point was brought to the attention of the Iranian consul).

It is widely believed that there was a regular extermination of Armenians, that is, at least 24 hours after the capture of the city, the troops were given complete freedom (see the consuls’ complaint). I only think that it was not possible to get rid of the demon that had been summoned, and that on the day after the battle the force was not fit to be used for police purposes, but simply dispersed. The culprit is not so much the present evil will as the hidden moral inferiority of the Turkish race.

   

On 9/16, in front of the most diverse and numerous witnesses, when they were telling about the danger to the lives and property of Germans, one incident after another, Lt. Col. Paraken, realizing and emphasizing his Turkish affiliation, demanded the most severe punitive measures. Nuri asked Halil that Para leave the Turkish service.

Halil reported to K. Polis, according to Nuri’s wish. On the afternoon of the 17th of the month, there was an announcement (attached). I am on the best terms of friendship with those gentlemen, who make the most favorable impression. The last sentence of the protest, which was proposed by me, should make the neutral opinion that the Turks are deprived of the right to play the role of patron in Baku understandable. The consuls worked tirelessly for our prisoners of war and deserve high rewards. The Danish consul, Erik Biering, is an extremely hardworking person with special abilities. Even today, the consuls are flooded with righteous complaints and questions from all sides. In the city, although the situation has calmed down, in the villages, around the wells, intimidation continues in the form of blackmail and rape.

     

In connection with my report on the rape of 18 Russian-born German girls in Surakhani, I told Nazem Bey today that I will be able to believe in Turkish justice only if Sheikh Balayev, a Tatar bandit leader, owner of a “harem” of Christian women and an influential figure in Surakhani, is solemnly hanged in the “Metropol” hotel by the evening of the 22nd of the month…

Mayo

Rutland 97a, Rupisch-Aslen, Kaukasus, Bd. 27, A 43318, original. (Manucharyan A. L., “1918. Armenian pogroms in Baku (documents of the political archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the GFA”, Social Sciences Journal, 1990, Yerevan, p. 79-80).

Presenting the details of the massacres of Armenians in Baku, Armenian and foreign facts, let’s conclude the article with the words of statesman Sergey Melik Yolchyan. “This is how new Azerbaijan began its state life.”

Z. Sh:i was late

—

After the extraordinary elections of the Council of Elders held in Gyumri last year in the spring, the authorities do not come to terms with the defeat and from time to time talk about holding elections again in Gyumri.

During the pre-election campaign of the national elections and after it, Nikol Pashinyan spoke to journalists again about holding emergency council elections in Gyumri.

Gyumret public figure Gevorg Avagyan according to him, Nikol Pashinyan does not have the right to hold special elections in Gyumri, he does not have such powers, because special elections are held when the council of elders contests.

“If the council of elders is in place now, providing a quorum, what is the problem?” When Nikol Pashinyan says something like this, it means that he is “passing” over the Constitution, overthrowing the constitutional order. If there is a council of elders in the municipality, there is a substitute for the mayor, what is the basis for holding extraordinary elections?

You still don’t know whether you will be prime minister or not, you are already announcing that there should be new elections in Gyumri.

Standing, they say: what is the condition of the 58th district? The government should have restored it with its plan, people think what the Gyumri municipality should have done.” of 168.am Gevorg Avagyan said in a conversation with

According to him, the people of Gyumri do not have any fault that there is no government in Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan has been the head of the country for 8 years, and Gyumri elects an opposition community leader.

“The beggars will remain upset, no special elections will be held in Gyumri, it is not Samvel Balasanyan who will hand over the power and then go to special elections. Many people here think that it is better to sit down than to participate in the illegal elections of the authorities, which, according to them, should be held in Gyumri.

There is no one who gives power to CP, this is not Akhuryan’s community administration. The people of Gyumri have always rejected the KP and will reject it, let the numbers prove it, they did not get 50% of votes in Gyumri.

540,000 people voted for the opposition, let them be demanding and stand up for their vote so that the government understands how many people voted for the opposition,” added our interlocutor.

He stressed that this is no longer a question of parties, but the question of Armenia has already been decided.

“They raise the excise tax on alcohol, cigarettes, and diesel fuel, fool the people, and make everything more expensive. Now, if we buy cigarettes for 1000 drams, after rising, we have to buy them for 1200-1300 drams. This people must realize all this, stand up for their rights and their country.

When Nikol Pashinyan says that he should hold elections in Gyumri, this should come to the attention of the law enforcement agencies, they should study the basis of what he says such a thing,” emphasized Gevorg Avagyan.

—

Former vice-chairman of the RA Investigative Committee, doctor of law, professor, honored lawyer of RA Artur Ghambaryan writes on his Facebook page.

” 1. About judicial acts in the case of the “Prosperous Armenia” party

I got acquainted with one of the judicial acts in the PAP case, and I think that the reasoning of the RA Administrative Court is correct.
Article 48.1 of the RA Electoral Code (EC) forbids the Central Election Commission (CEC) to review “decisions made based on election results”, but this norm is not applicable to the decision made by the electoral district commission under the regulation of Article 73 of the RA Election Code, because unlike local government elections, in the case of RA NA elections, electoral district commissions do not have the authority to summarize the election results, therefore they do not make a decision to summarize them. In this case, Article 73 of the Law of the Republic of Armenia obliges to adopt an interim decision (assessment of the impact of violations), which in the sense of Article 48.1 of the Law of the Republic of Armenia is not a “decision made by the results of the elections”, therefore the CEC has the right to review it.

The decision adopted as a result of the RA National Assembly election (on the election of the National Assembly and distribution of mandates) is adopted by the CEC, which can be challenged in the RA CC.

Moreover, on the basis of Article 48.1 of the Law of the Republic of Armenia, the CEC invalidating the results of the given precinct is not a final solution in itself, but is a basis for making further decisions at the summary stage.

2. About re-voting

The following follows from the joint analysis of Articles 95 and 101 of the RA EC. when the CEC comes to the conclusion at the stage of summarizing the results that violations occurred during the elections, the legislator gives it two and only two legal options, the choice between which is made based on the nature of the violation;
a) To schedule re-voting in individual precincts. The CEC is obliged to order a re-voting if it finds that the violations could have affected the election results, and at the same time is convinced that it is possible to correct the consequences of the violations (Article 101, Part 1, Article 95, Part 1, Clause 3).

b) declare the NA elections invalid and re-vote the elections; If the CEC finds that the violations could have affected the results, but their consequences cannot be corrected by re-voting in individual precincts, then it is obliged to declare the NA elections completely invalid and to appoint a full re-voting (Article 101, Part 1, Article 95, Part 1, Clause 4).
Thus, if at the stage of summarizing the results, the CEC concludes that the invalid results of the contested precinct could have affected the distribution of mandates, then it will be obliged to order a re-voting or to completely invalidate the elections.
All other actions of the CEC (for example, invalidating the results of only certain precincts without re-voting) are outside the scope of these two possibilities and are therefore considered illegal and contradict one of the fundamental maxims of law (justice): “an appeal cannot worsen the condition of the appellant” (non reformatio in peius).
According to this maxim, the superior body or court, as a result of examining the complaint submitted by the appellant, cannot worsen his situation, that is, make a decision that will have a worse result for the appellant than the situation before the appeal. The essence of this maxim is that the citizen (organization) has the opportunity to appeal the legal act without fearing that his situation will worsen as a result.

In the context of this case, if the CEC, after reviewing the results of the polling station, does not order a re-voting today in the preliminary stage of summarizing the election results, then the party that is the victim of the violation will be in an unfair situation. on the one hand, it will be confirmed that a violation has occurred, on the other hand, it will lose the votes it received in the given precinct, which will significantly worsen its situation before the appeal.
Thus, the legislator, by endowing the CEC with the power of revision in Article 48.1 of the RA EC, and by defining the duty to appoint a re-voting in Articles 95-101, prevented this very unfair result.”

—

The Turkey-Georgia-Azerbaijan tripartite format meeting held in Istanbul on June 7 proved once again that Ankara is the strategic center of the alliance. Against the background of current global shifts and the decline of Russia’s regional influence, Turkey continues to successfully capitalize on its geopolitical weight, turning traditional energy and transport megaprojects into tools for strengthening its own hegemony, making room for new projects. The Istanbul meeting showed that Ankara no longer acts as a partner, but as the main architect dictating the geo-economic and security rules of the South Caucasus, which connects the East and the West through the “Middle Corridor”.

168.amin a conversation with Russian Turkologist Viktor Nadein-Raevsky said that from the official announcements of the meeting it is once again clear that Turkey is strengthening itself in the South Caucasus as a regional leader.

He reminded the Turkish diplomatic statement that high-level tripartite cooperation not only contributes to the welfare of these countries, but is also the main guarantor of stability and peace in the South Caucasus. “Azerbaijan also responds synchronously to these statements.

The trilateral platform discussions show that Baku and Tbilisi accept Ankara’s leadership, and Turkey is successfully using this platform to give legitimacy and regional legitimacy to its own geopolitical ambitions.

The importance of this meeting for the South Caucasus should be considered in the context of the unprecedented expansion of Turkish influence. The Istanbul discourse shows that Ankara is successfully implementing the strategy of turning the region into its sphere of influence, effectively pushing out other external players. Georgia’s full involvement in Turkish initiatives proves that Tbilisi, despite its own complications with the European Union, completely ties its economic and logistical future to the projects controlled by Ankara. As a result, Turkey is significantly strengthened in the South Caucasus,” said Victor Nadein-Raevsky.

He noted that such an emphasis on the role of Turkey for the Republic of Armenia implies serious challenges.

“Using the tripartite format, Ankara is trying to draw Armenia into this configuration through Azerbaijan and Georgia, making the Turkish-Azerbaijani influence in the region irreversible. A situation is created for RA, when the Turkish factor becomes even more decisive in the Armenian-Azerbaijani settlement process. Therefore, the meeting in Istanbul was a clear signal to Yerevan that the Turkish supremacy is becoming irreversible, so it is expected that all processes towards the establishment of peace should be accelerated. Although the fate of TRIPP also depends on the situation in the Middle East,” said the analyst.

Summarizing, he mentioned that the Ankara-Tbilisi-Baku axis works as a geopolitical mechanism for deepening Turkish influence.

“This, among other Turkish mechanisms, serves Turkish purposes,” said Victor Nadein-Raevsky.

—

Artak Zakaryan writes on his Facebook page:

“The parliamentary elections were fatal and marked the next round of anti-national policy recharging (2018, 2021, 2026).

The external and internal struggle for influence on Armenia and public opinion will continue in a more targeted manner. This means that the growing tension around Armenia, the conflict-generating policy of the CP, public grievances and internal political struggle may have a more complex and complicated course.

Through diplomatic channels, the rulers of RA will ask to receive Pashinyan in Moscow. He will try to come to an agreement at any cost, because he realizes that he cannot go far with his “anti-Russianness”. The Kremlin will naturally demand to stop the European projects, and Pashinyan will try to present it as a “multi-vector policy” and “this is not against you” theses. The probability of reaching an agreement is very low, but the parties will observe diplomatic protocols.

CP does not have the necessary number of deputies to change the Constitution, to remove from the basic law the references to Artsakh and the recognition of the Armenian Genocide in the Declaration of Independence, the exclusive mission of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church, reformulate the description of the family, submit to the courts, etc. First of all, Azerbaijan and Turkey demand it, with the full support of the West, of course.

Nikoli needs a piece of paper called a “peace treaty” with Baku, which is one of the legal and political conditions for integration to the West.

For now, the draft TRIPP line is also in the air. The largest set of conflicting policies and interests of the CP remains at the heart of this project.

The other circumstance. Currently, Armenia simply has no alternative to Russian gas. Probably, EN will propose options for the construction of gas pipelines, but it is a very slow process. There is already talk about the old “Nabucco” project. The main question is, can Armenia’s energy diversification be provided only by Iran? Tehran receives electricity and supplies gas in return, but this still does not completely solve the problem. It is of fundamental importance for the economy of Armenia and the social needs of our citizens.

Blocking of Armenian products (perhaps also Armenian capital, transfers, labor market) and unilateral elimination of privileges in Russia can become a headache and an unresolved issue.
In Moscow, they take Armenia very seriously and do not want to lose it. Most likely, the Kremlin will put pressure on Pashinyan and demand a referendum to find out whether the Armenian people want to be with the European Union or the EAEU. This dilemma is an unprofitable agenda for Nicole, and she will try to avoid it by all means.

Despite the promotion by the European Union and the United States, Armenia’s real movement towards the West will slow down significantly. Moscow has not very strong, but nevertheless, levers of inhibiting influence, and the probability of reaching mutual agreements with Pashinyan is low.
This means that the results of the 2026 election have brought Armenia into a more complex and exhausting period of multilateral dependence, internal political governance crises, bilateral and multilateral diplomatic mistrust, financial and economic, internal repression and new security threats.

We are entering a phase where once again the effectiveness of the parliamentary governance system, its strengths and weaknesses should be tested in the face of growing external and internal challenges.”

—

“Pressing” in the program French-Armenian Raffi-Philippe Kalfayan, doctor of international law at Paris-Panthéon-Assas University, lawyer, former secretary general of the International Federation of Human Rights also spoke about the TRIPP project perspective.

«Clearly, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio came to support Pashinyan. The agreement, which was initialed and then signed, is the third agreement between the Armenian and American parties (first in August, then in January). The signed agreement reminds again under what conditions the TRIPP project can be implemented, and none of them have been met so far, and the project is still up in the air. Iran does not participate in it, Russia does not, who is left, Azerbaijan and Turkey,” said the international law expert.

To the question: what is the geography of the TRIPP project and what area does it cover, Raffi-Filipp Kalfayan answered that it is not yet clear.

“They say that you should give us that area, but they don’t say which area. Moreover, they say that Armenia should give that territory without any obstacles. They want to say that no person or company can claim that area, they should free it and hand it over, they should compensate the residents and remove them from that area. That black matter will remain on Armenia. they won’t even give money…

If TRIPP is to operate under American law, what other sovereignty are we talking about? The TRIPP agreement cannot be superior to the Constitution of Armenia, if it is not yet an international agreement, and it can become such only if the CP had a 2/3 constitutional majority, which it does not have. Therefore, TRIPP cannot be transformed into an international treaty. This was the reason why there were no smiles on the faces of Nikol Pashinyan and CP members on the election night,” said Raffi-Filip Kalfayan.

Details in the video.

—

6 opposition political forces issued a joint statement and noted that the results of the election cannot be the basis for the formation of a legitimate government that enjoys the trust of the majority of the people.

Regarding the results of parliamentary elections held on June 7 and the political situation in the country

The parliamentary elections held in the Republic of Armenia took place under such conditions that fundamentally question the free, fair and competitive nature of the electoral process.

Our undersigned political forces record that throughout the electoral process, including during the pre-election period and on the voting day, systematic and organized violations took place, which had a significant impact on the free expression of voters, ensuring equal political competition and public trust in electoral institutions, and the current administration allowed obvious manifestations of violation of the principles of electoral law.

Մասնավորապես՝

1. Extensive use of administrative resources and pressures
The intense involvement of state and community officials, as well as the same structures, educational and health institutions, power system resources in political processes has undermined the level playing field. The pressures applied to the employees of the state system, threats of dismissal and legal prosecutions have created an atmosphere of dependence, which is incompatible with the constitutional principle of free elections.

2. Political prosecutions and arrests
The pre-election campaign was accompanied by a wave of political persecution against opposition figures, activists and supporters. The authorities used the practice of unjustified arrests and detentions with the aim of isolating the figures enjoying public trust and disrupting the organizational work with the opposition electorate. Such systemic actions were especially carried out during the pre-election campaign in order to instill an atmosphere of widespread fear.

3. Targeted obstruction of the activities of the opposition headquarters
On the eve of the voting and on the day of the elections itself, on June 7, law enforcement agencies implemented a widespread paralysis of the opposition election headquarters. The searches, the disruption of the normal activities of the headquarters with groundless legal actions and the arrests of the organizers were aimed at neutralizing the control mechanisms of the electoral process.

4. Abuse of information propaganda
Throughout the campaign, public and government-related, even state-owned media resources were used to discredit the opposition, undermine the presumption of innocence, divide the public, and spread hate speech. Suppression of dissent in the information field has violated all constitutional norms of equal competition.

5. Invalid recognition of the results of vote counting and electoral polling stations
Cases of arbitrary editing of voting results in many polling stations and implementation of other illegal instruments in individual polling stations were recorded, which influenced the election results and the ratio of votes of political forces. This was combined with the direct intervention of the head of the administration in the election results before the presentation of the official data on the voting results.

Therefore, we declare.

The official data presented on the elections do not reflect the real will of the people and the exact results of the elections.

In such conditions, the recorded results cannot be the basis for the formation of a legitimate government that enjoys the trust of the majority of the people.

All responsibility for any further escalation of the situation in the country falls entirely on Nikol Pashinyan and his administration.

We will continue to act exclusively within the framework of the Constitution, laws and democratic principles, protecting the citizens’ right to free expression and the fundamental values ​​of statehood and democracy of the Republic of Armenia.

In our future decisions and actions, we will proceed exclusively from these realities.

June 14, 2026
Yerevan

Alliance of “Strong Armenia” parties
Alliance of “Armenia” parties
“Prosperous Armenia” party
“Enlightened Armenia” party
“Armenian National Congress” party
“National Democratic Pole” party

—

Narek Karapetyan, a member of the political council of the “Strong Armenia” party, writes on his Facebook page:

“Every time I gave an interview to foreign media, I always said that Armenia is historically a democratic country, so as not to spoil the reputation of my country in the eyes of foreigners.

Even after the many illegalities done to us, we said that our country is “democratic”.

Today, the force passed by the people’s vote to the National Assembly, which would help us ensure our struggle against Aliyev’s constitution, against Aliyev’s plans, was simply removed from the National Assembly without explanation, despite the direct decision of the court.

The whole weight of the struggle is left on us.

Do we have the right to concede?

NO.

It will be difficult, it will be unfair, but did dictators like you travel? Nationwide, we will defeat the dictator who has lost the soul of a small group!”

—