House Passes Bill Repealing 1916 Dumping Law WTO Ruled Illegal
Normal trade relations for Armenia, Laos among hundreds of provisions
Washington File
12 October 2004
By Bruce Odessey, Washington File Staff Writer
Washington — The House of Representatives has given final passage to a bill
that would repeal a dumping law that was ruled illegal by the World Trade
Organization (WTO) and would extend permanent normal trade relations to
Armenia and Laos.
To become law the bill would have to be passed by the Senate and signed by
the president. Whether the Senate will consider the bill when Congress
returns November 16 from its election recess is not known.
Most of the 299-page bill, passed by the House late October 8 without
debate, comprises hundreds of tariff suspensions on imports of goods not
produced domestically and traded in small volumes.
Repeal of the 1916 antidumping law was slipped into the final version of the
miscellaneous tariffs bill by House and Senate negotiators even though
neither chamber had earlier passed such a provision.
The House Judiciary Committee had approved the provision, however, and U.S.
Trade Representative Robert Zoellick had urged its passage.
The WTO had ruled against the 1916 antidumping law, which was challenged by
the European Union (EU) and Japan. Under the law, never actually used from
1916 until the 1990s, U.S. companies can sue foreign producers for triple
damages for dumping goods on the U.S. market with the intent of injuring
U.S. industry.
To date no plaintiff has ever collected damages under the 1916 law. In May,
however, a U.S. federal court upheld a jury verdict ordering a Japanese
newspaper press manufacturer to pay its U.S. rival more than $30 million,
triple the damages from dumping as calculated by the jury. That case remains
under appeal.
The provision in the miscellaneous tariffs bill would repeal the 1916 law
but would not overturn any case already decided or pending under the law.
Whether Japan or the EU would accept such a nonretroactive change is not
known.
The WTO had already authorized retaliation by the EU against any final
judgment ordered under the law against an EU company.
Another provision of the miscellaneous tariffs bill would grant permanent
normal trade relations for Armenia. Normal trade relations (NTR), otherwise
known as most-favored-nation treatment, prohibit discrimination among a
country’s trading partners. Armenia has had temporary NTR, approved year to
year by the president.
The bill would also extend NTR to Laos, bringing into force a 1997 U.S.-Laos
trade agreement. Laos remains one of only four countries worldwide and the
only least-developed country to which the United States does not extend NTR.
Miscellaneous tariff bills typically pass each session of Congress
routinely, but this one was held up over a succession of issues for three
years. One senator from a southern textile-producing state delayed Senate
action, for example, until he achieved a change requiring clearer
country-of-origin labeling for socks.
Following are some other provisions of the bill:
— A provision that would correct a mistake in the Trade Act of 2002 that
inadvertently raised duties on Andean handbags, luggage, flat goods, work
gloves and leather wearing apparel under the Andean Trade Preferences Act
(ATPA).
— A provision that would clarify the African Growth and Opportunity Act
(AGOA), extending retroactively to October 2000 duty-free treatment for
collars and cuffs.
— A provision that would temporarily prohibit U.S. imports of
archaeological, cultural and other rare items from Iraq to prevent illegal
shipment of such antiquities.
— In line with a 2001 international agreement to eliminate testing of wine
for reasons other than health and safety, a provision that would amend U.S.
regulatory law concerning cellar treatment for both domestic and imported
natural wine.
The EU has refused to accept U.S. wine-making practices and has waived its
rules to allow wine imported from the United States but only through 2005.
Congressional negotiators have indicated they intended this provision as
leverage in U.S.-EU negotiations, which have achieved no agreement so far.
— A provision that would require the U.S. customs agency in the Department
of Homeland Security to establish integrated border inspection areas along
the U.S.-Canadian border. In these areas U.S. customs officers could inspect
vehicles before they entered the United States from Canada, and Canadian
customs officials could inspect vehicles before they entered Canada from the
United States.
(The Washington File is a product of the Bureau of International Information
Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: )

ARKA News Agency
Oct 7 2004
RA Foreign Minister and Ambassador of Belgium to RA discuss bilateral
relations
Exhibition “Graphic Arts-Sculpture 2004” opens in Yerevan
Armenian ACRA Credit Bureau to become member of Association of
Consumer Credit Information Suppliers (Europe) (ACCIS)
Catholicos of All Armenian receives members of regular commission of
CIS Interparliament Assembly on Defense and Security
RA President receives famous Brazilian Prose Writer Paolo Coelho
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RA FOREIGN MINISTER AND AMBASSADOR OF BELGIUM TO RA DISCUSS BILATERAL
RELATIONS
YEREVAN, October 7. /ARKA/. RA Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanian and
newly appointed Ambassador of Belgium to RA Daniele del Marmol
(residence in Moscow) discussed bilateral relations, RA MFA told
ARKA. Oskanian noted close and productive relations of the two
countries and paid attention to deepening of trade-economic links and
realization of joint economic programs. The parties discussed also
perspectives of regional development in the frames of the EU new
neighborhood policy regarding South Caucasus. The parties discussed
present situation in South Caucasus, Karabakh settlement,
Armenian-Turkish relations and regional problems. L.D. –0–
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EXHIBITION “GRAPHIC ARTS-SCULPTURE 2004” OPENS IN YEREVAN
YEREVAN, October 7. /ARKA/. Exhibition “Graphic Arts-Sculpture 2004”
opened today in Yerevan. According to one of the organizers of the
exhibition, member of Artists Union Robert Manukian the main goal of
the exhibition is enrichment of spiritual world of people and
assistance to future development of Armenian art. He said that it was
decided this year to exhibit not only graphic works, but also
sculptures.
The exhibition represents works of about 250 Armenian sculptures and
graphic artists, including Grikor Agasian, Genrik Mamian, Karen
Agamian.
Note first exhibition of graphic arts was conducted in Armenia in
1926. After long break the exhibition opened again in 1991 and
represented the works of 160 participants. The idea of the exhibition
was restarted in 2003.
This year the exhibition will last till Oct 17. L.D. –0–
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ARMENIAN ACRA CREDIT BUREAU TO BECOME MEMBER OF ASSOCIATION OF
CONSUMER CREDIT INFORMATION SUPPLIERS (EUROPE) (ACCIS)
YEREVAN, October 7. /ARKA/. Armenian ACRA Credit Bureau ACRA will
become the member of Association of Consumer Credit Information
Suppliers (Europe) (ACCIS). According to the Press Service of ACRA,
the agreement was reached during the visit of ACRA delegation to
Beijing, where the International Conference was held in September
organized by Association of Consumer Credit Information Suppliers
(Europe) (ACCIS), Consumer Data Industry Association (U.S.) (CDIA)
and Chinese Huaxia International Business Credit Consulting Co.
Armen Vardanyan, the President of ACRA Credit Bureau highly
appreciated the results of the conference and mentioned that the
forthcoming membership in ACCIS will give a chance to introduce
Armenia to the world as a country of low-risk business environment
and correspondingly favorable for investments.
Representatives of credit bureaus of all developed countries as well
as from some developing countries and countries with transition
economy- Romania, Croatia, Hungary, Estonia, Armenia Georgia and
Kyrgyzstan participated in the conference
First Armenian credit bureau ACRA was established in January, 2004
and is a 100% private organization. For consulting purposes ACRA
cooperates with Bosnian LRC Engineering Company. L.V. —
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CATHOLICOS OF ALL ARMENIAN RECEIVES MEMBERS OF REGULAR COMMISSION OF
CIS INTERPARLIAMENT ASSEMBLY ON DEFENSE AND SECURITY
YEREVAN, October 7. /ARKA/. Catholicos of All Armenian Garegin II
received members of regular commission of CIS Interparliament
Assembly on Defense and Security, St. Echmiadzin press office told
ARKA. Garegin II paid attention to consolidation of efforts on fight
against terrorism, drug abuse and other evil that threatens humanity.
He said that similar cooperation is necessary for economic
development and prosperity of CIS people.
The Chairman of the Commission Viktor Voitenko thanked Armenian
Catholicos for warm welcome and told him about the works of the
Commission and future programs. L.D. –0–
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RA PRESIDENT RECEIVES FAMOUS BRAZILIAN PROSE WRITER PAOLO COELHO
YEREVAN, October 7. /ARKA/. RA President Robert Kocharian received
famous Brazilian Prose Writer Paolo Coelho, RA President’s press
office told ARKA. Kocharian stressed that Paolo Koelho is the most
readable modern writer whose works continue best traditions of Latin
American literature. He noted with satisfaction that translation of
his book “Alchemist” in Armenian will make it accessible for wide
Armenian community. L.D. –0–
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Karabakh premier visits USA
Artsakh State TV, Stepanakert
12 Oct 04
Nagornyy Karabakh Republic [NKR] prime minister Anushavan Daniyelyan is
in the USA on a working visit. The main purpose of his visit is to help
organize the coming telethon aiming at fund raising to assist the NKR,
and especially to complete North-South highway in Nagornyy Karabakh.
On 10 October premier Daniyelyan met representatives of Armenian
community of Fresno [in California]. Congressman George Radanovich
elected from Fresno also participated at the meeting and greeted
the NKR prime minister. On the same day Anushavan Daniyelyan gave an
interview to Armenian radio of Fresno.
On 11 October he visited the Armenian cemetery of Fresno and
laid flowers to the monument of the famous Armenian and American
writer William Saroyan. Anushavan Daniyelyan also visited Armenian
agricultural enterprises specializing in processing agricultural
products. He underlined the promising opportunities for such business
in the NKR and called on Armenian entrepreneurs to invest in the NKR
economy. On the same day premier Daniyelyan visited San Francisco
and met representatives of the Armenian community. He underlined
the importance of constructing the North-South highway for all
the Armenians in the world and also told the audience about the
socioeconomic situation in the NKR. In particular Anushavan Daniyelyan
noted that in recent years the total volume of foreign direct
investment in the NKR economy had constituted more than 50m US dollars.
The NKR permanent representative to USA Vardan Barsegyan is
accompanying Anushavan Daniyelyan during the meetings. NKR prime
minister’s visit to the USA is continuing.

Russia retreats into repression
By Ignacio Ramonet
Le Monde diplomatique
October 2004
The hostage stand-off in Beslan, North Ossetia, was called Russia’s
9/11 and the comparison is valid in an important way: Russia can now
see the world in terms of pre-Beslan and post-Beslan, just as the
United States divides time into pre-and post-9/11, 2001. The mass
hostage-taking on 3 September became a nightmare with at least 370
people dead, some 160 of them children. The world looked on mortified
as this slaughter of the innocents happened before its eyes; it was
also horrified by the Russian special forces’ brutal and blundering
intervention.
Beslan marks a turning point in the continuing wars of the Caucasus
(see The Caucasian melting-pot heats up). The hostage takers had a
frightening capacity for violence, but the security services’ failure
to prevent the tragedy was equally shocking. Beslan is the biggest
crisis Vladimir Putin has faced since becoming Russia’s president. It
is not clear that he fully understands why this is so. “We must
admit that we had not grasped the complexity and the severity of the
processes under way in our own country and elsewhere in the world,”
said Putin the day after the siege ended in disaster. This statement
was meant to reinforce the idea that Russia shares an adversary in
common with other nations – international terrorism, a euphemism for
radical Islam, or what some call the worldwide Islamic jihad.
This is the same tragic mistake that President George Bush made when he
decided to attack Iraq in March 2003 as a way to combat al-Qaida. Like
the Bush administration, Russia’s government is now declaring a war
and talking about the need for a strong state. This means sweeping
and largely anti-democratic changes to Russia’s political system
(1), increased resources for the armed forces and increased powers
to deploy them in pre-emptive strikes. “We will take all measures to
liquidate terrorist bases in any region of the world,” said Colonel
General Yuri Baluyevsky, chief of the military’s general staff (2).
What Putin and his government refuse to admit is that the rise of
terrorism and radical Islam in Russia’s territories in the Caucasus
are both the symptoms of discontent and means of expression for
primarily nationalist concerns. And history shows that nationalism is
an exceptionally resilient and powerful source of political energy,
as the Palestinians have demonstrated.
Nationalism is probably the single most important force in modern
history: colonialism, imperialism and totalitarianism failed to
stamp it out. Nationalism makes any alliances necessary to further
its cause. We are seeing this now in Afghanistan and Iraq, where
nationalism and radical Islam are coming together in national
liberation struggles that have created horrible forms of terrorism.
The same thing is happening in Chechnya. From the start the Chechens
were the strongest fighters against Russia’s conquest of the
Caucasus. They bravely resisted Russian occupation as early as 1918
and then declared independence in 1991 as soon as the Soviet Union
disintegrated. This led to the first Russo-Chechen war, which ended
in August 1996 with the Chechens victorious – but Chechnya had been
all but destroyed by the years of conflict.
The Russian army invaded Chechnya again in 1999 after a wave
of terrorist attacks. This second war completed the destruction
interrupted in 1996. Russia then held local elections in Chechnya,
making sure that all key positions were filled by people who would
obey the Moscow line. But the Chechen resistance did not disarm. It
continued to attack and the Russians continued their policy of violent
repression (3).
In the geopolitical context there are no easy solutions to the Chechen
problem. The Russian authorities are less than pleased about the new
economic and military ties between the US and Georgia and Azerbaijan,
two independent countries just south of Chechnya. Moscow is beginning
to feel like a superpower under siege, given Bush’s recent decision
to move German-based US forces closer to Russia – into Bulgaria,
Romania, Poland and Hungary.
Putin’s response has been to maintain the Russian bases in Georgia
and Azerbaijan, despite the opposition of their governments, and to
reinforce Russia’s alliance with Armenia, which is still illegally
occupying part of Azerbaijan. He is also supporting separatist
movements in the Georgian provinces of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
Unable to defeat the Chechen resistance on the ground, the Russians
intend to prove their continuing power in the greater Caucasus. They
are haunted by their humiliation in Afghanistan, but losing to
Chechnya’s radical Islamists would be even more humiliating, since
the total Chechen population is less than a million. Moreover it
could easily trigger a chain reaction across the region, leading to
further territorial losses for Russia. This is why Moscow so bluntly
refuses to negotiate or to recognise a right to self-rule. But the
brutal repression that goes with this policy is creating terrorist
monsters prepared to commit terrible crimes.
NOTES
(1) Putin has announced that the 89 regional governors of the
Russian federation will no longer be elected by universal suffrage,
but chosen by local parliaments from candidates put forward by the
federal presidency.
(2) International Herald Tribune, Paris, 9 September 2004.
(3) See Anna Politkovskaya, A Small Corner of Hell: dispatches from
Chechnya, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2003.
Translated by Gulliver Cragg

Interior Minister denounces incidents of Jews spitting at Christian clergy
AP Worldstream
Oct 12, 2004
ADAM REYNOLDS
Israel’s interior minister reacted with “revulsion” Tuesday to
incidents of Jews spitting at Christian clergy in the Old City of
Jerusalem.
In the most recent case, a Jewish seminary student spat at an
Armenian archbishop carrying a cross in a procession on Sunday,
police said. A fistfight broke out, and the cross was damaged. The
student was arrested.
Tensions are always high in the walled Old City, divided among
Christians, Jews and Muslims. The Old City contains important holy
sites of all three religions, and some are contested among competing
religions and denominations.
Israeli media quoted the student as saying he spat at the Armenian
cleric as a protest against “idol worship.”
Police spokesman Gil Kleiman said that last such case handled by
police was more than two years ago, but Christian clergy complain of
frequent harassment.
In a strongly worded statement, Interior Minister Avraham Poraz
expressed “revulsion at repeated incidents of harassment by Jews
against Christian clergy in Jerusalem,” mentioning the Sunday incident.
Poraz said that such behavior by ultra-Orthodox Jewish students is
“intolerable.” He added, “We must take all the necessary steps to
prevent this,” and asked the internal security minister, in charge
of police, to take action.
Armenian officials charged that Israeli authorities were not doing
enough.
“When there is an attack against Jews anywhere in the world, the
Israeli government is incensed, so why when our religion and pride
are hurt, don’t they take harsher measures?” said Archbishop Nourhan
Manougian to the Haaretz daily.
Christian clergy have also complained about their treatment by Israeli
authorities. Catholic officials said in April that visa requests for
138 clergy had been held up, and Latin Patriarch Michel Sabbah said
it was an issue of survival for the church.
Most of the affected clergy were from Arab countries, church officials
said. Israeli officials explained the delays by citing security.

ARKA News Agency
Oct 6 2004
Interregional volunteer activities to take place in 7 Armenian
regions and Yerevan on Oct 28-29
President of Bulgaria awarded with Honorary Doctor’s Degree of
Yerevan State University
RA President: Armenian Diaspora should be more active in assisting
development projects in Armenia
Armenian PM and Bulgarian President discuss strengthening of mutual
cooperation
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INTERREGIONAL VOLUNTEER ACTIVITIES TO TAKE PLACE IN 7 ARMENIAN
REGIONS AND YEREVAN ON OCT 28-29
YEREVAN, October 6. /ARKA/. Interregional volunteer activities will
take place in 7 Armenian regions and Yerevan on Oct 28-29, IFES
Yerevan Office. The goal of the activity is encouragement of
volunteer movement and activity of public organizations as effective
means for joining of communities in expanding of local problems. By
participating in the activity, Armenian citizens, receive good
opportunity to demonstrate civil activity and make practical
contribution in development of their communities.
The activity is conducted in Armenia for the 4th time. L.D. –0–
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PRESIDENT OF BULGARIA AWARDED WITH HONORARY DOCTOR’S DEGREE OF
YEREVAN STATE UNIVERSITY
YEREVAN, October 6. /ARKA/. The President of Bulgaria, Georgi
Parvanov was awarded with Honorary Doctor’s Degree of Yerevan State
University (YSU). According to Radik Martirosyan, Rector of YSU, the
Bulgarian President was awarded the academic degree for his
contribution to science, state and political work and efforts aimed
at strengthening of Armenia-Bulgarian relations and friendship.
L.V.–0–
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RA PRESIDENT: ARMENIAN DIASPORA SHOULD BE MORE ACTIVE IN ASSISTING
DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS IN ARMENIA
YEREVAN, October 6. /ARKA/. Armenian Diaspora should more actively
assist the implementation of development projects in Armenia.
According to the Press Service Department of RA President, this was
stated by the RA President Robert Kocharian today at his meeting with
the delegates of the 83rd conference of Armenian General Benevolent
Union (AGBU). The President highly appreciated the activities of AGBU
in cultural and educational areas and expressed hope that this work
will be continued in future at the current pace. In his turn, Perch
Sedrakyan, the President of AGBU noted that the reforms in Armenia
are noticeable. “Although there still exist a lot of problems, it is
apparent that the country moves forward overcoming the barriers”, he
said.
83rd AGBU conference is being held in Yerevan. 150 participants from
24 countries arrived in Yerevan to participate in the conference.
L.V. -0–
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ARMENIAN PM AND BULGARIAN PRESIDENT DISCUSS STRENGTHENING OF MUTUAL
COOPERATION
YEREVAN, October 6. /ARKA/. Armenian PM Andranik Margarian and
Bulgarian President Georgi Prvanov discussed the issues of
strengthening mutual political and economic cooperation. As Armenian
Government Public and Press Relations Department told ARKA, during
the meeting the sides discussed the issues related to coordinated and
beneficial partnership between two countries in international
organizations. The Head of the Armenian Government presented to the
Bulgarian President Armenia’s tasks related to eurointegration and
regional policy as well as democratic reforms related works. In this
regard Margarian stressed that Armenia attaches importance to
regional cooperation, especially in the frames of OSCE and Council of
Europe “targeted at establishing and strengthening stability in the
South Caucasian region”. In this regard he mentioned the necessity of
more active involvement of Armenia in EU’s economic programs.
As it is mentioned in the press release, the sides stressed
importance of Armenian-Bulgarian Inter-Government Committee on Trade,
Economic and Scientific-Technical Cooperation. At that the Head of
the Armenian Government specially pointed out to Armenia’s interest
in construction of transport way linking South Caucasus with Europe.
In this regard he mentioned possibility of ferry transportations
between Black See ports “Caucasus” and “Varna”, at that expressing
his thanks to the Bulgarian sides for support of this proposal at
last sitting of the Committee. T.M. -0–
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GEORGIA TRIES TO RECAPTURE ALL ITS BREAKAWAY STATES
The Caucasian melting-pot heats up
Le Monde diplomatique
October 2004
The school siege in Beslan, North Ossetia, demonstrated the Chechen
resistance’s resort to extreme terrorism and desire to spread conflict
across the volatile Caucasus region. The region is already trapped
in a war of decolonisation because of its strategic importance both
to Russia and to the western powers.
By Jean Radvanyi
While Chechen fighters increase their violent raids into Dagestan,
Ingushetia and North Ossetia, Georgia’s young president, Mikhail
Saakashvili, is struggling to regain control of South Ossetia and
Abkhazia. His problems have suddenly opened up the possibility of a
new war in the southern Caucasus.
The region is not unfamiliar with territorial and nationalist
conflicts, but these are now bursting out of their traditional borders
and into other areas. The years of Russian repression in Chechnya that
began under Boris Yeltsin have driven some elements of Chechen society
to a murderous anger (1). Repeated disappearances and “purification”
raids wiping out whole villages, or their male populations, have only
increased the violence of the separatist resistance, which reached a
new peak last month with the Beslan hostage crisis. There is as yet
no final death count for the assault on a school full of children,
teachers and parents that became a shoot-out between hostage takers,
Russian special forces and armed locals.
In reaction to this crime, Moscow announced that it would not hesitate
to carry out preventative attacks on terrorist bases outside its own
territory – something it had already done in Georgia in 2002. But
Georgia is not the same place that it was then. Actively supported
by the United States, Mikhail Saakashvili took over in November 2003
after a wave of public demonstrations toppled Eduard Shevardnadze’s
government and changed the country’s whole attitude. The new president
managed to regain full control of Adzharia, south-western Georgia,
without violence, leading him to hope that his legitimate campaign
to reintegrate Georgia’s other two secessionist provinces – Abkhazia
in the northwest and South Ossetia in the centre-north – would be
similarly successful.
But it has not been easy. The combination of Georgia’s problems and
the Beslan events reminds us of just how explosive the Caucasian
melting pot can be when heated. The stakes are raised enormously by
the fact that Russia and the US have been vying for control of this
region ever since the fall of the Soviet Union. Russia is determined
to maintain the upper hand in its former fiefdoms, but the US wants
more than just access to the substantial oil and gas reserves of the
Caspian Sea: the Caucasus occupies a key position in its long-term
strategy, located right between Russia and the Middle East.
Presidents George Bush and Vladimir Putin can make all the grand
declarations they like about working together to bring peace to the
region; these mean nothing when their rivalry continues to prevent
any of its many conflicts from being resolved. Dampened down rather
than stamped out, these conflicts smoulder, severely threatening to
the security of the whole region, from the central Ossetian axis out
across the greater Caucasus.
For Saakashvili, fighting corruption and bringing Georgia’s breakaway
provinces back into the national fold is a top priority. Three of the
semi- autonomous regions, created under Stalin, that Georgia fought to
retain in the wars of 1991-93 have evaded central government control
ever since: Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Adzharia. Together they make
up more than 22% of Georgia and have been turned into black holes,
havens for trafficking: alcohol, tobacco, oil-based products, weapons,
drugs. The smuggling boom created common interests that eclipsed the
conflicts, leaving them frozen but not resolved. Illegal revenue
became the principal resource not only of the secessionists, but
of all parties, including both the Russian intervention forces and,
according to several sources, Shevardnadze’s own presidential clan.
As soon as he was elected, Saakashvili set about ousting the ruler
of Adzharia, Aslan Abashidze. Abashidze and his clan (he made his son
mayor of the regional capital, Batumi) had been in charge of Adzharia
since 1991. Abashidze had always accused the Georgian government of
wanting to assassinate him and never visited its capital, Tbilisi,
during his 12 years in power. But he never made an outright declaration
of independence. Indeed, he came to occupy an important position
in Georgia’s political landscape, since his party became the second
largest there.
Shevardnadze and Abashidze came to a curious kind of
understanding. Customs revenues from Sarpi, Georgia’s main land
border crossing with Turkey, and from the major oil conduit port
at Batumi never reached central government, but part of the money
did wind up in the pockets of Tbilisi grandees. This situation was
problematic for Saakashvili since it had led Abashidze actively to
support Shevardnadze during the October 2003 crisis: he attempted to
save Shevardnadze’s presidency through an electoral agreement.
Aware that Abashidze was growing increasingly unpopular at home,
Saakashvili began a destabilisation campaign in Adzharia this
spring. Using similar tactics to those that had led to Shevardnadze’s
resignation in autumn 2003, he gave strong support to students and
other activists demonstrating against Abashidze. Troop movements
and blockades along the border combined with a partial blockade
of Batumi’s port to increase the tension. Some observers predicted
outright war, with soldiers from the Russian base at Batumi intervening
on Abashidze’s side. Things came to a head in May, when the Adzhar
authorities destroyed the two bridges linking Adzharia with the rest
of Georgia. For the first time, this was an explicit declaration
of independence.
But most of the population were against secession. Though they have
been Muslims since the Ottoman empire ruled the province (1517-1878),
Adzhars consider themselves Georgians and are attached to the Georgian
community. The prospect of a war of independence led to an uprising
against Abashidze, who fled to Moscow. Adzharia rejoined Georgia on a
wave of public euphoria, its people only too glad to put the years of
despotism behind them and return to what they saw as normality. The
whole world congratulated Georgia on this bloodless victory.
A buoyant Saakashvili, determined not to rest on his laurels, announced
his intention to reintegrate the other two breakaway provinces before
the end of his first term as president. But that challenge has proved
a good deal tougher.
Abkhazia and South Ossetia both split from Georgia for a range of
historical and geopolitical reasons. The Orthodox Ossetians provided
Moscow with a crucial ally in the region during the 19th-century
Caucasian wars. After the first world war the Bolsheviks sought to take
advantage of the differences between Georgians and the populations
of Abkhazia and Ossetia, strategically positioned on two of the main
routes linking Russia and the Transcaucasian republics of Armenia,
Azerbaijan and Georgia, which enjoyed a brief period of independence
in 1918-21. During this period the Bolsheviks encouraged independence
movements in the breakaway areas in order to weaken Tbilisi. Under
Stalin, they were made into autonomous areas in a deliberate attempt
to undermine any revival in Georgia’s movement for independence from
the Soviet Union.
Abkhaz and Ossetians saw perestroika and its parade of sovereignties
as an opportunity to affirm and extend their autonomy, compounded by
Georgia’s independence from Moscow in 1991. They received unfailing
support from the Russian leadership, though for dubious reasons:
the Russians had publicly to oppose the idea of secession for fear of
losing their grip on breakaway areas within their own borders, Chechnya
in particular. But at the same time, they supported secessionist
movements in the former Soviet republics, from Moldova to Azerbaijan,
judging that this would provide them with an invaluable tool for
exerting pressure on these newly independent states.
In Abkhazia, the Russians helped Cossacks and other north Caucasians to
intervene on the Abkhaz side, while officially remaining neutral and
even stepping in themselves at key moments, such as the major Abkhaz
attack of October 1993, to save Shevardnadze’s skin. This duplicitous
behaviour continued throughout the ceasefire negotiations that gave
Russia responsibility for most of the peacekeeping forces in both
conflicts. Despite the Russians’ obvious interests in the region,
the United Nations and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation
in Europe were happy to put them in charge.
The Georgian authorities criticised these organisations’ attitude and
accused Moscow of seeking to maintain a stalemate. The anti-Russian
campaign reached absurd proportions in the Georgian media, but its
real purpose was to hide Tbilisi’s own underhand tactics. Georgia’s
leaders never made any serious attempt to understand or to address
the causes of discontent among the Abkhaz and Ossetians. Often they
preferred simply to offer a distasteful justification for their rashly
perpetrated injustices against these peoples: they were unfairly and
incorrectly said to be recent immigrants.
The hardline policies of both Shevardnadze and Zviad Gamsakhurdia,
Georgia’s nationalist first president, made major contributions to
the radicalisation of the separatist movements. Gamsakhurdia’s 1990
dissolution of South Ossetian autonomy was interpreted as a declaration
of war, and later army incursions frequently became looting parties.
Abkhaz and Ossetians regard re-integration quite differently from
their Adzhar neighbours. They are not Georgians and they do not trust
Tbilisi. Moreover they have become well-integrated within the Russian
economy over the past 12 years. Russian businessmen, including members
of Moscow mayor Yuri Luzhkov’s family, have bought up many of the
hotels that made Abkhazia’s fortune in Soviet times. More worryingly,
an estimated 80% of Abkhaz have obtained Russian citizenship, creating
an unprecedented situation. Though both Tbilisi and Moscow have
rejected this option, the possibility of these provinces rejoining
the Russian federation cannot be ignored, since their own leaders
openly support it.
But Saakashvili appears keen to break with his predecessors’
nationalist posturing. In his address to the Georgian nation on 26
May, he revived the idea of an asymmetrical federation, adding that
he intended to give the South Ossetians in Georgia as much autonomy as
their North Ossetian counterparts enjoy in Russia. But the new regime
has also espoused some alarming, pseudo-mystical rhetoric. Along
with the adoption of a new flag bearing five crosses, Saakashvili’s
government has made much of the fact that both Shevardnadze and
Abashidze fled to Moscow on St George’s day (conveniently, there
are two St George’s days in Georgia, one in November and one in
May). This might just be colourful folklore if it weren’t accompanied
by aggressive predictions of future successes, to be achieved by war
if necessary.
The two autonomous republics on either side of the Caucasus range that
forms Russia’s southernmost border, South Ossetia and North Ossetia,
constitute two crucial challenges for the Russian and Georgian
states. The main routes across the mountains from Vladikavkaz (the
North Ossetian capital) to Tbilisi pass through the republics, with
the result that the region’s largest black market trading centre is in
South Ossetia. Here, at Ergneti, just outside the capital, Tskhinvali,
goods from Russia, Georgia, Armenia and elsewhere, including drugs,
light weapons and stolen cars, change hands illegally. North Ossetia
has been home to Russia’s military headquarters for its campaigns
against Chechen separatists since Moscow sided with the Ossetians
in a 1992 territorial spat (2) with neighbouring Ingushetia, forcing
thousands of Ingush into exile. This explains why Chechen terrorists
have so often targeted the republic (including Beslan).
In late May 2004 Georgia decided to block access to the Ergneti market
and the powder keg exploded. Though accompanied by sensible measures,
such as flour and seed deliveries, this was a military intervention
within a ceasefire zone, and could not but lead to an escalation in
tension. Moreover it reminded Ossetians of other armed interventions
they had suffered, such as that of 1920 under the first Georgian
republic, or of 1991 under Gamsakhurdia, which had left hundreds dead
and forced thousands to flee to North Ossetia.
This summer there were men and weapons rushing in and villages bombed
on either side. It took vocal appeals for prudence from the West and
a Russian intercession force to restore a shaky peace at the end of
August. Moscow and Tbilisi each accused the other of provoking the
clashes, and Saakashvili demanded that an international conference
be held to resolve the matter.
This was the tense atmosphere into which the Chechens’ bloody
action at Beslan erupted. There is no convincing evidence of any
link to al-Qaida, but nor is there any doubt that this act was
part of a concerted effort to spread the Chechen conflict into
neighbouring areas. Ingushetia was targeted in June and Dagestan in
July. Vladikavkaz faces an even greater risk because the conflict
between Ossetians and Ingush remains unresolved. Though some Ingush
refugees have returned to their villages, they have often found their
homes occupied by refugees from South Ossetia. The North Ossetian
government has been placing them there since 1991. This cynical
attempt to stake an ethnic claim to the disputed territory has only
exacerbated the dispute.
In the run-up to the October presidential election in Abkhazia
(eventually won by the opposition candidate, Sergei Bagapsh) much
depended on Tbilisi’s strategy, both there and in South Ossetia. To
regain control of the two republics, Saakashvili will need to earn
their people’s trust. Driving them out of their homelands by aggressive
manoeuvring will only bring about a return to violence. But Moscow
must shoulder equal responsibility. Its equivocal attitude towards the
southern Caucasus is a woefully short-term strategy that is pushing
Caucasian states into alliances, strategic as well as economic,
with the US and Europe.
Russia would do better to use its influence over the secessionist
governments to get them back under Georgian sovereignty. But Moscow,
blinkered by the same militarism that has made such a fiasco of the
Chechen conflict, does not seem prepared to do that.
The US and European stances are hardly more coherent. Washington
has given a boost to the warmongers in the Tbilisi government by
training and arming the Georgian military (small contingents of which
are currently serving in Afghanistan and Iraq). And by refusing to
criticise Russia’s strategy in Chechnya, Americans and Europeans are
shirking their responsibilities towards this highly volatile region.
NOTES
(1) The reports of the International Helsinki Federation for Human
Rights are a good source of information.
(2) The Ingush wanted to reclaim the district of Prigorodnyi, ceded
to Ossetia in 1944 with the deportation of both Ingush and Chechens,
and since absorbed into the eastern suburbs of Vladikavkaz.
Translated by Gulliver Cragg

U.N. World Food Program cuts aid to refugees in Azerbaijan
By AIDA SULTANOVA
AP Worldstream
Oct 12, 2004
The United Nations said Tuesday it was cutting its food aid program for
tens of thousands of Azerbaijanis displaced by the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict, a move government officials and rights groups warned would
worsen the plight of refugees.
Due to scarce funding, the U.N. World Food Program is forced to halve
the ration of wheat flour it is providing to nearly 145,000 people
displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh, it said in a news release.
Nagorno-Karabakh is an enclave in Azerbaijan that has been under
ethnic Armenian control since 1994, when a cease-fire ended a six-year
war that killed some 30,000 people and drove a million from their
homes. No permanent settlement has been reached in the conflict.
“This harsh measure is unavoidable and could have serious implications,
especially with winter coming, when food aid rations are most needed,”
the U.N. statement said.
Officials in Baku expressed concern over the decision.
“Cutting the U.N. food program will have a pernicious effect on
Azerbaijani refugees,” a government official told The Associated
Press on condition of anonymity.
“We believe that until people return to their native lands, this
U.N. program should continue running in full,” the official said.
Shargiya Dadasheva, head of Azerbaijan’s Society for Helping Refugees
and Internally Displaced People, lamented the move.
“This will make the lives of refugees and internally displaced people
even harder, since many of them, having no job and owning no land,
are forced to live only on that aid,” Dadasheva said.

Movement formed in Azerbaijan to shut down Russian radar station
Turan news agency, Baku
12 Oct 04
Baku, 12 October: An initiative group has been set up in Azerbaijan by
the name of “Azerbaijan without radar stations”. Activists of the group
have appealed to the country’s intelligentsia to support their efforts
to shut down the Qabala radar station operating in Azerbaijan. This
facility has been operating since 1985 and was rented to Russia in
2002 for 10 years.
The need to close down the radar station is based on political and
environmental reasons, in particular, the constitutional ban on
foreign military bases on Azerbaijani territory. Apart from this,
it is inadmissible for Azerbaijan to host a military facility of a
country which is a military ally of Armenia.
The report also says that the radar station poses a serious threat to
the country’s environment. In particular, the number of cardiovascular,
skin, cancer, dental and other diseases is on the rise in areas
around Qabala.
The radar station is not economically viable either. The 7m-dollar
rent paid by Russia cannot compensate for the damage inflicted by
its activities.

PRESS RELEASE
Bible Society of Armenia
6/26 Zakiyan St.
Yerevan 375015, Armenia
Tel: (+374 -1) 58.55.09, 56.49.06
Fax: (+374 – 1) 54.24.39
E-mail: [email protected]
October 13, 2004
BRINGING THE BIBLE TO SCHOOLS, TAVOUSH
YEREVAN — Within its two-day trip to Tavoush a delegation of Bible
Society Board members and World Vision International Organization
visited the Diocese of Gougark and met with 80 school principals,
teachers and students. This Diocese includes two regions, Lori
and Tavoush in the North of Armenia. The visit to Lori was paid in
November 2003. The region of Tavoush has four cities: Ijevan, Dilijan,
Noyemberian and Berd where the situation is grave and obviously
affects the state’s schools. Border villages mostly survive through
agriculture and farming.
The final part of the project ^ÓBringing the Bibles to Schools^Ô
which includes the regions of Tavoush, Shirak and Aragatsotn, was
realized owing to the generous support of World Vision International
Organization.
During September 15-16, 2004, the Bible Society and World Vision
International delegation members visited the regional capital Ijevan,
Noyemberian, Berd and Dilijan. The delegation was always accompanied
by Very Rev. Fr Sassoun Zemroukhtian, the newly appointed Vicar
General of the Diocese; Very Rev. Fr Vertanes Abrahamian, the parish
pastor. In Ijevan the delegation was welcomed by Ms. Svetlana Davtian,
the Chief of Staff; and Mr. Tamrazian, the Head of the Education,
Culture and Sports. By coincidence, Mr. Hrayr Jebedjian, the General
Secretary of the Bible Society of the Gulf who was paying a family
visit to Armenia, was also present. Mr. Jebedjian, who was in Armenia
for several times during 1991-1996, stated that this is his first
visit to Ijevan, which is really a beautiful city. ^ÓI remember the
hard days of this country,^Ô he added, ^Óbut I^Òm so glad to see a
noticeable development. I^Ã’m full of joy to be among you and address
to you. Both the Bible Society and we have a major goal, to bring
the Word of God.^Ô The World Vision International representative
Ms. Karine Harutyunian addressed to the gathered students: ^ÓThe
Bible Society has given us this opportunity to be with you and I
feel very proud taking part in this excellent project. Something
was lacking in our previous education process, it was the knowledge
of Bible. The Bible is the important tool which will make our state
much more stronger.^Ô The World Vision International actually has
offices in six different towns of Armenia. Ijevan is one of them.
In Noyemberian the Board members were welcomed by Vanoush Amiraghian,
the Mayor of the city. Mr. Amiraghian expressed his thanks to the
Bible Society, stating, ^ÓWe usually need a lot of things. We need
churches and such kind of solidarity.^Ô The delegation members
attended a requiem service at the thumb of martyred soldiers. By
the invitation of the Mayor, the delegation attended the final match
of football tournament between the Noyemberian and Kokhi clubs soon
after the service.
On September 16, 2004, the road to Berd, which is the last North
Eastern city of Armenia, took three hours. The school where the
delegation has met with the principals and the teachers has 134 years
of history. Before delivering the Bibles and the biblical literature
(5 different titles) to the principals, Ms. Harutyunian addressed
to the gathered principals: ^ÓA lot of people^Òs love, spirit and
devotion exist inside these gifts. We would kindly ask you to give
this love and spirit to our children. Our wish is one: every child
must have his or her own Bible.^Ô
The way back to Yerevan found its final step in Dilijan, a tourist
resort, called ^ÓThe Switzerland of Armenia.^Ô The meeting took
place with 9 principals, teachers and students. Among the meeting
participants were the parish pastor of the city and the Head of
Dilijan’s Education Department.
The meetings were usually opened by the Board Secretary who in his
keynote address presented the gathered people with the 200-year history
of United Bible Societies and the 13-year history of the Bible Society
Armenia and its mission in Armenia, and the sets of the six books to
be given to schools.
The Bible Society of Armenia was established in 1991 when the late
Catholicos Vazgen I and representatives of the United Bible Societies
signed a memorandum of understanding, regarding the translation,
publication and dissemination of the Holy Bible in Armenia. The Bible
Society of Armenia is committed to the widest possible meaningful
and effective distribution of the Holy Scriptures in languages and
media which meet the needs of people, at a price they can afford.
The Board of Trustees of The Bible Society of Armenia consists of
representatives of the Armenian Apostolic Church, the Armenian Catholic
Church and the Union of Armenian Evangelical and Baptist Churches.
For further information on Bible Society of Armenia and its
activities, call (3741) 58-55-09 or 56-49-06; fax (3741) 54-24-39;
e-mail [email protected]
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