Armenia’s choices: complete capitulation to Azerbaijan, or another war and another defeat

Feb 23 2024

Azerbaijan and Armenia – two neighboring South Caucasus nations that have fought two major wars over the past 35 years – seem to be on the brink of another large-scale conflict that threatens to destabilize the strategically important region. Yerevan fears that Baku may soon attempt to achieve its ambitious geopolitical goals by invading Armenian southern province of Syunik, and creating a land link with its Nakhchivan exclave, as well as with Turkey.

Quite aware that Armenia cannot count on Russia’s help, and that the European Union is unlikely to get involved if border clashes between the two countries escalate, Azerbaijan undoubtedly has capacity to capture significant parts of the landlocked nation of around 2,8 million people. However, it remains unclear if Iran, Yerevan’s alleged strategic partner, would intervene and prevent Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey from semi-encircling the Islamic Republic?

For both, Yerevan and Baku, as well as for Tehran, Armenia’s Syunik province has a strategic importance. It is the only Armenian region with a land border with Iran. At the same time, it separates mainland Azerbaijan and its exclave of Nakhchivan. As such, it remains extremely vulnerable to a potential Azerbaijani attack, especially given Armenia’s weak position in the global arena, and the fact that it recently lost the Second Karabakh War.

In 2020, the two nations fought the war over Nagorno-Karabakh – a mountainous region, internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, although it has been under Armenian control for around three decades. As a result of the conflict, the energy-rich South Caucasus country managed to restore its sovereignty over significant parts of Karabakh. In September 2023, following low-scale clashes between local Armenian forces and Azerbaijani military, Baku recaptured the remaining portions of the region.

Now that the Nagorno-Karabakh issue has been resolved in Azerbaijan’s favor, Baku seeks to achieve another strategic goal. Ever since the two sides signed a ceasefire agreement in Moscow in November 2020, Azerbaijan has been pressuring Armenia to build its section of the Nakhchivan corridor (also known as the Zangezur corridor) that should pass through Syunik. Baku, as the clear war winner, insists that the route should have no customs or border control, which means that Armenia would effectively lose not only its sovereignty in the area, but also the access to the border with Iran.

Indeed, this tiny piece of land represents a critical hot spot. According to reports, on February 12, Armenian forces attacked Azerbaijani positions on the border between the two countries. The Ministry of Defense of Armenia has promptly initiated an investigation into reported ceasefire, pointing out that “if this fact is confirmed, those responsible for violating the border will be held accountable”. Azerbaijan, for its part, did not wait for any Armenian investigation, but immediately responded. As a result, four Armenian soldiers were killed and one injured in clashes with Azerbaijani troops near the border village of Nerkin Hand in the southern Syunik region.

Three days later, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan accused Azerbaijan of planning a “full-scale war” against his country. Baku, on the other hand, denies that it has any territorial claims to Armenia, although in January 2023 – four months after Azerbaijan successfully restored its sovereignty over Nagorno-Karabakh – the Caspian nation’s President Ilham Aliyev said that Yerevan is “an ancient Azeri city”.

Such rhetoric, however, does not necessarily mean that Baku plans to capture the Armenian capital, or to fight another war against its archenemy. The fact that, on February 19, Pashinyan and Aliyev agreed to resume normalization talks after months of delays, indicates that Azerbaijan will seek to achieve its geopolitical goals peacefully.

Yerevan will, therefore, be under pressure to build its section of the Zangezur corridor, and allow Baku to have full control over the road. Given that Russia has a history of ignoring Armenia’s calls for help, and that the West does not seem particularly interested in protecting the landlocked country’s territorial integrity, Pashinyan will likely attempt to find a relatively painless way to de facto capitulate to Azerbaijan.

The only country that seems to genuinely care about Armenia’s sovereignty (not because of Armenia itself, but because of its own geopolitical interests) over the Syunik province is Iran. The authorities in Tehran have repeatedly stated that the creation of a land corridor through Armenia to Nakhchivan is the Islamic Republic’s “red line”. Still, given Iran’s rather limited and calculated actions in the international arena, it remains highly uncertain if it will be ready to fight a war against Turkey-backed Azerbaijan in order to protect Armenia.

Moreover, Pashinyan aims to develop close ties with the European Union and the United States, while Brussels and Washington are unlikely to want to see a strong Iranian influence in Armenia. As a result, Yerevan’s position remains very difficult, and Pashinyan likely seeks to fulfil Azerbaijani demands in such a way that would allow him to save face and preserve his post.

Thus, Azerbaijan is in a win-win situation in the region. If Yerevan agrees to allow Baku to have a corridor to Nakhchivan and Turkey, the two nations may continue normalizing relations. Under Azerbaijani terms, though. If Armenia, however, keeps obstructing the realization of the Zangezur corridor, Azerbaijan may eventually use the force, aiming to achieve its geostrategic goals in the South Caucasus.

The ball is in Yerevan’s court, and it has two options that seem to be equally bad – a de facto capitulation, or another war that Armenia will almost certainly lose.

France Arms Armenia With Cutting-Edge Air Defense Radars & Missiles; Fills Russian Void In The Country

Feb 24 2024

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The French have stepped in to take the position that Russia once held in Armenia. With its recent delivery of military equipment, France has strengthened its ties with Armenia – a move that comes on the back of a “large-scale conflict” that went in Azerbaijan’s favor.  

The French Defense Minister,  Sébastien Lecornu,  traveled to Yerevan on February 22 in light of reports that Armenia is finally set to take delivery of the military equipment that was promised by France last year.

In October 2023, a deal was reportedly signed by the Armenian Defense Ministry and the French defense group Thales for the purchase of three cutting-edge GM-200 radar systems. The ceremony was attended by Lecornu and his Armenian counterpart Suren Papikian.

At that time, Sebastien Lecornu announced that France had decided to assist Armenia in strengthening its air defense capabilities by selling three radars and reaching an agreement to supply Mistral anti-air missiles in the future.

A “letter of intent” on the prospective transfer of French short-range surface-to-air missiles to Armenia was signed by the two ministers in October.

Later, it was revealed that France would also arm Armenia with 50 armored personnel carriers to bolster its ground forces. The carriers would provide Armenian armed forces with high-level protection and multi-mission capabilities.

By December, the first 24 Bastion carriers ostensibly headed for Armenia were seen in the port of Poti, Georgia. Neither side has confirmed the Bastion delivery so far.

ACMAT Bastion – Wikipedia

According to reports in local French media, the three GM-200 radars and French night-vision equipment pledged by the French Macron administration were scheduled to be shipped to Armenia on February 22. The Armenian Ministry of Defense (MoD) has refused to comment on these reports.

The delivery of GM200 radars would be significant as they can simultaneously identify and track warplanes, drones, and even rockets within a 250-kilometer radius, making them a valuable tool for air defense troops.

With the lingering threat of Azerbaijan’s deadly drone attacks, the deployment of these radars would bolster Yerevan’s defense. France, incidentally, sent Ukraine two of these systems a year ago, where they have proved their combat efficacy.

Lecornu emphasized on February 21 that French arms deliveries to Armenia were “purely defensive while making an obvious allusion to the possibility of an attack by Azerbaijanis on Armenia when he told the French channel RTL that the nation was facing “major security challenges.”

Lecornu and Papikian are expected to meet on February 23. The head of the defense and security committee of the Armenian parliament, Andranik Kocharian, did not rule out the possibility that other agreements between France and Armenia would be inked as a consequence of their discussions. Kocharian told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service, “Armenia seeks to acquire weapons of very high quality from multiple sources.”

Though the decision to diversify defense imports was triggered by Russia’s failure to provide the country with ordered weapons worth around US $400 million, it is now also influenced by Armenia’s obvious decoupling from Russia and the Russian-led Central Security Treaty Organization (CTSO) security bloc.

Armenia has reportedly withdrawn from the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan told France 24 in an interview.

“In our opinion, the agreement on collective security about Armenia was not implemented, especially in 2021-2022, and this cannot go unnoticed. We are freezing our participation in this agreement. Let’s see what happens next,” he said.

Armenia has charged Moscow and the CSTO with breach of duty on several occasions. Armen Grigoryan, the secretary of the Armenian Security Council, stated in January that the republic “has no expectations” from the Collective Security Treaty Organization because it did not receive sufficient support in September 2022, the period of “large-scale conflict.”

The prime minister of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan, declined to attend the CSTO meeting on November 23 in Minsk.

The six states that make up the CSTO are Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan. Regarding Armenia’s potential membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organization, Presidential Press Secretary Dmitry Peskov stated that Moscow would communicate with its friends in Armenia as well as CSTO.

Over the past year, Armenia has nearly doubled its defense acquisitions. The amount spent has increased to $1.5 billion from roughly $700 million to $800 million in 2022.

France and Armenia have traditionally shared strong diplomatic ties, as the former is home to a large Armenian diaspora. France has backed Armenia politically thus far. However, there has been a shift in its policy as Yerevan seeks to diversify its imports, and Paris is looking to expand its military exports to partners.

Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launcher – Wikipedia

Armenia has also inked several defense contracts worth at least $400 million with India since September 2022. A deal was made between Armenia and India to purchase PINAKA multi-barrel rocket launchers (MBRL), anti-tank munitions, and ammunition worth US $250 million.

As previously reported by EurAsian Times, Armenia also contracted to buy India-developed Zen Anti-Drone System (ZADS), which is a Counter Unmanned Aerial System (CUAS).

The acquisition of these sophisticated arms from France and India comes on the back of a protracted conflict with Azerbaijan. France’s show of support and pledge of arms sale was preceded by Azerbaijan declaring victory after a swiftly executed military offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh, the main bone of contention and a “frozen conflict” between the two bitter rivals.

Armenia’s main source of weaponry and ammunition has historically been Russia. But Yerevan has been showing interest in looking for new armament suppliers as the relationship with Russia deteriorates and it becomes more involved in the protracted conflict with Ukraine. France is effectively filling the void left by Russia.

In the latest battle between Azerbaijan and Armenia, the two Caucasian neighbors, which broke out on September 19, Azerbaijan declared victory over the breakaway province of Nagorno-Karabakh a day after going on the offensive. Although peace negotiations between Azerbaijan and Armenia are being discussed, the latter is not ready to let its guard down yet.

Turkey Threatens to Invade Greece and Armenia

AEI - The American Enterprise Institute
Feb 12 2024

By Michael Rubin

Middle East Forum Observer

February 12, 2024

On January 27, 2024, two days after the Biden administration again urged Congress to greenlight F-16 sales to Turkey, Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said at a public meeting of his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), “Our struggle did not end with expelling the enemy [Greeks] from our lands and throwing them into the sea from Izmir.” It was a provocative statement given the massacre at Smyrna, today’s Izmir, killed up to 100,000 and, according to scholars, amounted to genocide against Anatolia’s Greek Christians.

On cue, just over a week later, Turkish analysts on CNN Türk discussed the prospects of Turkey launching Tayfuns, Turkey’s first indigenous ballistic missile, at Greece. “If we fire it from Edirne or Izmir, we can hit Athens,” they concluded.

Pride in “throwing Greeks into the sea” is mainstream among Erdoğan’s government. It is also a popular slogan in Turkey. There are Turkish nationalist songs as well as annual public ceremonies that celebrate the massacre of Smyrna’s centuries-old Christian population as “Izmir’s liberation from enemy forces.” To mark the 100th anniversary of the massacre in 2022, for example, one of Turkey’s biggest pop stars gave a concert in the city center in Izmir, celebrating the slaughter. Hundreds of thousands attended.

The threat to launch missiles at Athens comes against a backdrop of Turkish revanchism. Turkey’s media repeatedly claim ownership over 152 islands and islets in the Aegean Sea awarded to Greece in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, 1932 Convention between Turkey and Italy, and 1947 Treaty of Paris.

Greece is not alone as the target of Turkey’s territorial demands. Hulusi Akar, a former defense minister who today chairs the parliament’s National Defense Commission, threatened Armenia during a January 29, 2024 visit to Azerbaijan, suggesting Turkey could repeat its and Azerbaijan’s ethnic cleansing of Nagorno-Karabakh’s indigenous Armenian population against Armenia proper. With Turkish backing, Azerbaijan continues to occupy several dozen square kilometers of Armenian territory.

As Turkey lobbied for F-16s as part of a quid pro quo to lift its hold on Sweden’s NATO accession, it stopped overflights and harassment of Greek islands. That Erdoğan so quickly violated his agreement after receiving Biden administration endorsement of the F-16 sale suggests tremendous bad faith.

The Biden administration may celebrate Turkey’s agreement to allow Sweden’s NATO accession as a diplomatic win, but the growing risk of an intra-NATO war offset any benefit Sweden might bring. Addressing Erdoğan grievances or augmenting his military will not bring Turkey back into the community of responsible nations. Rather, the problem remains Erdoğan ideology. Ignoring that reality will not bring stability or security, but could rather destroy NATO and force the United States to confront yet another unexpected war in Europe.

 

U.S. Backs Armenia’s Reevaluation of Security Ties Amidst CSTO Membership Suspension Considerations

Feb 24 2024

In the labyrinthine corridors of international alliances, Armenia's recent contemplations regarding its participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) has stirred the geopolitical pot, prompting a nuanced response from the U.S. Department of State. This development, rooted in Armenia's grievances with the CSTO's inaction during its conflicts with Azerbaijan, signifies a potential pivot in the region's security dynamics. The Voice of America's Armenian Service has brought to light the U.S. stance on these unfolding events, revealing a complex tapestry of allegiance, strategic interests, and diplomatic chess moves.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan's vocal considerations to suspend Armenia's CSTO membership underscore a growing disillusionment with the organization, largely perceived as Russia's sphere of influence. The crux of Armenia's discontent lies in what it deems a lack of support from the CSTO amidst escalating tensions with Azerbaijan. This sentiment has pushed Armenia to reassess its security arrangements and explore closer ties with Western nations, signaling a potential shift away from Russia's orbit. The U.S. Department of State's _expression_ of respect for Armenia's sovereign decisions in this regard underscores a broader international recognition of the complexities facing the South Caucasus region.

The U.S. Department of State's response to inquiries about Armenia's stance offers a window into the American viewpoint on this geopolitical conundrum. By affirming respect for Armenia's decisions concerning its security relationships, the U.S. underscores its support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries in the region. More pointedly, the Department's critique of Russian reliability as an ally not only to Armenia but also across the South Caucasus and beyond, paints a stark picture of the challenges inherent in navigating alliances within this volatile geopolitical landscape.

The potential suspension of Armenia's CSTO membership is more than a bilateral issue between Armenia and Russia; it represents a ripple effect that could alter the balance of power and influence in the region. Armenia's pivot towards strengthening ties with Western countries, including the United States and France, and possibly expanding cooperation with Germany and the United Kingdom, marks a significant recalibration of its foreign policy. This shift, while opening new avenues for collaboration and support, also entails navigating the complexities of international diplomacy and managing the repercussions of distancing from a long-standing ally. The evolving situation underscores the intricate dance of allegiance and strategic interests that define the international relations chessboard.

In this evolving narrative of alliances and geopolitical strategies, Armenia's considerations and the U.S. response highlight the fluid nature of international relations. As Armenia reassesses its security arrangements and the U.S. articulates its stance, the international community watches closely. The outcome of these deliberations will not only shape Armenia's future direction but also influence the broader dynamics of regional and global power plays.

https://bnnbreaking.com/politics/us-backs-armenias-reevaluation-of-security-ties-amidst-csto-membership-suspension-considerations

Armenian MP Advocates for Artsakh Armenians’ Rights in Talks with French Delegation

Feb 24 2024

In the heart of Yerevan, a meeting that could subtly shift the scales of international diplomacy took place, bringing together Levon Kocharyan, a member of Armenia's opposition Hayastan faction and an MP, with representatives from the French parliamentary delegation. This gathering, part of the Armenia-France Friendship Group, was not just a diplomatic formality but a fervent plea for the safety and repatriation of Artsakh Armenians—a testament to the enduring spirit of a people in the face of adversity.

During the meeting, Kocharyan extended a heartfelt thank you to the French representatives for standing with the Armenian people through thick and thin. His words were not mere formalities but a reflection of a deep-seated concern for the future of Artsakh Armenians. With a clear and unwavering voice, he underscored the unacceptable nature of the forced depopulation of the Artsakh Republic. The essence of his message was clear: the right of Artsakh Armenians to return and live safely in their homeland is non-negotiable. This sentiment, shared in a post on Telegram, resonated as a call for continued support from France in these critical endeavors.

The backdrop to this meeting is a tapestry of complex geopolitical tensions and historical ties. Recent visits by French officials to Armenia amid escalating tensions with Azerbaijan underscore France's commitment to peace and stability in the region. Furthermore, discussions between Armenian officials and French parliamentarians have highlighted the longstanding relations between the two nations, including support for Armenia in the European Parliament and the French Senate. These engagements reflect a broader international concern for the plight of those forcibly displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh, emphasizing the importance of international solidarity in addressing these humanitarian crises.

The meeting between Kocharyan and the French delegation is a poignant reminder of the power of international diplomacy in advocating for human rights and safety. As the world watches, the commitment of nations like France to the cause of Artsakh Armenians offers a glimmer of hope in a seemingly intractable conflict. It is a call to the global community to stand united in the face of aggression and to champion the cause of those who seek nothing more than to live in peace and security in their ancestral lands.

The dialogue that unfolded in Yerevan is more than a mere discussion—it is a beacon of hope for the Artsakh Armenians and a testament to the enduring power of international solidarity. As these conversations continue to evolve, the unwavering spirit and resilience of the Armenian people remain a powerful force for change, echoing through the halls of diplomacy and beyond.

Anticipation Grows for President Zelensky’s Potential Landmark Visit to Armenia

Feb 24 2024
Safak Costu

As whispers turn into conversations, the potential visit of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to Armenia is stirring both curiosity and expectation among international observers. Amidst a landscape of shifting alliances and evolving geopolitical dynamics, such a visit could mark a significant pivot not just for Armenia and Ukraine, but for the broader region's security calculus. With official confirmation still pending, the anticipation underscores the intricate dance of diplomacy in our contemporary world.

In recent times, the relationship between Armenia and Ukraine has undergone a subtle yet unmistakable transformation. With Armenia expressing a desire to diversify its security relationships beyond its traditional ally, Russia, and Ukraine showing readiness to support Armenia in stabilizing the region, the stage seems set for a new chapter in bilateral relations. This potential visit, hinted at by Ukraine's charge d'affaires in Armenia and underscored by media reports, could symbolize a concrete step towards realizing these aspirations.

The backdrop to this evolving friendship is a shared understanding of the complexities inherent in navigating a world where security concerns are paramount. Armenia's outreach to other global players like the U.S., France, and India, alongside Ukraine, signals a nuanced strategy to enhance its geopolitical stance. Meanwhile, Ukraine, under President Zelensky's leadership, has been proactive in seeking partnerships that bolster its position amidst ongoing regional tensions.

At the heart of Zelensky's anticipated visit is the potential for deepened security cooperation between Armenia and Ukraine. Their previous meetings, notably between Zelensky and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in October 2023, laid the groundwork for discussions on security and bilateral cooperation. This upcoming visit could further these discussions, translating diplomatic goodwill into tangible agreements that could alter the security landscape of the region.

Furthermore, this visit comes at a time when both nations are reevaluating their positions within global and regional networks. For Armenia, diversifying its security portfolio is a step towards greater autonomy and resilience. For Ukraine, bolstering ties with Armenia is part of a broader strategy to strengthen its international alliances, thereby enhancing its strategic depth.

https://bnnbreaking.com/politics/anticipation-grows-for-president-zelenskys-potential-landmark-visit-to-armenia

Zelenskyy’s Anticipated Visit to Armenia: A Diplomatic Gesture Amidst Regional Tensions

Feb 24 2024

In the world of international diplomacy, every move is a message, and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's planned visit to Armenia is no exception. As the buzz around this significant diplomatic engagement grows, so do the implications for regional dynamics and alliances. With preparations underway and the exact date still under negotiation, the anticipation of Zelenskyy's arrival in Yerevan, the Armenian capital, is palpable.

According to Armenian media outlet Factor.am, citing European Pravda as its source, the visit is currently in the preparation stage. While the specific details of the agenda remain shrouded in mystery, the significance of such a visit cannot be understated. It's a gesture that carries weight in the delicate balance of international relations, especially in a region as complex as the South Caucasus. The Armenian Foreign Ministry, while not confirming the specifics, has indicated that high-level visits are announced in due time, keeping the aura of anticipation alive.

The potential visit comes at a time when Armenia's relations with its long-time ally Russia are experiencing strains, notably due to differing stances on the Ukraine conflict. Armenia's outreach to Ukraine, including the provision of humanitarian assistance last year, symbolizes a nuanced foreign policy approach. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan's statements in recent interviews with Bloomberg and France 24, emphasizing Armenia's independent stance regarding the Ukraine war, further illustrate the evolving dynamics within the region.

Such a visit by Zelenskyy to Armenia could therefore be seen as a bold diplomatic maneuver, potentially angering Russia. The visit also signifies a strengthening of ties between Ukraine and Armenia, two nations navigating their paths amidst regional pressures and shifting alliances. The dialogue between Pashinyan and Zelenskyy, initiated on the margins of a European Union summit in Granada, Spain, last fall, sets the stage for deeper cooperation and mutual support.

The implications of Zelenskyy's visit extend beyond the bilateral relationship between Ukraine and Armenia. It sends a strong signal to the international community about the potential for new alliances and partnerships in the face of traditional geopolitical blocs. For Armenia, it's an opportunity to assert its sovereignty and diversify its diplomatic engagements. For Ukraine, it represents a chance to solidify support and gain a strategic foothold in the South Caucasus.

As the preparations for this landmark visit continue, the eyes of the world will be on Yerevan, watching as two leaders navigate the complex web of international diplomacy. The outcomes of this visit could redefine regional alliances, offering a new narrative in the ever-evolving story of international relations.

Armenian National Committee of Australia Board Member Gisele Kapterian To Run For Federal Parliament

Feb 24 2024

SYDNEY: The Armenian National Committee of Australia (ANC-AU) has welcomed the pre-selection of one of its valued board members, Gisele Kapterian, who will be running in the next Federal election as the Liberal Candidate for the seat of North Sydney.

Kapterian has begun an extended leave of absence from her position on the ANC-AU National Board as she campaigns for the seat ahead of the next Federal election.


As an active member of the Armenian-Australian community and a dedicated advocate for social justice and community empowerment, Kapterian brings a wealth of experience and a passionate commitment to serving the people of North Sydney.


As a longstanding member of the ANC-AU Board and previous background as an international lawyer and political staffer – including senior advisory roles for the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Trade, as well as Chief of Staff to a Federal Minister – Kapterian has demonstrated exemplary leadership, talent and a deep understanding of the issues facing her community and the broader Australian society.


The ANC-AU wishes Kapterian all the best for her campaign.


Kapterian, who was preselected in late 2023, said, “This part of the world is my home, and I am honoured to be given the opportunity to fight for the people of North Sydney and represent them in our nation’s parliament.”


Michael Kolokossian, Executive Director of the ANC-AU, said: “Gisele Kapterian is an incredibly talented colleague with a wealth of valuable experience. She has been a true asset to the ANC-AU board and can be an even greater asset to the Australian nation. We thank Gisele for her hard work and service to the Armenian-Australian community.”


https://www.anc.org.au/news/Media-Releases/Armenian-National-Committee-of-Australia-Board-Member-Gisele-Kapterian-To-Run-For-Federal-Parliament

    "Belated response": on Armenia’s freezing of participation in the Russian-led CSTO bloc

    Feb 24 2024
    • JAMnews
    • Yerevan

    Armenia’s Participation in the CSTO

    Practically, Armenia‘s participation in the Collective security treaty organization (CSTO) is essentially frozen,” stated Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan in an interview with France24.

    In response, the CSTO secretariat stated, “To date, no statements from Yerevan about suspending membership in the CSTO have been received.”

    Pashinyan’s reaction is seen as a response to Russia’s “inept policy,” according to political analyst Gurgen Simonyan. He believes it is a “belated response.” Simonyan suggests that Armenia’s reaction is linked to the end of winter and does not rule out potential retaliatory measures from Russia.

    He speculates that Armenian authorities have taken into account the possibility of retaliatory steps from Russia, including the possibility of “problems with the gas pipeline” through which Russian gas is supplied to Armenia.

    The political analyst suggests that Moscow may resort to various means in response, including potentially instigating military escalation via Azerbaijan. While the West is holding back Baku for now, it is unclear how long this will continue, says to Simonyan.


    • Why did Russian border guards not let EU observers get to the Armenian border?
    • Opinion: “If Baku doesn’t return to Western format, it may lose a lot”
    • Opinion: “Baku and Moscow’s aim is to sideline the West from the region”

    In an interview with France24, Pashinyan also discussed why “Armenia’s participation in the CSTO is essentially frozen”:

    “In my assessment, the CSTO has not fulfilled its obligations towards Armenia regarding security provisions, particularly in 2021 and 2022. And this could not go without consequences.”

    Regarding the Russian military base stationed in Armenia, he stated that it is not related to the military-political bloc of the CSTO:

    The base located on the territory of the Republic of Armenia is not under the framework of this treaty. In fact, it is under a different treaty, and we are not discussing it at the moment.”

    Earlier, there were reports in the media that Armenian authorities might expel Russian border guards from the Zvartnots international airport.

    This will happen soon. There is a political decision regarding this issue,” one of the local media outlets reports, citing a “high-ranking source.”

    All of this is actively discussed in local media in terms of a potential shift from Armenia’s traditional pro-Russian foreign policy stance.

    Regarding the statement from Pashinyan, the CSTO Secretariat informed RIA Novosti that no statements from Yerevan regarding the suspension of membership had been received, commenting on Pashinyan’s statement:

    As for the thesis of freezing participation, apparently, it refers to the fact that the Republic of Armenia has not participated in a number of events held by the organization recently.”

    Later, this issue was also addressed by the press secretary of the president of Russia, Dmitry Peskov. He stated that there are plans to “contact [Armenian] colleagues and clarify the meaning of these statements” regarding the freezing of membership in the CSTO.

    The reason for Pashinyan’s statements was not his visit to France but rather the Russian policy of recent years, according to political analyst Gurgen Simonyan. He emphasizes that Moscow systematically violated all bilateral military-political agreements and arrangements with Yerevan:

    This is merely a belated response to the inept policy that Russia has allowed itself towards Armenia.

    The analyst also reminds us that the current Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), led by Russia, does not recognize Armenia’s sovereign territory. For this reason, when Azerbaijani forces advanced into Armenian territory, members of the bloc ignored Armenia’s appeals for military assistance, says Simonyan. He is convinced that both the CSTO and other Russian integration structures are “only meant to serve Russia’s grand imperial plans.”

    The political analyst explains that the CSTO charter does not include a provision for freezing or suspending membership.

    Any member state can exit the CSTO, but it cannot suspend its membership. Therefore, the Armenian Prime Minister was referring to the factual freezing of the country’s participation in the bloc’s activities.

    Pashinyan’s statement highlighted the current situation: Armenia makes membership payments but does not participate in meetings. The expert hopes that the statements from Armenian authorities will lead to concrete actions, both in terms of exiting the CSTO and withdrawing Russian border guards from Zvartnots Airport.

    The real exit will occur when Armenia finally notifies the CSTO of its cessation of membership in the military-political bloc,” he said.

    The expert says that the only decisive step taken by the Armenian authorities was the ratification of the Rome statute. However, immediately after that, the prime minister attended an event within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), assumed the chairmanship of the organization, and “continued playing the game of complementarity.”

    Simonyan believes that Pashinyan’s statement is also related to the intention to create a new security architecture for Armenia. Consequently, Yerevan is enhancing cooperation with Western countries, particularly the United States and France. Furthermore, the expert does not rule out future collaboration with Germany and the United Kingdom.

    Commenting on Pashinyan’s statement regarding the “likelihood and realism of a new attack on Armenia by Azerbaijan,” the political analyst stated that this is simply an obvious reality. This includes Moscow’s involvement. In his opinion, Russia is deliberately moving towards this, without waiting for a pretext.

    Regardless of the model of behavior we demonstrate — whether we defend our country or adopt an ostrich-like policy — Russia will still go for it. The question is whether Aliyev will want to play the proxy role after Munich [the meeting between Pashinyan, Aliyev, and Scholz]. If he dares, then he will be completely affiliated and attached to the Russian ship.”

    In an interview with France24, Pashinyan stated that while Azerbaijan diplomatically claims it has no intention to initiate military actions or seize Armenian territories, several facts, including the recent incident on the border, suggest that ‘Azerbaijan is actually preparing to attack Armenia.’

    According to Simonyan, military actions had already been planned, but the West was able to suspend them and restrain Baku. The expert refers to the steps taken by Western partners, particularly the Munich meeting, as a “powerful deterrent.”

    Azerbaijan, however, will await the right geopolitical conditions to take this step [initiate military action]. Nevertheless, it will go for it anyway. Let’s see how long it can be restrained by this straitjacket“.

    Armenia’s CSTO participation ‘frozen’ amid Russia’s open call for government overthrow

    DARYO
    Uzbekistan – Feb 24 2024

    Armenia’s involvement in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) was put on hold, according to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in an interview with France 24. The issue of the Russian military base in Armenia is no longer under consideration. Armenia’s participation in the CSTO has been suspended due to Russia’s overt call for the Armenian people to overthrow the current government. “The Kremlin’s propaganda against me has never stopped,” Pashinyan pointed out.

    Pashinyan accused Baku of viewing Armenia as ‘Western Azerbaijan’ and preparing for an invasion of Armenia. “Ilham Aliyev doesn’t want a peace agreement based on mutual recognition of territorial integrity. He wants to take control over new territories in Armenia,” the prime minister stated.

    Pashinyan also noted that peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan is currently unattainable.

     

    In mid-February, following a border encounter, Azerbaijan conducted a retaliatory military operation, destroying an Armenian military post near the border. Armenia reported the loss of four military personnel following the operation. 

    The conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Karabakh has persisted for 30 years. In 2020, the long-standing conflict escalated rapidly. After 45 days of intense fighting, Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev signed a ceasefire agreement, which was also endorsed by Arayik Harutyunyan, the leader of the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh.

    In May 2023, Pashinyan stated that he would officially recognize the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, including Karabakh if the security of ethnic Armenians was guaranteed. Subsequently, both leaders confirmed the official recognition of each other’s current borders.

    On September 9, 2023, the Karabakh parliament elected 45-year-old Samvel Shahramanyan as the new president of the republic. However, the results of this presidential election were not recognized by Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, the EU, Turkey, Moldova, Ukraine, Pakistan, and the UK. 

    In the same month, Azerbaijan carried out a second military operation in Nagorno-Karabakh to eliminate “the Stepanakert regime.” The operation lasted for just one day. On September 20, both sides agreed to a ceasefire. On September 28, Shakhramanyan signed a decree that effectively dissolved the self-proclaimed republic starting from January 1, 2024. On October 5, 2023, Pashinyan signed a declaration recognizing Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan.