In 2023, Armenia lost a decades-long intermittent war against neighboring Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. Since then Nikol Pashinyan, Armenia’s prime minister, has been trying to wrest a diplomatic victory from the jaws of military defeat. Let down by Russia, Armenia’s longtime patron, he is pivoting to America and Europe and working on a peace treaty with Azerbaijan, The Economist writes.

Many Armenians do not like Pashinyan. The walls of Armenian capital Yerevan are covered with images of fallen soldiers, reminiscent of his failures during the war.

The Economist recalls that on May 4-5, Armenia hosted a summit of the European Political Community, during which protesters outside waved Nagorno-Karabakh flags. Some refugees from the region wanted the bodies of their deceased relatives to be transferred to Armenia, others called on Azerbaijan to release the Armenian prisoners of war.

Some protesters believe Armenia’s pro-Western turn will backfire. It is turning Armenia into an arena for geopolitical games, one protester said.

Armenia’s Nationalist politicians are also expressing discontent, The Economist added. The Russian Armenian businessman Samvel Karapetyan, who heads one of the most prominent opposition group in Armenia, is under house arrest for calling for the overthrow of the government—but he denies the charges. Karapetyan has accused the Armenian government of giving in to Azerbaijan’s demands. He says Pashinyan is trying to provoke a war with Russia. Such views are not uncommon in Yerevan, but are less common in Armenia’s rural areas where the government has built roads and schools, The Economist notes.

Also, it highlighted that Pashinyan has shortcomings. His fight against corruption has weakened, and his populist style is irritating his opponents.

“You get a lot more monologue than dialogue from Pashinyan,” says Thomas de Waal of Carnegie Europe, a think-tank.

The Kremlin could also intervene, The Economist writes. Russia supplies 85 percent of Armenia’s natural gas and has a military base in the country. Russian companies own vital infrastructure in Armenia, a legacy of debt relief agreements signed by the country’s previous authorities. Russia recently banned the sale of some Jermuk company mineral water shipments to the country on dubious sanitary grounds. Such a tactic is likely to only deepen Armenians’ distrust of their former patron, The Economist concludes.

Despite the pro-Western rhetoric of Pashinyan’s team, the numbers show that since 2018, Armenia’s economic dependence on Russia has not only not decreased, but has increased several times

Vladimir Putin offered Armenia a “smart divorce”: he put the country before a choice between the Eurasian Economic Union and the EU. What does this mean for Yerevan? What would be the price of “separation” from Russia?

Vladimir Putin’s proposal for a “smart divorce” with Armenia sounded like an ultimatum, putting the country’s leadership before a difficult choice: whether to maintain its membership in the Eurasian Economic Union or finally turn to the EU.

Many in Armenia perceived Putin’s words as increasing pressure on Yerevan and as a clear sign that the times of backroom diplomacy and tacit compromises are over.

End of the nuances and shadow of Ukraine

Although Armenia continues to participate in all integration associations under the auspices of Moscow, it has long since distanced itself from Russia. Yerevan has taken a course of rapprochement with Brussels and openly declared its intention to join the EU, including inscribing this in legislation. In Yerevan, this process is called “diversification”, while for Moscow it is a geopolitical turn.

The catalyst for the sharp intensification of the Kremlin’s rhetoric was two unprecedented diplomatic events for the region: the meeting of the European Political Community (EPC) held in Yerevan in early May and the EU-Armenia summit. Moscow was particularly irritated by the fact that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was also present at the ENP forum.

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s reaction was not long in coming – he suggested that Yerevan hold a referendum on joining the EU. And in the event of choosing the European vector – “intelligent and mutually beneficial divorce”, which was accompanied by the following unambiguous hint: “We see what is happening now in Ukraine. But how did it all start? With Ukraine’s attempt to join the EU”.

Let us recall that a month earlier, at a meeting with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the Russian president stated that Armenia’s parallel membership in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the EU is incompatible. The prime minister replied that future participation in both blocs would be impossible, but for the time being there is compatibility. And when the time comes for the final choice, the decision will be made by the Armenian people.

“Interstate relations are not a marriage”

Yerevan reacted with restraint to Moscow’s proposal for a “smart divorce”, trying to reduce tension. Prime Minister Pashinyan said that for the authorities, the issue of choosing between the EEU and the EU is not on the agenda. He rejected the metaphor of “divorce”, emphasizing that in interstate relations Armenia is guided by interstate logic and remains a full member of the EEU.

At the same time, Pashinyan acknowledged the existence of “discomforts” in relations with Russia, calling them part of the “inevitable transformation”. The election program of the ruling “Civil Contract” party before the parliamentary elections on June 7th states that Yerevan intends to continue to develop “mutually beneficial and constructive cooperation” with Moscow.

The leader of the opposition bloc “Armenia” Robert Kocharyan, who has a reputation for long-standing friendly relations with Vladimir Putin, called the policy of the Armenian authorities dangerous and noted that playing with the EU could lead to Russia “losing patience”. He reminded that the socio-economic well-being of a huge number of citizens critically depends on relations with Russia.

Will Armenia withstand a rupture with Russia?

Despite the pro-Western rhetoric of Pashinyan’s team, the numbers show that since 2018, Armenia’s economic dependence on Russia has not only not decreased, but has increased several times. Trade and especially exports to Russia have increased many times, while supplies to EU markets have decreased by five percent. Experts estimate that the loss of the Russian market will be a “severe shock” for the country.

In addition, Armenia is currently practically totally dependent on Russian gas. Its only alternative is the Iranian pipeline, which is also owned by the Russian “Gazprom”. But the quantities supplied by it cover only 15-17 percent of consumption.

Are the claims about the destructive consequences exaggerated?

Armenian economist Hayk Gevorgyan uses mathematical arguments to refute claims about the destructive consequences of the separation between Armenia and Russia. “Russia’s share in Armenia’s foreign trade is 35 percent, and the remaining 65 percent falls on other countries, including the EU. Therefore, the negative effect of leaving the EEU can only affect this one-third.” The expert also emphasizes that a large part of this 35 percent is re-export, which does not affect GDP.

As for the sale of agricultural products, Gevorgyan notes that the sector is modernizing and exports can be reoriented to Europe and other countries, as is already the case. The expert told DW that due to Armenia’s membership in the EEU, it has to buy some goods from Russia at very high prices – such as sugar, while outside the economic bloc this would be possible at much lower prices.

Commenting on gas dependence, Gevorgyan expressed doubts that Moscow would sharply raise prices, since the internal distribution is carried out by the Russian company “Gazprom Armenia” itself. “The presence of “Gazprom” in Armenia is a rather important detail for Russia itself, and it is unlikely that the decision to double or triple the price will be made easily. If the price jumps by a few percent, Armenia will already have to reconsider its own relations with “Gazprom”, he says.

Therefore, the expert believes that the catastrophic scenarios are greatly exaggerated, and Yerevan also has potential alternative solutions – neighboring countries Iran and Azerbaijan, which also produce gas.

For months, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has called for the removal of the church’s leader

Walking through the grounds of Armenia’s most sacred church, 37-year-old worshipper Nara Sargsyan spoke in hushed tones as she criticised her government’s attacks on the clergy.

“I don’t support their position on the church. I don’t support it at all,” she told AFP, as priests walked around the neatly-cut grass of the Etchmiadzin Cathedral behind her.

For months, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has called for the removal of the church’s leader, Catholicos Karekin II – one of his most prominent critics – alleging that he fathered a child against his vow of celibacy.

Security forces in the South Caucasus country last year detained more than a dozen clergymen, including influential Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan, as well as billionaire opposition figure Samvel Karapetyan, accusing some of them of plotting to overthrow Pashinyan – charges they reject.

The arrests have rattled Armenia, a deeply Christian nation of three million people bordering Iran and Turkey, and put Pashinyan on a collision course with one of the country’s most venerated institutions ahead of elections in June.

“Government agencies are making unnecessary statements, interfering unnecessarily, and making obscene remarks about the Catholicos,” said Sargsyan, who works as an academic.

“After recent clashes, the Catholicos’s role has become even stronger, his patriotism and love for the people have become even more noticeable.”

The Catholicos called on Pashinyan to resign following Armenia’s military defeat to Azerbaijan in 2020, while Archbishop Galstanyan led mass street protests against Pashinyan’s rule four years later.

When asked about divisions in Armenian society, priests at the church sided with their leadership.

“The church is that link which embraces everyone in a warm hug,” said Hovhanes Avetisyan, a deacon from the city of Armavir.

“Our aims are always constructive: not to repay evil with evil, but instead to sow love and preach peace.”

Trading barbs 

Pashinyan and his supporters suggest the church is aligned with Russia, and that the opposition would lead Armenia into another war with Azerbaijan.

The opposition accuses Pashinyan of democratic backsliding and attempting to dismantle the church’s independence.

The government has also accused the church of corruption, and says it is in need of reform, an assertion the church has called a pretext to take it over.

Pashinyan rose to power on the back of a 2018 popular revolution, and has often portrayed himself as a man of the people.

But his popularity has waned in recent years, following a string of military defeats against neighbouring Azerbaijan.

Only around 20 percent of Armenians trust the 50-year-old, although that is still higher than any other politician in the post-Soviet country, a poll conducted in February by the International Republican Institute showed.

‘Political prisoner’

After billionaire opposition leader Samvel Karapetyan – a major donor to the church – was arrested on suspicion of plotting a coup, his nephew Narek Karapetyan took the mantle of running his election campaign.

He told AFP that his uncle was now a “political prisoner” and accused the government of persecuting religious leaders.

“This year, last year, it was a terrible time for our democracy,” Narek Karapetyan said. “We have clerics, we have archbishops in jail.”

“They said that there are some issues in our state policy that are not right. And they were taken to jail.”

Pashinyan denies Armenia has political prisoners and in April suggested Samvel Karapetyan – who holds Russian, Cypriot and Armenian citizenship – was a “foreign agent”.

He has pledged to renounce his non-Armenian citizenships to be eligible for office in the June elections.

‘The church needs reform’ 

Pashinyan kicked off his election campaign in the city of Gyumri in April, smiling for selfies with supporters and playing the drums on stage.

He was surrounded by a large security detail, which did not allow AFP reporters to approach him.

His supporters have rallied behind his campaign on the church.

“The majority of the people believe that our Apostolic Holy Church needs reform,” said Milena Aslanyan, a 27-year-old linguist and Pashinyan supporter.

“This is not convenient for the so-called opposition forces because these forces were sent by another country,” she said, in an apparent reference to Russia.

Norayr Saakyan, a 55-year-old shoemaker wearing a hat bearing the logo of Pashinyan’s re-election campaign, was also critical of the church.

“Some priests portray themselves as saints, but we see they are not,” he said.

“Nikol Pashinyan is simply pointing this out.”

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By PanARMENIAN

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said Armenia’s decision regarding the type of future nuclear power plant it will build will be based on economic considerations rather than political preferences.

Speaking to journalists during a “Civil Contract” campaign event in Yerevan, Pashinyan stated that Armenia is evaluating proposals from multiple countries, including Russia, the United States, France, South Korea, and China.

“This is not a political choice for us; it is an economic issue. Armenia will work with whichever country offers the best proposal,” Pashinyan said.

According to the prime minister, Armenia’s growing solar energy sector reduces the need for a traditional 1,000-megawatt nuclear plant. Instead, the government is focusing on the possibility of constructing a modular nuclear power station.

“We are currently focused on and want to have a modular nuclear plant because, if necessary, additional power units could later be constructed,” he explained.

Pashinyan emphasized that modular nuclear plants are considered significantly safer than traditional reactors and are designed to avoid disasters similar to the Chernobyl disaster.

“The most important issue for us is that a modular plant cannot lead to an accident like the one at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant. In the event of an accident at a modular station, it is considered a localized incident, and neighboring communities would not need to be evacuated,” he said.

The prime minister also noted that Russia has developed its own modular nuclear technology in the form of a floating nuclear power plant currently operating at sea.

“When the proposals are submitted, we must first evaluate the technology and then the pricing. Even in the case of a nuclear plant, we do not want to make a political choice. This is an economic issue, and we want to guarantee the long-term sustainability and profitability of the project for Armenia,” Pashinyan added.

Earlier, Armenian Minister of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure Davit Khudatyan had stated that Armenia’s future nuclear power plant would be modular.

Modular nuclear power plants represent a new generation of nuclear energy facilities that differ from traditional plants in size, construction methods, and operational flexibility.

Source: Massispost

On May 5, 2026, Armenia hosted its first ever summit with the European Union in Yerevan, a historic moment for the small Caucasus nation as it moves away from Russia and toward Europe. According to A.P. News, the two sides signed a connectivity partnership covering transportation, energy, and digital links, with E.U. investments expected to reach 2.5 billion euros. Hosting both the 8th European Political Community summit and the E.U-Armenia summit back to back sent a clear message about where Armenia is headed.

Leaders on both sides were openly enthusiastic about these new developments. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said Europe is ready to invest in Armenia’s energy, digital economy, and trade infrastructure, with the goal of turning Armenia into “a motor of growth” for the region (A.P. News). European Council President António Costa called the summit a firm signal of the E.U’s commitment to bringing Armenia and its people closer to the Union. Back in Yerevan, Deputy Foreign Minister Robert Abisoghomonyan described the partnership as “closer than ever,” reflecting a positive relationship (Armenpress).

What makes this development important is how Armenia is approaching it. Rather than a military focused approach, it is pursuing diplomacy, economic ties, and democratic reform. As stated by Richard Giragosian, director of the Regional Studies Center in Yerevan, E.U. engagement is “much more prudent and much more productive” than U.S. involvement because it is less likely to antagonize Russia (A.P. News). Armenia is also building relationships with Japan, South Korea, and China. Giragosian described this as moving “beyond the black and white zero-sum game paradigm,” which is exactly the kind of approach needed by the international community. 

However, it is important to note that Armenia’s shift did not happen overnight. For decades, the country was deeply tied to Russia through the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Eurasian Economic Union. That relationship fell apart in 2023 when Azerbaijan reclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh and Russian peacekeepers stood by and watched. Giragosian called it a “belated demonstration that Russia is dangerously unreliable as a partner” (A.P. News) Since then, Armenia has frozen its membership in the Russian-led security bloc, joined the International Criminal Court, and in 2025, passed a law declaring its intention to seek E.U. membership. According to the European Council, a partnership agreement between Armenia and the E.U. has been in force since 2021, and visa liberalization talks began in 2024.

The road ahead is not without obstacles for Armenia. Putin has warned Armenia it cannot belong to both the E.U. and the Russian-led economic union, where it currently gets heavily discounted gas (A.P. News). Azerbaijan remains a source of tension, as just before the summit, its parliament voted to suspend cooperation with the European Parliament while protesters outside the venue demanded the release of Armenian prisoners still held there. Nevertheless, despite these real and serious issues, Armenia is showing that it can choose a path built on diplomacy and peace rather than dependency and militant force.

https://theowp.org/armenia-turns-toward-europe-marking-a-new-chapter-for-peace/