CEC SEAL IS DIFFERENT
A1+
| 19:18:24 | 10-10-2005 | Politics |
Today the Central Electoral Committee convened two blitz
sessions. During the first the structure got its second same Referendum
Electoral Committee (REC).
The only question which sounded during the first session of the
new Committee was that of Felix Khachatryan from Justice bloc. He
wanted to explain to members of the committee that elections cannot
be organized without the new Committee having its own seal.
No member of the Committee tried to understand that Felix Khachatryan
demanded only to abide by the law which does not allow to use the
CEC seal if that day other elections have been held.
Head of the CEC and REC Garegin Azaryan considered the question of
Felix Khachatryan rather odd, wondering if there is any difference
between the seals. “In that case you can seal the document with that
of the condominium”, Felix Khachatryan said. “Please do not compare,
our functions are different”, the head of the committee said.
The second session of the CEC confirmed several amendments to the
order of observers’ mission during the elections.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

NAGORNO-KARABAKH: A PLAN FOR PEACE: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
International Crisis Group, Belgium
Tbilisi/Brussels, 11 October 2005
Europe Report N°167
;id=3740
Settlement of the long running Nagorno-Karabakh conflict — the most
significant obstacle to stability in the South Caucasus — remains
elusive, despite more optimistic noises recently from Azerbaijan and
Armenia. Eleven years after the 1994 ceasefire, burgeoning defence
budgets, increasing ceasefire violations, and continuing demonisation
by each side of the other side are ominous signs that time for a peace
agreement is running out. But a compromise can now be constructed
around an approach that, while addressing all the matters in dispute,
leaves the core issue of Nagorno-Karabakh’s ultimate status open for
later resolution, after other measures have been put in place.
Key elements of that proposed settlement package include the
withdrawal of the Armenia-backed Nagorno-Karabakh forces from
the occupied districts of Azerbaijan surrounding the entity; the
renunciation by Azerbaijan of the use of force to reintegrate the
entity; the deployment of international peacekeepers; the return
of displaced persons; and the re-opening of trade and communication
links. Nagorno-Karabakh’s status should ultimately be determined by an
internationally sanctioned referendum with the exclusive participation
of Karabakh Armenians and Azeris, but only after the above measures
have been implemented. Until then Nagorno-Karabakh would remain part
of Azerbaijan, though in practical terms it would be self-governing
and enjoy an internationally acknowledged interim status.
Today Armenia and Azerbaijan remain divided on vital points.
Azerbaijan does not accept any compromise of its territorial integrity,
nor does it agree that Nagorno-Karabakh’s population alone can vote
on determining its final status. Armenia is not willing to support
withdrawal from the seven occupied districts around Nagorno-Karabakh,
or allow the return of Azerbaijan internally displaced persons (IDPs)
to Nagorno-Karabakh, until the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh is a
reality. There has been tentative discussion of a possible plebiscite
to determine the entity’s final status, but with none of the necessary
detail agreed as to who would vote on what, when and how, nor any
agreement as to what other settlement conditions would create the
context for such a vote.
The Minsk Group of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in
Europe (OSCE), currently co-chaired by France, Russia and the U.S.,
has been facilitating negotiations since 1994. After a decade of
fruitless talks, a new format of meetings, the Prague Process,
involving direct bilateral contact between the foreign ministers
of Armenia and Azerbaijan was initiated in 2004. During the past
twelve months the participants and OSCE co-chairs alike have publicly
expressed optimism that a deal can be reached soon. But there is an
urgent need to translate that generalised optimism into very specific
agreement and action.
An earlier Crisis Group report explored how the Armenian and Azeri
communities of Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding districts live
today and view resolution of the conflict.[1] Against that background,
this report examines the causes of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict,
analyses the OSCE-led negotiations process as it has evolved since
1992, and identifies the necessary elements of a workable and
achievable peace plan.
RECOMMENDATIONS
To Avoid a Resumption of Fighting:
1. All parties to the conflict should respect the 1994 ceasefire,
refrain from using force, not promote the use of force, and end the
arms race in the region by halting the rise of defence budgets.
To Create an Appropriate Environment for Conflict Settlement:
2. Azerbaijan should resume direct contact with the de facto
Nagorno-Karabakh authorities and facilitate the development of closer
contact between Karabakh Azeris and Karabakh Armenians.
3. The de facto Nagorno-Karabakh authorities should end support
for settlement of formerly Azeri majority areas with Armenians,
including by:
(a) stopping privatisation of land, homes and businesses in those
areas;
(b) ceasing to establish local administrations and infrastructure in
the occupied areas adjacent to Nagorno-Karabakh; and
(c) protecting the remaining Azeri homes.
4. Armenia should encourage the de facto Nagorno-Karabakh authorities
to take a more conciliatory stance on resolution of the conflict.
To Address the Substantive Matters in Dispute:
5. The parties should sign an agreement that includes the following
elements:
(a) renunciation of the threat or use of force to settle disputes,
including any that may arise in connection with the implementation
of the peace agreement;
(b) creation of a joint commission including Azerbaijan and
Nagorno-Karabakh representatives and chaired by the OSCE to supervise
implementation;
(c) incremental withdrawal of Nagorno-Karabakh forces backed by
Armenia from all occupied territories around Nagorno-Karabakh, but
beginning with five districts and occurring simultaneously with the
deployment of international peacekeepers;
(d) withdrawal of Nagorno-Karabakh forces backed by Armenia from the
Kelbajar district once appropriate security measures are in place
at the Murov mountain pass, and from the Lachin district following
agreements guaranteeing secure communications through the Lachin
corridor;
(e) safe and voluntary return of displaced persons to their pre-war
homes in the formerly occupied districts, once withdrawal and
international deployment have been completed;
(f) assurances for free movement of people and goods, including the
lifting of all blockades and the reopening of all transport and trade
routes (road and rail) closed as a result of the conflict;
(g) implementation of confidence-building measures in cooperation with
international organisations including the UN, International Committee
of the Red Cross, OSCE and non-governmental organisations; and
(h) identification of a referendum mechanism for resolving the final
status of Nagorno-Karabakh, as set out below, with provision until
then for the entity to have internationally recognised interim status,
and its governing bodies to be elected under international supervision.
6. The final status of Nagorno-Karabakh should be decided by a
self-determination referendum, which would:
(a) be held after the return of displaced Azeris to former
Azeri-majority areas in Nagorno-Karabakh and after an international
conference determines that Nagorno-Karabakh has met international
preconditions for statehood, including the protection of minority
rights, such review to be conducted for the first time five years
after the signing of the peace agreement;
(b) give Nagorno-Karabakh an appropriate range of options, including
unity with, and secession from, Azerbaijan;
(c) be held with the exclusive participation of Karabakh Armenians
and Azeris; and
(d) have its exact modalities agreed upon in talks chaired by the OSCE,
based on the principle that all parties will recognise the validity
of its result.
To Facilitate Public Acceptance of the Settlement:
7. Azerbaijan should allow Karabakh Azeris to play a bigger role
in the negotiations and the internal political process, including
by passing legislation allowing Karabakh Azeris to elect the head
of their community, ensuring voting rights for displaced persons in
the 2005 parliamentary elections, and permitting all candidates to
campaign in collective centres.
8. Government officials and media in Azerbaijan and Armenia should
refrain from using belligerent and xenophobic language against
“the other”.
9. Officials involved in the negotiations process should agree to
a broad common strategy for disseminating information about that
process, coordinate efforts to present to the public elements of a
possible agreement, and not be reluctant to start a debate on highly
sensitive questions.
To Build Confidence and Guarantee Sustainable Peace:
10. Donors should assist Armenia and Azerbaijan in developing and
carrying out small, cross-border, sub-regional trade, humanitarian
and public health projects, including in response to disasters, and
should fund and help carry out programs aimed at improving mutual
understanding, tolerance and reconciliation that target civil society,
teachers and journalists.
11. Donors should carry out a common assessment mission of needs in
Nagorno-Karabakh and the adjacent occupied districts, and once a peace
agreement is signed should hold an international donor coordination
conference and begin implementing projects in the former conflict zone.
12. Armenia and Azerbaijan should each investigate war crimes,
prosecute those responsible and adopt legislation to give amnesty
to those who participated in the conflict but did not commit serious
offences.
13. Armenia and Azerbaijan should establish joint commissions to:
(a) make a political assessment of the conflict’s causes and
consequences; and
(b) deal with inter-state property return and compensation questions.
To Increase the Prospects for a Peace Agreement and to Give It
Stability:
14. The UN Security Council, the OSCE and the EU Council of Ministers
should pledge to serve as guarantors of the peace agreement.
15. The OSCE should expand the mandate of the Personal Representative
of the Chairman-in-Office to include working with civil society,
media and opposition political forces in order to facilitate contacts
between the sides at the local level and build confidence and opening
an office in the occupied territories, staffed with political, human
rights and elections officers.
16. The EU should become more actively engaged in the conflict
resolution effort by basing the office of its Special Representative
for the South Caucasus in the region.
17. The EU should include long-term programs and strategies to promote
confidence building in its Action Plans with Armenia and Azerbaijan.
—————————————————————-
[1] Crisis Group Europe Report N°166, Nagorno-Karabakh: Viewing the
Conflict from the Ground, 14 September 2005.
–Boundary_(ID_KsU/FMr0T5NANI5H+zHBuQ)–
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

NAGORNO-KARABAKH: A PLAN FOR PEACE
International Crisis Group, Belgium
Oct 11 2005
;id=3740&m=1
Tbilisi/ Brussels, 11 October 2005: A compromise peace in
Nagorno-Karabakh looks possible, but significant stumbling blocks
remain.
Nagorno-Karabakh: A Plan for Peace,* the latest report from the
International Crisis Group, examines the causes of the conflict,
analyses the negotiation process led by the Organisation for Security
and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and identifies the necessary
elements of an achievable peace plan. An earlier Crisis Group report,
from 14 September 2005, explored how Armenian and Azeri communities
view resolution of the conflict.
“The two sides appear close to agreeing on key principles of a peace
deal”, says Sabine Freizer, Director of Crisis Group’s Caucasus
Project. “It is essential that the governments now begin preparing
their people for a compromise”.
Major elements of the proposed settlement package include:
Leaving the core issue of Nagorno-Karabakh’s status open for later
resolution; withdrawal of Armenia-backed Nagorno-Karabakh forces
from the occupied districts of Azerbaijan surrounding the entity;
renunciation by Azerbaijan of the use of force to reintegrate the
entity; deployment of international peacekeepers; return of displaced
persons; and re-opening of trade and communication links.
Nagorno-Karabakh’s status should ultimately be determined by an
internationally sanctioned referendum with the exclusive participation
of Karabakh Armenians and Azeris, but only after the above measures
have been implemented. Until then, Nagorno-Karabakh would remain part
of Azerbaijan, though in practical terms it would be self-governing
and enjoy an internationally acknowledged interim status.
Eleven years after the 1994 ceasefire, burgeoning defence budgets,
increasing ceasefire violations, and continuing demonisation by
each side of the other side are ominous signs that time for a peace
agreement is running out.
“So far, despite progress in the negotiations, the resumption of war
remains as likely as peace”, says Alain Deletroz, Crisis Group’s Vice
President for Europe.

ATAMIAN WINS ARMENIAN BY-ELECTIONS
By Georges der Partogh in Nicosia
AZG Armenian Daily #182
11/10/2005
Diaspora
Cardiologist Vahakn Atamian who won Sunday’s (October 9) by-election
for the Armenian Representative in the Cyprus Parliament, pledged
that he will act as representative of all members of the 3.000 member
Armenian community in the island republic, and strive to meet his
pr-e-election commitments which centers on saving the Melkonian
Educational Institute arbitrary shut down by the New York based
central board of the AGBU (Armenian General Benevolent Union).
“The most important problems facing our community right now are
the Melkonian, the ancient Armenian cemetery, and our historic and
religious monuments which have been under Turkish military occupation
since 1974 and are in deplorable conditions,” Atamian said after
his victory.
He called upon the entire Armenian community to join him in the
struggle to find solution to the serious problems of the community
and said that he would be running for election to a full five year
term in next May’s parliamentary elections. “I shall stand again in
order to complete the work which I am about to start”, he added.
Atamian, who is also the chairman of the Nareg Armenian Elementary
School in Nicosia, Larnaca and Limassol, has already had meetings
with political party leaders here and will take his oath of office
in Parliament on Thursday.
“As I declared in my pre-election campaign I shall also start
meetings with our own church and political party factions, starting
with Catholicos Aram of the House of Cilicia, because I believe
that our daily life is very much centered around the church and
the school. Here I pledge that I shall spare no efforts in order to
achieve the continuation of the Melkonian. For that I shall need the
full support of all walks of Cyprus-Armenian life irrespective of
political beliefs.”
Atamian, 48, is himself a graduate of the Melkonian and served on
the board of management for many years. The Melkonian was the major
issue throughout the by-election and is expected to remain so in the
general elections of May 2006.
Chief Returning Officer Lazaros Savvides, announcing the election
results, said there were 1.928 registered voters of which 1.538 cast
their ballots.
There were 1.478 valid votes, Atamian received a total of 769 votes
or 52.03 percent, and succeeds Bedros Kalaydjian who passed away on
September 1st at the age of 71. He was supported as an independent
candidate, by the AGBU Clubs of Nicosia, Larnaca and Limassol, the
Ramgavar Liberal Democratic Party, the Hentchag Nor Seround as well
as Armenian left-wingers and the Sanoutz Mioutyoun Melkonian Alumni
Association.
Candidates Dr. Antranig Ashdjian and businessman Parsegh Zartarian
received 649 votes (43.91 percent) and 60 votes (4.06 percent)
respectively.
Both independent candidates, Ashdjian was backed by dashnaktsutyoun
while Zartarian only had his family to support him.
The three minority religious groups in Cyprus, namely Maronites,
Armenians and Latins, belonging to the Greek Cypriot community under
the terms of the 1959 constitution, elect a representative each to
the House and deal with educational and religious matters.

KERSAN AHARONIAN CLASSROOM IN DICKRANIAN SCHOOL
AZG Armenian Daily #182
11/10/2005
Diaspora
Tekeyan Cultural Association, cognizant of its nation-building mission,
in conjunction with its many chapters and centers worldwide, as well
as educational and publication endeavors, 25 years ago planned and
achieved one of its goals – the establishment of an Armenian Day school
in densely-populated Hollywood, adjacent to St. John Armenian Church.
This educational institution, pre-kindergarten through 12th grade high
school, played a basic and important role because of its visionary
and dedicated leaders, as well as the generous public at large.
Thanks to the princely donation of philanthropists Mrs. Eleanor
and the late Arshag Dickranian, the school was named after them –
The TCA Arshag Dickranian Armenian School.
The School has graduated over 300 students, who have already graduated
from respectable California universities and colleges, specializing in
medicine, law, education, science, business administration and others,
giving pride to their parents, the school and the Armenian community.
A couple of years ago, this educational institution embarked on an
expansion project and completed the construction of a three-story
imposing building this year. The students started to enjoy the new
building with all its facilities.
A few individuals, students and friends of the late Kersan Aharonian –
teacher, editor, historian and civic leader – came together and decided
to raise funds to name a classroom in his name, in the conviction
that the students passing through that classroom, will be inspired
by Kersan Aharonian’s legacy and enthusiasm in pursuing The Armenian
Case until the realization of ” The Great Dream”.
We expect from his friends and others, and specially his students,
who have been educated under his tutelage, to come forward and make
contributions to honor the life and memory of Kersan Aharonian.
The committee is composed of Suzy Bahadrian. Prof. Osheen Keshisian,
Dr.
Minas Kojoyan, Avo Magarian and Harout Yeretsian.
Please send your tax-deductible donation to TCA Arshag Dickranian
School, For Kersan Aharonian classroom, 1700 N, Cahuenga, Hollywood,
CA 90038.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

‘THE BOOK TARGETS THE CONSCIENCE OF THE WORLD’S READERS’
By Gohar Gevorgian
AZG Armenian Daily #182
11/10/2005
Bookshelf
“The colossal literature on Armenian Genocide has gotten enriched
today by one more book. This book, written in brilliant methods of
feature, targets the conscience of the world’s readers”, Levon Ananian,
president of the Writers’ Union, said at the presentation of “A Summer
Without Sunrise” book by Hakob Khachikian and Jean-Yves Sussi.
“A Summer Without Sunrise” of Hakob Khachikian, author of more than
20 books, was first published in French in 1991 and then republished
3 times in French, 3 times in English as well as in Romanian, German,
Spanish and Armenian. The presentation of the Armenian translation
will take place in near future; the Turkish version is waiting for
publication.
The novel is about the Armenian Genocide. “Delineated against the
background of complicated human relations, the novel emphasizes the
national drama.
Built on human relations, it preserves the historic standpoint”,
Yervand Azatian, vice-chairman of Tekeyan Cultural Union in the US
and Canada, said.
A people’s tragedy is shown in the book by a family’s fate. The
protagonist is Vartan Palian, writer, officer of the Turkish army
and a parliament member, introduces the tragedy that his people
went through. The speakers of the day compared the book’s power and
resonance with that of “The 40 Days of Musa Dag” after Franz Werfel.
Ruben Mirzakhanian, chairman of the Tekeyan Cultural Union and
sponsor of the event, underscored the importance of the books Armenian
publication which, he thinks, will enable wider circles of readers
to get acquainted with the book.
From: Baghdasarian

BHARION SINGH SHEKHAWAT: “I AM HERE AS PILGRIM”
Noyan Tapan News Agency
Oct 10 2005
ETCHMIADZIN, OCTOBER 10, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. Karekin II,
Catholicos of All Armenians received Bharion Singh Shehawat, the Vice
President of India arrived on an official visit to Armenia, accompanied
with Vahan Hovhannisian, the RA NA Deputy Speaker, Ashot Kocharian,
the RA Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to India, and
Deepak Vohra, the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of
India to RA, on October 7, at the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin.
His Holiness expressed a special satisfaction with the kind and warm
relations present between the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin and the
Embassy of India. In the person of the Vice President, His Holiness
expressed his gratitude to the authorities of India as well for the
care and attention towards the monuments of the Armenian people
created during the history as well as for the assistance to the
Armenian Church.
Bharion Singh Shekhawat, being glad of the occasion of his visit
to an ancient Christian country, said: “I’m here as a pilgrim. I’m
greatly impressed with the Armenian people’s devotion towards belief.”
As Noyan Tapan was informed by the Information Services of the Mother
See of Holy Etchmiadzin, the problem of terrorism and challenges
arisen before the world were also touched upon at the meeting.

AT THE 33rd UNESCO GENERAL CONFERENCE
Panorama
21:13 10/10/05
Statement By H.E. Mr. Vartan Oskanian
Minister Of Foreign Affairs Of The Republic Of Armenia
PARIS
OCTOBER 7, 2005
Mr. President,
Congratulations on your election, and we look forward to working
with you as we have with President Omolewa. Congratulations also to
the Director-General with whom we look forward to working for a long
time to come.
At a time when the world is faced with new types of violence and
must therefore seek new ways to find peace, UNESCO is faced with
the hardest challenge of all: to create the defenses of peace in the
minds of men. For 60 years, this organization has promoted education,
science and culture because we know that it has been through education,
science and culture that ALL our civilizations have been nurtured
and have flourished. Education, science and culture cultivate peace
and are its fruits.
Each of us recognizes this in our own lands, in our own countries.
In Armenia, Education gave us our first university eight centuries ago.
Today, our education enrollment and literacy rate is among the best
in the world.
Ten centuries ago, Science provided us the tools with which to study
medicinal herbs under our feet, and the stars over our head.
But it is our culture that has saved us, defined us, formed our
character.
My people have lived in Diaspora for far longer than we have had a
state, and we have contributed to and learned from cultures across
the globe.
In Singapore, we have a church which is 200 years old. The one in Dakka
is even older. In Macao, the cemetery markers are memorials to Armenian
merchants from the 1600s. In Bangkok, the cemeteries are newer, but
only slightly. The local governments all protect and maintain these
cultural monuments consciously and generously, because they understand
that these monuments of a culture long gone are theirs as much as ours.
There is a similar cultural heritage in Europe and the Middle
East. From the tombs of Armenian medieval kings here in Paris to
ancient communities in Poland and Ukraine, the traces of a continuous
Armenian presence in Europe are guarded.
No better example exists than the Armenian Island of St. Lazaro, in
Venice, claimed equally by Armenians and Italians as part of their
cultural patrimony.
In Jerusalem, the old Armenian Quarter is an integral part of the
Biblical city’s past and future.
Throughout the various Arab countries of the Middle East, it is only
the age and quantity of Armenian structures that differ. The care and
attention which Armenians and their possessions receive is pervasive.
In our immediate neighborhood, Iran is home to cultural and religious
monuments built by Armenians over a millennium. The government of
Iran itself takes responsibility for their upkeep, and facilitates
their preservation by others.
Against this background then, we can only wish that our other
neighbours were equally tolerant and enlightened.
In Turkey, there are thousands of cultural monuments built and utilized
by Armenians through the centuries. Those structures today are not
just symbols of a lost way of life, but of lost opportunities. Those
monuments which represent the overlapping histories and memories
of Armenians and Turks do provide us the opportunity around which a
cultural dialog can start and regional cooperation can flourish.
Instead, those monuments which serve as striking evidence of
centuries of Armenian presence on those lands are being transformed
or demolished. With them go the memory and identity of a people.
But we are hopeful that there are changes in these attitudes and
approaches, and that Turkey is on the road to acknowledging its
pluralistic past and embracing its diversity today.
A few months ago, Turkish authorities began to actively encourage and
facilitate the expert renovation of a medieval jewel – the Armenian
monastery of Akhtamar. What is happening on this small island,
not far from our border, can be repeated again and again. Together,
we can work to rebuild the sole remaining monument in the legendary
city of Ani, just on the other side of the border, within easy view
from Armenia. The medieval city of a thousand and one churches is a
cultural marvel that can pull together and bind our two peoples.
Unfortunately Mr. Chairman, with our other neighbor, Azerbaijan,
the effort to do away with Armenians, which began even before
Sovietization, continues unabated. Now that there are no Armenians
left in Azerbaijan, it is religious and cultural monuments which
remain under attack.
This assault on our memory, history, holy places and artistic creations
began long before the people of Nagorno Karabakh stood to demand
self-determination in order to assure their own security. It began
long before the government of Azerbaijan chose war as the response to
the rightful, peaceful aspirations of the people of Nagorno Karabakh.
Mr. Chairman, Even in 1922, stone cross Armenian tombstone
carvings, older than Europe’s oldest churches, began to disappear
in Nakhichevan. There was no war in the years between 1998 and 2002
when 4000 of these giant sculptures were knocked over, piled onto
railroad cars and carted away under the Azerbaijani government’s
watchful eyes. There was no war in 1975 when a 7th century Armenian
church was completely demolished in the center of Nakhichevan, for
no reason other than to wipe out the memory of the Armenians who
constituted a majority there just decades earlier.
Mr. Chairman,
Cultural destruction can and is a potent weapon in campaigns of
political oppression and tyranny. In an era when new kinds of violence
with new names are exploited in political and ideological warfare,
damaging or destroying cultural or religious memory intentionally,
consistently, repeatedly must be labeled what it is – cultural
terrorism – and it must be condemned with the same resolve and
determination as violence aimed against people.
Mr. Chairman,
Armenia already profits hugely from UNESCO’s “Memory of the World”
program, thanks to which our depository of ancient, unique manuscripts
is being digitized. In the Remember the Future program, we are honoured
that some of our ancient monuments are included in the World Heritage
List. We are set to ratify the Convention on the Safeguarding of the
Intangible Heritage, and are pleased that the traditional melodies
of the Armenian reed duduk may be included in the Masterpieces of
Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity.
What we want to work on next, Mr. Chairman, is the elaboration of a
UNESCO legal instrument which will hold accountable those involved
in the Intentional Destruction of Cultural Heritage.
Armenia attaches great importance to all of UNESCO´s initiatives in
the region. We believe in UNESCO’s dream of creating and educating
societies to believe in peace and to benefit from its dividends. Thank
you.
–Boundary_(ID_gQcM8nBfbhqilXWS8W3aow)–

VARTAN OSKANIAN VISITS AUSTRALIA
By Areg Yaputchian in Sydney
AZG Armenian Daily #182
11/10/2005
Visit
On Sunday, October 9, a governmental delegation headed by foreign
minister Vartan Oskanian arrived in Sydney. Members of the Armenian
community of Australia met the Armenian delegation at the airport.
Mr. Oskanian took part first in a liturgy at Surp Harutyun church of
Sydney where he made a brief speech to believers.
In the evening of that day Mr. Oskanian met a huge group of compatriots
and answered their questions highlighting the recent events in Armenia.
A press conference followed the meeting.
“The central meeting of the visit is the one with Alexander Downer
[foreign minister of Australia] to discuss bilateral relations”,
Vartan Oskanian said, “I want especially to stress to him the regional
issues and explain the Nagorno Karabakh issue as to its development,
importance of its regulation as well as Armenian-Turkish, EU-Turkey
relations and economic issues.
“I will also meet with parliament members (Armenian-born Joe Hock,
chairman of Liberal Party) Clatis Perechikean and John Watkins. After
this I will leave for Indonesia.”

HRANT DINK SENTENCED TO 6 MONTHS’ CONDITIONAL IMPRISONMENT
AZG Armenian Daily #182
11/10/2005
Concern
On October 8, the court of Istanbul sentenced Hrant Dink,
editor-in-chief of Agos newspaper, to 6 months’ conditional
imprisonment on charge of “insulting Turkish national identity”. “The
journalist of Armenian descent will be sent to prison if he repeats
his words”, the Associated Press explains. In an article published in
early 2004 Dink called for Armenians to “renounce the hatred towards
the Turks that poisons your blood”. Agos employer Karin Karakashli
thinks that the court misinterpreted his words concluding that Dink
considers Turkish blood poisonous.
In an interview to radio Liberty, Dink refused the charge labeling it
political. He is going to appeal against the charge at the Supreme
Court of the country and in case of no results he will apply to the
European Court of Human Rights. “If the accusations are not lifted
from me I will leave Turkey where I have live all my life”, Dink said.