March: 14, 2026
From the beginning, Pashinyan’s administration refused any strategy, particularly related to Armenia’s national security. The working style of Pashinyan’s government is strategic incompetence. About this 168TVof Revue mentioned on the air of the program Member of the “HayaVote” national-civil unification department, former chairman of the Military Industry Committee (2018-2020) Avetik Kerobyanspeaking about the concept of the national security strategy of Armenia presented by “HayaVote” the previous day and the topic of threats to Armenia’s security.
Avetik Kerobyan reminds that the RA national security strategy document was last adopted in 2007, and in 2020, a few months before the 44-day war, the document with the same title, published by Nikol Pashinyan’s administration, did not receive legal status.
According to Kerobyan, “HayaVote” has adopted a set of national interests in its proposed concept of the national security strategy of the Republic of Armenia as the cornerstone of building a lasting security and a lasting Armenian state. By developing this strategy, as he stated during the presentation of the concept, they aim to “turn from food at the table into an eater, from a topic of conversation into a conversation leader”.
As Avetik Kerobyan comments, the concept mentions the increase in the probability of regional conflicts and the possibility of Armenia’s territory becoming the scene of these conflicts as an external threat.
In this context, speaking about the US-Israel-Iran military operations that have been going on for two weeks and the threats arising from them, the former head of the military-industrial complex of Armenia emphasized that we are dealing with a large-scale war.
“This is a real war. The United States and Israel have failed to achieve their primary goal of regime change, and quite the opposite has happened, with a new leader filled with a thirst for revenge and radicalized from the start coming to power. We are dealing with a government full of thirst for revenge, and judging by what is happening, it is a situation contrary to the goals of the United States and Israel, and parallel to this attack, a very strong internal consolidation is taking place in Iran,” the interlocutor notes.
According to Kerobyan, the Iran-US-Israel conflict is an element of a “great war”. He believes that the Iran-Israel conflict, Libya, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, India-Pakistan, India-China, Russia-Ukraine and other well-known conflicts are enough to call all this a world war.
“Considering what is happening in the world with the participation of the United States, it is already a world war, which has not yet taken the form we used to call a world war, that is, large coalitions have not been formed and these coalitions are not clashing with each other, but its turn will come,” concludes the expert.
According to our interlocutor, China is very seriously preparing for a conflict with the United States.
Avetik Kerobyan sees clear dangers in the backdrop of the Iranian war. According to Kerobyan, the Turks are waiting for an opportune moment to cut off Syunik from Armenia. According to him, Turkey and Azerbaijan will most likely engage in a ground operation against Iran if the United States and Israel make such a demand to them.
“Turkey is playing a very skillful diplomatic game, as always, although it is clear that Turkey’s military infrastructure can be used at any time to escalate an attack against Iran, and I think that they will go to war against Iran if they calculate that they can digest it, that is, it will not cause them harm or harm that is not acceptable. There is a clear danger for us here. if the northern and western fronts were opened in the ground war against Iran, Turkey will most likely take the short border between Armenia and Iran under military control with the tacit or active consent of the USA, and this is fraught with irreversible consequences. Turks, as you know, consider that wherever a Turkish soldier steps, it is “Turkish land”.
And they are just waiting for a suitable opportunity to cut off Syunik from Armenia. We need to clearly understand these threats and clearly imagine what we need to face them. The most important thing is to understand our interest and have a government in the country that pursues that interest,” Avetik Kerobyan predicts and analyzes.
Full interview in the video.
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Opinion: A new era dawns for California’s involvement in the south Caucasus
America’s foreign policy effectiveness is being tested in an often-overlooked region of Eurasia.
Can the U.S. still translate power into durable outcomes? In the south Caucasus, the answer is increasingly taking shape.
In August 2025, President Donald Trump brought together Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and helped move their long-simmering conflict toward a durable settlement. What followed was not symbolism, but substance: decisive American leadership replacing decades of diplomatic inertia.
California, home to more than half of the Armenian diaspora population in the U.S., is hardly a bystander in the South Caucasus. Yet for decades, when it came to the Caucasus, that influence was often channeled in one direction — away from cooperation and into an impasse that only served to weaken Armenia as a state. That is why the current White House-led breakthrough matters not only for Baku and Yerevan, but also for Sacramento and Silicon Valley.
For three decades, members of Congress from California — with the lobbying of Armenian groups — helped perpetuate Armenia’s illegal occupation of internationally recognized Azerbaijani territory. They became impediments to peace. But today, leaders across California have the opportunity to write a new chapter. They can step forward as champions of the U.S.-Azerbaijan relationship in a way that advances American interests in Eurasia, opens new markets for California-based companies, and broadens cultural awareness.
Beyond diplomacy and trade corridors, one of the most enduring foundations for peace and long-term partnership is cultural and educational exchange. California’s relationship with Azerbaijan should not be defined solely by geopolitical calculations or the shifting winds of politics in Washington. Instead, it should be strengthened through direct engagement between students, educators, entrepreneurs, artists and civic leaders—building people-to-people ties that outlast political cycles and create mutual understanding.
Last August’s White House-brokered peace agreement was more than a ceremonial moment. It has given way to sustained and structured diplomatic follow-through between Washington and Baku. Vice President J.D. Vance visited Azerbaijan this month to sign a strategic partnership agreement, as the two nations committed to expanding their economic and security cooperation. America will provide Azerbaijan with an undisclosed number of ships to help the country protect its territorial waters, Vance said on Feb. 10 in Baku.
Since last August, there have been at least four senior Azerbaijani delegations to the U.S. and multiple American delegations to Azerbaijan, in addition to Vance’s trip. Aliyev himself traveled to the U.S. twice — once to Washington, D.C., and again to New York for the U.N. General Assembly. Azerbaijani delegations included members of parliament; the Prosecutor General; the ministers of economy, energy, education, and digital development and transport; as well as Sheikhulislam Allahshukur Pashazade. U.S. congressional delegations and business leaders also visited Azerbaijan, while Trump and Aliyev met at the World Economic Forum in Davos.
Equally important is the people-to-people dimension. Azerbaijani civil society representatives are currently visiting Armenia, marking the latest initiative in a series of reciprocal meetings and exchanges between the countries that would have been politically impossible in the past. These interactions lay the social groundwork that durable peace requires — trust built not only by governments, but by citizens.
It is time for Californians to take notice of this historic momentum. In an era when international politics can feel distant and polarized, people-to-people diplomacy offers something more durable: human trust. Expanding cultural and educational exchange between California and Azerbaijan would allow both populations to transcend stereotypes and political narratives, replacing suspicion with curiosity and building cooperation through shared experiences.
If Californians are serious about shaping the future of America’s ties with the south Caucasus, they should invest not only in policy but in the friendships, exchanges and civic partnerships that will make strategic cooperation sustainable for generations to come.
Peter Tase is the founder of the Azerbaijan-United States Economic and Education Council, an expert on South American geopolitics, and the author of six books on international relations. He is a Distinguished Fellow in U.S. Foreign Policy at the National University of Santiago del Estero, Argentina.
https://timesofsandiego.com/opinion/2026/03/08/new-era-dawns-california-involvement-south-caucasus/
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Israel expands travel warnings to Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan
The National Security Council urges Israelis to avoid travel to three additional countries and warns of heightened Iranian efforts to target Israelis and Jews abroad since the launch of Operation Roaring Lion
The NSC said the new guidance comes amid growing concerns that terrorist groups may attempt to carry out attacks against Israelis abroad.
At the start of Operation Roaring Lion, Israel’s campaign against Iran, the NSC warned Israelis to avoid travel to the United Arab Emirates due to concerns that terrorist organizations might attempt attacks targeting Israeli citizens.
Warning of Iranian attempts to target Israelis abroad
Safety recommendations for Israelis abroad
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Yerevan 2026: Landmark triumph for European Shooting
The continental 10m competition concluded on Wednesday with Ukraine topping the table ahead of forty national federations. Over 350 athletes showcased precision in high-stakes challenge formats, delivering a transformative week for the discipline.
Ukraine emerged as the dominant force of the tournament, topping the overall medal table with an impressive total of 14 medals, including five golds. Viltorya Rybovalova alone won three gold medals, one in women’s moving targets moxed event and two more in teams. In the final standings, Ukraine was followed by Norway and Hungary, each with five gold medals. Hungary’s Veronika Major also won three gold medals, including one in the Olympic air pistol womens category.
Norway’s position was bolstered by Pernille Nor-Woll, who delivered a career-defining performance by setting a new European Record in the senior air rifle women’s final after already securing the Junior title.
In the pistol events, Anton Aristarkhov (AIN) proved untouchable by becoming a double individual champion, while Türkiye enjoyed significant success, punctuated by a dramatic final-day victory for the legendary Yusuf Dikeç and his teammates in the air pistol trio.
The introduction of the ESC Challenge and trio formats brought a theatrical flair to the competition, with many finals decided by the narrowest of margins. Both the men’s and women’s air rifle solo gold medal matches ended in 15-14 scores, with Croatia’s Josip Sikavica and Türkiye’s Damla Köse emerging victorious in these high-pressure duels.
The Karen Demirchyan Complex also provided the stage for a transformative performance by the Armenian national team, which finished fourth in the overall medal standings. This success was anchored by a remarkable coincidence as two different athletes named Lilit Mkrtchyan dominated the moving target disciplines. The senior Lilit Mkrtchyan solidified her status as a continental force by claiming her forth European title, while her younger namesake mirrored this excellence by securing gold medals in both the individual and team junior categories.
The Armenian success was rounded off on the final day as the men’s air pistol trio, featuring Zaven Igityan, Benik Khlghatyan, and Gevorg Melkonyan, fought through a tense bronze medal match to ensure the host nation remained a top force until the final shot.
Beyond the moving target range, the emotional peak of the championships occurred during the air pistol solo women’s final. Local favourite Elmira Karapetyan, competing while seven months pregnant, displayed extraordinary composure to secure a silver medal. The achievement drew thunderous applause from the Yerevan crowd and was described by observers as an inspiring testament to the resilience of elite athletes.
Reflecting on her path to the podium, Karapetyan noted the immense physical challenge. “Actually, it was very difficult to prepare. No one can imagine how complicated this process is,” she stated. “But I am very happy that I have a medal. I am very excited that I managed to shoot this competition.”
Despite the enthusiastic local support, Karapetyan admitted the pressure of competing on home soil. “The home walls do not help shooting, I would say they rather hinder, because you feel more responsible,” she explained. However, she expressed immense pride in her achievement. “I do not think my silver medal is somehow less than gold, knowing my path and how I reached it. I am satisfied with my result, simply that girl shot better.”
Looking ahead, she confirmed her sights will set on the Los Angeles 2028 Olympic cycle, only after she welcomes her child and completes her recovery. The flawless execution of the championships was the result of long-term planning. Secretary General of the Armenian Shooting Federation, Areg Saribekyan, detailed the extensive preparations required to bring the event to reality.
“The initiative started about two years ago. It was a unique dream for all the athletes, the staff, and the federation,” Saribekyan explained. “The president of the federation started taking active steps, cooperating with state bodies, because we realised what an important event this is.”
The effort clearly paid dividends, with international delegates praising the host nation. “All teams are very satisfied,” Saribekyan noted. “They were surprised by our Armenian hospitality, which is simple for us but extraordinary for them. They mentioned they would be very happy if we organised other events too, especially since about 98 percent of the participants visited Armenia for the first time.”
In an interview with Inside The Games, Alexander Ratner, president of the European Shooting Confederation, reflected on the historic significance of the Yerevan event. Ratner admitted that the bid from the Armenian Federation was both unexpected and remarkably ambitious.
“The European Shooting Confederation received a proposal from the Armenian Shooting Federation to hold such a large tournament right here only two years ago,” Ratner explained. “For many, this was an ambitious challenge as never before shooting competitions of such scale have been organized in the country. Now we can say with confidence that our Armenian friends have undoubtedly met this challenge. The championship was a great success.”
Ratner highlighted the atmosphere as a key indicator of the event’s victory, “Athletes are satisfied, we as organisers are satisfied, and I think the Armenian side is also satisfied. It was pleasant that the championship was visited by many guests and many residents of Yerevan. I think this is a good sign that there is interest in this sport and such a large event.”
He also highlighted the crucial support provided by the national leadership, stating, “We are grateful to the Government of the Republic of Armenia. The Prime Minister was personally present at the opening. We know that he was the initiator of this idea. We are also grateful to the Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sport, and of course, the Armenian Shooting Federation, who made maximum efforts to ensure that everyone was truly satisfied.”
Looking to the future, Ratner noted that while the ESC calendar is largely fixed until 2029, the door remains open for Armenia to host again, “I hope that this championship has left behind what we call a legacy for the development of shooting sports in the country.
The presence of ISSF President Luciano Rossi further validated the tournament’s success. Given the often strained relationship between the ESC and the ISSF leadership, Rossi’s visit to Yerevan was closely watched.
Addressing this tension, Ratner noted, “The President of the International Federation was at the opening, he visited the competitions, and we provided him with the opportunity to present medals and reward the winners and medallists. Judging by the publication on the ISSF website, the President gave a high assessment of the organisation of the championship and the efforts of both the European Confederation and the Armenian Federation. In general, we can speak of a certain positive effect from the visit of the President of the International Shooting Sport Federation.”
Addressing this tension, Ratner noted, “The ISSF President was among guests at the opening, he visited the competitions, we provided him with the opportunity to present medals and reward the winners. Judging by the publication on the ISSF website, we can speak of a certain positive effect from the visit of Mr. Rossi to our Championship”.
In the interview with the ISSF’s official website, Rossi stated that the commitment shown by the Armenian authorities, together with the excellent work of the national federation and the European Shooting Confederation, has ensured the successful organisation of this European Championship.
“Armenia has demonstrated that it is fully capable of hosting major international competitions at the highest level,” told Rossi. This successful staging has strengthened Armenia’s position within the international shooting community and created a permanent legacy for the sport as the federation turns its focus toward the Los Angeles 2028 Olympic cycle.
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Kyrgyzstan and Armenia’s films shine at Umut Film Forum
The 13th International Film Forum of Young Filmmakers from CIS countries, Umut, took place in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, on March 4–7, showcasing 38 films alongside master classes and a pitching session for new projects, Qazinform News Agency cites Kabar.
Seagulls over Calvary by Armenian director Lia Karapetyan won the Best Film Award in the international competition.
Nurlan Hasanli from Azerbaijan awarded the Best Director Prize for his Early Feelings.
In the national competition, Balyk (Fish) by Tolomush Zhanibekov won the Best Film Award, while Daniyar Abirov was named Best Director for Obonchu.
Following the pitching session, Kyrgyzfilm studio pledged support for the project You and I. Financial backing was also awarded to Accomplice, Ultrasound, and Gesture projects.
The festival highlighted both accomplished works and promising new projects, reinforcing Bishkek’s role as a hub for young filmmakers across the region.
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In a shift, Armenia offers compensation to travellers stranded by Iran war
The Armenian government will provide up to ֏250,000 ($670) in financial compensation per person to Armenian citizens who were forced to book new tickets to return to Armenia after their original flights were cancelled amidst the Iran war. Earlier, Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan said it would be unfair to expect the government to cover such costs.
If the newly purchased tickets cost less, the compensation will equal the amount actually paid, Mirzoyan said in a Facebook post on Saturday.
Saturday’s decision, however, marked an apparent U-turn from earlier remarks by Mirzoyan.
On 4 March, during a government–parliament Q&A session, Mirzoyan highlighted efforts to organise the safe return of Armenian nationals, but added that the government would not provide financial support to citizens stranded in Asia or the Middle East after flights were disrupted by the war in Iran that began on 28 February.
The remark came in response to a question from an MP who cited media reports claiming that it cost up to $1,400 for citizens to reach Yerevan.
‘I know a specific private case who has been in Sri Lanka for almost a month posting photos in a swimsuit as much as possible, that means they are financially capable, right? They can buy a ticket’, Mirzoyan said. He also assessed it as ‘a bit unfair toward the government’, further suggesting that many Armenians in those countries were likely there on vacation.
‘There will also be other groups and other segments, we will think about it and consider, of course, the issue of taking that financial burden on ourselves as well’, Mirzoyan said.
Three days after his statement, Mirzoyan announced his ministry’s initiative to compensate travel expenses, following online outcry highlighting that not all Armenian nationals can afford expensive holidays. Many plan trips a year in advance to secure affordable options.
One such post was made by Arpi Bekaryan, who was in Thailand on vacation with friends. She wrote in a Facebook post that planning the trip a year ahead allowed them to pay only $150 for flights and $550 for a 10-day hotel stay.
‘We never planned for tickets costing $1,000 or more. That didn’t fit our budget then, and it still doesn’t’, Bekaryan wrote, noting that after their cancelled flight, alternative flights to Armenia could cost at least $1,000. On top of that, they would need to cover additional expenses for extra days, including hotel and daily costs.
In addition to the newly adopted initiative to provide financial compensation, the Armenian authorities also provide a free bus transfer from Dubai, UAE, to Muscat Airport in Oman, a journey of around 400 kilometres, from where Armenian authorities secured flights to Armenia.
Highlighting the work of the Foreign Ministry assisting Armenian nationals since the beginning of the war, Mirzoyan noted that flights no longer operate along the usual Muscat–Yerevan route due to increasing costs.
‘I was told that the cost of one flight is $170,000’, Mirzoyan said.
The flight from Oman is operated by FlyOne, an airline owned by the family of the ruling Civil Contract party MP Khachatur Sukiasyan, with tickets starting at €1,100 ($1,270), according to RFE/RL.
Over the weekend, the Armenian authorities also announced that from 28 February to 6 March, citizens of 41 countries departed Iran through Armenia, without specifying the number of evacuees.
Since the escalation, the Armenian–Iranian land border has closed for two times, the Armenian authorities said the checkpoint was shut due to a technical failure on the Iranian side, with the crossing open only to lorries.
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A train carrying Russian grain was sent through Azerbaijan to Armenia.
As reported by the “Caucasian Knot,” on February 1, 25 railcars carrying Russian grain transited through Azerbaijan to Armenia. By that date, 285 railcars carrying nearly 20,000 tons of grain had already been shipped from Russia to Armenia via Azerbaijan.
In October 2025, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev announced the lifting of all restrictions on cargo transit to Armenia. Armenian authorities considered this an important step in opening regional communications. In early November 2025, a shipment of Russian grain arrived in Armenia via Azerbaijan for the first time since the 1990s. The Armenian government noted that this fulfilled one of the agreements reached in the United States, which contributes to strengthening peace between Yerevan and Baku.
Seven train cars carrying 488 tons of grain from Russia departed Baku today, transiting through Azerbaijan to Armenia, APA reports.
The grain train will pass through the Boyuk Kyasik station in Georgia, from where it will head towards Armenia, Trend reports today.
According to the agency, including this shipment, more than 21,000 tons of grain (302 train cars) and 610 tons of fertilizer (nine train cars) have already been transited from Russia to Armenia through Azerbaijan.
The last time, on February 4, a freight train of eight cars carrying 560 tons of Russian grain departed from Azerbaijan to Armenia, the publication says.
21:49 11.02.2026Vance’s visit to Baku demonstrated the pragmatism of interest The United States to the South CaucasusThe visit of US Vice President J.D. Vance to Armenia and Azerbaijan demonstrated Washington’s desire to strengthen its presence in the region while weakening Russia’s influence, according to Baku analysts interviewed by the “Caucasian Knot” correspondent. At the same time, the United States is changing its strategy for building relations with countries in the region, moving from a values-based partnership to cooperation based on pragmatism and economic interests.
As a reminder, on August 8, 2025, Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signed a declaration on the cessation of hostilities at a meeting in Washington. Moreover, Aliyev and Pashinyan did not sign the peace agreement, but only initialed it, and most of the declaration’s provisions contain vague wording, analysts noted.
US President Donald Trump stated that the key issue that prevented the signing of the peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan has been resolved: the issue of the Zangezur Corridor. The “Caucasian Knot” has prepared a report “Trump Route” (TRIPP): Transport Corridor through Armenia”.
On December 18, 2025, the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan delivered gasoline to Armenia for the first time, and on January 9, Azerbaijan sent a second batch – 1,742 tons of gasoline and 946 tons of diesel fuel. The volumes of gasoline supplied by Azerbaijan are insignificant, the deliveries can be viewed primarily as a political gesture in the context of a peaceful settlement, Armenian economists noted.
On February 4, Aliyev and Pashinyan discussed the initiated economic cooperation at a meeting in the UAE and agreed to seek opportunities to expand trade between the two countries.
Trade and economic cooperation between Azerbaijan and Armenia, although mutually beneficial, will be limited in the near future. Energy supplies from Azerbaijan could weaken Armenia’s dependence on Russia, analysts in Baku noted.
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Source: Caucasian Knot
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The Armenian Diaspora and Electoral Influence Ahead of 2026
Armenia is approaching what may become one of the most consequential electoral cycles since the political transformation that followed the 2018 Velvet Revolution. The parliamentary elections scheduled for June 7, 2026, will take place amid continued security uncertainty, shifting geopolitical alignments, and unresolved debates over governance reform, foreign policy orientation, and national identity. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s ruling party is expected to seek reelection, while opposition forces, some connected to established political figures from earlier administrations and others representing newer critical voices, are preparing to challenge the government and offer alternative approaches. Although electoral outcomes will ultimately be determined by voters physically present within Armenia, the country’s vast diaspora, numbering several times the domestic population, remains a powerful political stakeholder. Despite their exclusion from formal participation at the ballot box, diaspora communities continue to shape the national conversation through media, advocacy, fundraising, and transnational networks, amplifying debates over the country’s direction and policies.
The Armenian diaspora, estimated at five to seven million people, significantly exceeds Armenia’s domestic population of roughly three million. Large communities in Russia, the United States, France, and the Middle East operate within distinct political and media environments. These contexts shape how diaspora Armenians interpret developments in Armenia and how they seek to influence them. Diaspora engagement has historically taken the form of remittances, philanthropy, lobbying, and participation in transnational media networks. Following the 2020 war and the 2023 displacement of Armenians from Nagorno Karabakh, diaspora mobilization intensified, often in explicitly political terms.
Under Armenia’s current electoral framework, citizens abroad cannot vote. The law requires physical presence in Armenia on election day. Policymakers have historically justified this restriction by citing administrative feasibility, verification challenges, and security risks associated with overseas or electronic voting. Critics argue that the exclusion of citizens abroad creates a democratic deficit, particularly given that more ethnic Armenians live outside the country than within it.
The absence of enfranchisement has not rendered the diaspora politically neutral. Instead, it has redirected political engagement into informal but consequential channels. Diaspora actors operate through media ecosystems, fundraising networks, protest mobilization, and foreign policy advocacy. These arenas are often structured around well-established institutions with longstanding ideological identities and transnational reach.
The 2021 parliamentary elections illustrate this dynamic. In the weeks preceding the June 20 snap vote, nearly forty-seven diaspora organizations issued a coordinated public endorsement urging support for the opposition Armenia Alliance (founded in 2021 and led by former President of Armenia Robert Kocharyan). Although diaspora groups do not participate directly in elections, the episode demonstrated their willingness to articulate explicit political preferences and intervene in Armenia’s domestic debate from abroad. It also highlighted the role of highly organized networks in shaping diaspora messaging.
Diaspora-run media platforms reinforce this influence. Publications such as The Armenian Weekly, Zartonk Media, and Asbarez in the United States, Nouvelles d’Arménie Magazine in France, and Yerkramas in Russia serve as hubs for commentary and mobilization. Their coverage frequently circulates inside Armenia, especially during politically sensitive periods. Many of these outlets have given substantial space to criticism of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s post-war security policies, negotiation strategy with Azerbaijan, and broader geopolitical positioning.
Organized political structures amplify this ecosystem. The Armenian Revolutionary Federation maintains a uniquely transnational presence. Domestically, it holds parliamentary representation as part of the opposition Armenia Alliance. Internationally, it operates one of the most extensive Armenian organizational networks in the world, including youth federations, educational institutions, cultural associations, and advocacy arms across North America, Europe, Russia, and the Middle East. This dual structure enables it to function simultaneously as a domestic parliamentary actor and as a global mobilizing force. During periods of political crisis, ARF-affiliated structures abroad have articulated positions critical of the government’s territorial negotiations and national security approach, reinforcing opposition narratives through coordinated messaging.
In the United States, the Armenian National Committee of America remains one of the most prominent Armenian-American advocacy organizations. It does not participate directly in Armenian elections, but it shapes U.S. policy toward Armenia and regional security issues. Its campaigns often intersect with Armenia’s domestic political debates. Since 2020, ANCA has issued statements critical of aspects of the Armenian government’s negotiation process while pressing U.S. lawmakers on humanitarian assistance, sanctions enforcement, and security support.
An individual affiliated with ANCA, who requested anonymity, explained that their focus ahead of the 2026 elections will not be direct intervention in Armenian party politics but rather public awareness and advocacy. “Our responsibility is to inform and mobilize the Armenian American community about what is at stake,” the interlocutor stated. “Many of us are deeply dissatisfied with the government’s recent actions, especially on security issues. We cannot vote, but we can shape opinion, advocate in Washington, and ensure that policymakers understand the concerns of our community.” The comment reflects a broader pattern of diaspora engagement that emphasizes influence through information and foreign policy advocacy rather than formal electoral participation.
Comparative experience across the post-Soviet space underscores that diaspora enfranchisement is politically consequential. Moldova has expanded overseas voting through embassy based polling stations, and turnout from abroad has at times played a decisive role, often favoring reformist and pro-European platforms. Ukraine’s foreign ministry has been working on mechanisms to enable citizens abroad to vote in future elections once martial law is lifted, including discussions about digital voting systems. Georgia, by contrast, has moved to restrict overseas voting mechanisms and eliminate certain polling arrangements abroad, citing concerns about electoral vulnerability and foreign influence. Critics argue that these measures disproportionately affect migrant voters. These cases demonstrate that decisions about diaspora voting are rarely technical. They reflect broader struggles over legitimacy, political control, and national identity.
Armenia’s approach has so far favored restriction. Yet this does not shield domestic politics from diaspora influence. Instead, it produces a paradox. A globally dispersed population lacks ballots but retains the capacity to shape discourse, mobilize resources, and influence foreign governments whose policies affect Armenia directly. Political parties inside Armenia increasingly calibrate their messaging with diaspora narratives in mind, particularly on questions of security, sovereignty, and geopolitical alignment.
As Armenia approaches the 2026 parliamentary elections, the diaspora will remain politically engaged but institutionally excluded. Its influence will be measured not in votes cast but in narratives amplified, funds mobilized, advocacy campaigns launched, and international partnerships shaped. Whether Armenia eventually adopts an overseas voting mechanism or maintains its current framework, the relationship between the state and its global nation will remain central to the country’s democratic trajectory. The Armenian diaspora may not vote in 2026. It will nonetheless participate in shaping the political environment in which those votes are cast.
Contributed by Davit Gasparyan who researches security and political dynamics in the South Caucasus and Russia’s regional strategy. He conducts research with Harvard’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and previously served as a Russia researcher at the Institute for the Study of War. He has also worked with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
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Armenian brothers escape genocide, one bludgeoned to death in North Dakota
More than 100 years after one of the Azadian brothers was killed by bootlegging robbers along the Sheyenne River, the case remains unsolved.
WEST FARGO, N.D. — Sam Azadian awoke with piercing pain from the back of his head. Slowly, his eyes adjusted to the darkness. Scuffling noises to his left. A puppy whined. Was it his brother’s puppy? Without moving, he could make out the box car shack where he and his younger brother lived along the Sheyenne River.
His knuckles ached. With every heartbeat, his head throbbed. Something warm and wet blurred his vision.
A terrifying avalanche of memories returned: it was May 30, 1925. He recalled the late night rap on the door, the sour taste of homemade brew he had been forced to sip, his 29-year-old brother and his puppy, four men intent on robbery. Where was his brother?
Suddenly, hands were clawing at his clothes. Panic forced his limbs into motion; he struck out with his elbow, heard a grunt. Fabric tore and then he was free.
“One is gone already,” a man yelled from the river bank. Distant. He wiped blood from his eyes, but couldn’t see anyone else. The hurried footsteps through early summer foliage was all that remained.
“Mike?” Azadian called out. Silence. What did that mean, “one was gone already?”
A terrible realization forced him to his feet. He screamed for help.
The puppy’s whine called to him. Half running, half crawling, he surged toward the sound. He had survived. His brother had to have survived as well. They hadn’t escaped from their homeland — an Armenian town in Turkey — the forced death marches and firing squads to have everything end here in rural North Dakota at the hands of bootleggers.
The whining drew closer. He hurried forward, and found the puppy. It was his brother’s. Stones, wet with … he looked closer. It appeared to be blood. Where was he? He called out again, but no answer.
Not far away, a train had stopped to refill with water. Using broken English he called out for help. He told them his brother was missing, a murder may have been committed. He needed a gun.
The train pulled away. Grabbing his brother’s puppy up into his arms, he ran back to his shack, put the dog down and grabbed a gun. He was alone, but he no longer cared. Other than a thin makeshift sandbag made from denim, used as a club, the assailants didn’t seem to have any serious weaponry.
He searched the area, but the thieves were gone. Angrily, he fired into the air five times.
“Mike,” he yelled as loud as he could. Spring field crickets chirped in response. He needed help.
Bootlegger robbery
Sam’s story as published by the Forum of Fargo-Moorhead in early June 1925, during the height of the Prohibition era, was told through an interpreter, K.H. Mallarian, a Fargo doctor.
Eventually, Sam made it to the Cass County Sheriff’s Office where he reported the crime, and the fact he could not find his brother. In broken English, he tried to describe what the assailants looked like and what transpired before the attack.
A person, later identified as Walter Steiner, a homeless person and also a woodsman, rapped on the brothers’ door. He had bad luck fishing that day, and asked for a fish to eat.
The brothers were not fishermen; they worked as laborers for the Northern Pacific Railroad.
Steiner then offered Sam a drink; he refused. But the unsolicited guest was insistent, so Sam eventually took a sip, and the homemade brew tasted like brine and vinegar.
Two other men approached, one of them saying that he had lost all his money during a bank crash.
“Then Mike came along with his pup in his arms. The big fellow offered him a drink, but Mike refused. Both of us started back for the shack, but a passing freight cut us off. The big fellow asked me to follow him a little way down the bank where he had some liquor cached. He offered to split with me if I would sell the stuff. I told him I didn’t want to deal with him,” Sam told sheriff’s deputies.
As he turned around to go back home, he was struck in the back of the head. A fight ensued, with Sam, about 43 years old, getting some punches in. But he was outnumbered and was knocked unconscious.
The search
Sheriff’s deputies immediately began scouring the area. They searched box cars and all the usual haunts where homeless people stayed. The search was slow going at night.
But due to Sam’s testimony, at least four men were implicated in the holdup and murder. Meager descriptions were sent out to towns and cities in every direction.
The next day, an expert diver, Mike Markey, of Casseltown, North Dakota, found Mike floating in the Sheyenne River about 40 feet south of the Northern Pacific bridge. Heel marks, as well as a makeshift weapon, a sandbag made from a denim jacket sleeve, a piece of hose, a handkerchief, a nickel and a pair of overalls were found on the opposing bank.
In his pockets, Mike had a roll of $70, worth about $1,300 today, and a gold watch and chain, a gift from his brother. The watch stopped at 10:05 p.m. He was born Aug. 3, 1896, in Turkey, and arrived in America in 1913, according to his death certificate.
An autopsy was performed on Mike’s corpse.
“The body is badly bruised about the face. An autopsy indicated that Mike was stunned but still alive when he fell or was cast into the river,” the Forum of Fargo-Moorhead reported.
The passing Northern Pacific passenger train was running 25 minutes late when it arrived at the bridge around 10:10 p.m. for water, and although nobody helped, the train may have saved Sam’s life.
It “is believed to have saved the man from a fate similar to that which Mike met,” the Forum of Fargo-Moorhead reported.
Steiner was found hidden under a pile of paper in a box car not far from the murder scene and was arrested.
“His clothes were wet to the hips and officers believe this may bear some connection with the finding of a part of Mike Azadian’s overalls and a pool of blood near the river bank,” the Morning Pioneer reported.
Sam identified Steiner as the man who knocked on the door of his freight car home. Before facing murder charges, Steiner received a sentence of 132 days in jail for a vagrancy charge.
Ed Welch, a fisherman and frog catcher, who lived in a dugout along the Sheyenne River, appeared to be helping investigators at first, but his story didn’t match with what others reported and he too, was arrested.
Flags at half mast
The Azadian brothers were considered to be respectable residents of West Fargo. Residents interviewed by reporters in 1925 said the brothers never drank alcohol, that they were generous to a fault, often making loans to people in need.
“Particularly to a family which was in want during the winter, are examples of their characters,” the Forum of Fargo-Moorhead reported.
Their reputation preceded them, however, and it was common knowledge that the brothers frequently kept cash in their pockets.
The attack shocked the community. All of the suspects were considered to be “transients,” or travelers without homes in the area, and residents in West Fargo petitioned the sheriff to “drive away prowlers and suspicious characters,” the Forum of Fargo-Moorhead reported.
The case appeared to be coming together. Investigators believed they had the murderers and filed charges against Steiner and Welch.
Flags in West Fargo flew at half mast on the day of Mike’s funeral, and nearly everyone in the West Fargo community attended his burial at Riverside Cemetery, according to the newspaper.
The trial
In broken English, at times interpreted by Mallarian, Sam told his story in court.
“When giving his account of the fight, he became excited and started to talk fast and more brokenly, and had to be stopped a few times to get him to give his account more slowly,” the Forum of Fargo-Moorhead reported.
The case against Welch soon fizzled as it was based on circumstantial evidence: keys found near the place where the sandbag club was made belonged to him, and the denim used had a fishy smell.
Axel Anderson, a witness from the West Fargo Hotel, also testified that Welch ordered a bowl of ice cream and played pool at the time of the murder.
The cases against two others, who were unnamed, were dismissed in Cass County District Court by April 1926.
After serving nine months in jail, Steiner was released, according to the Forum of Fargo-Moorhead. Despite Sam’s testimony, the charges against him were dismissed as there wasn’t enough evidence against him.
A short time later, Welch was also released, even though he attempted to escape by sawing the bars on a jail window, the Forum of Fargo-Moorhead reported.
Case gone cold
Nearly 101 years have passed since Mike’s murder, and the Forum of Fargo-Moorhead has reported three times — in 1939, 1988 and in 1999 — on the inability of investigators to solve the case.
Sam became a naturalized citizen in Cass County in 1937, according to the North Dakota Naturalization Records Index.
Forum News Service filed an open records request with the West Fargo Police Department, which is still pending.
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