L’HISTORIEN RENE REMOND CRAINT POUR LA LIBERTE DE LA RECHERCHE
Le Temps, Suisse
23 juin 2006
L’histoire au piège de la loi
Tout inscrire dans la loi: telle semble etre le peche mignon des
deputes francais. Une tendance propre a une nation continentale,
comme l’a souvent souligne un Michel Rocard, qui l’oppose au goût
du contrat propre a l’Angleterre, nation maritime. Or cette manie
legislative vient de marquer quelques rates, dès lors que le parlement
francais, en quelques annees, a vote plusieurs lois “memorielles”,
qui soulèvent la colère des historiens tout en contentant telle ou
telle communaute qui se regarde comme victime.
Loi Gayssot sanctionnant la contestation de la Shoah, soeur jumelle de
la loi relative au genocide armenien, loi Taubira assimilant traite
negrière au genocide, article conteste sur les effets benefiques de
la colonisation.
C’est sur cet etrange edifice, transformant l’historiographie en
delit potentiel, que revient l’excellent historien qu’est Rene
Remond. Repondant aux questions de Francois Azouvi, l’auteur des
Droites en France critique vertement cette manie legislative. Car elle
a conduit un groupe d’Antillais a deposer plainte, pour contestation de
genocide, contre un historien, Petre-Grenouilleau, dont la thèse a ete
saluee pour l’evaluation, approfondie et nuancee, de la traite negrière
qu’elle presente. Du coup, un collectif d’historiens, entraîne par Rene
Remond, a demande le retrait de l’ensemble de ces lois memorielles.
L’auteur ne se contente pas de souligner que ces lois sont de nature a
paralyser la recherche en histoire, toujours sujette a revision et au
doute. Si la Shoah, relève-t-il, ne prete plus a contestation, sinon de
la part d’hommes dont on doit interroger les motivations – Rassinier,
Faurisson, Le Pen, Gollnish… – un thème tel que l’affaire armenienne
ou la traite des esclaves n’interdit pas le questionnement. Car la
recherche de la verite est en jeu ici. Et si l’on retirait les lois
memorielles – entreprise au reste delicate – le dispositif legislatif
ordinaire suffirait, selon lui, a sanctionner l’insulte raciale.
L’essai ne s’arrete pas la. Remond repond avec subtilite et
intelligence a ceux qui reprochent aux historiens de pretendre au
monopole du traitement de l’histoire. Belle occasion de s’expliquer:
c’est une discipline ouverte, note-t-il, a tous ceux qui, non
professionnels, s’astreignent a la rigueur de la methode. Une
discipline qui demande de la sensibilite. Remond met un accent
particulier sur les intentions des acteurs de l’histoire et ne refuse
pas le jugement moral de l’historien, dans des conditions precises.
Dans un très beau chapitre sur le thème memoire/histoire, où il
se demarque en passant de Ricoeur – “la memoire est spontanee et
s’impose comme une evidence; l’histoire est une construction qui
procède d’un travail methodique” – Rene Remond evoque de manière
nuancee le “devoir de memoire”, et s’arrete a l’attachement, fort,
des Francais, a leur patrimoine. Signe, selon lui, d’un besoin de
se raccrocher au passe au moment meme où les mutations rapides et
profondes des modes d’existence genèrent, en nous, de l’angoisse.
Quand l’Etat se mele de l’histoire, Rene Remond, Stock, 107 p.
–Boundary_(ID_pN9vOCZgcTRquI8mMkpPWw)–

NEW DANISH DOCUMENTS ON THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE
Nouvelles d’Armenie, France
3446
June 25 2006
Documents From The Danish National Archivies
Distributed with permission of the principal researcher, Matthias
Bjørnlund
========================== ==================================
DOCUMENT 1
1915-07-03-DK-001
The minister in Constantinople (Carl Ellis Wandel) to the foreign
minister (Erik Scavenius)
Source : Danish National Archives, Foreign Office, Group Cases
1909-1945. Dept. 139, Gr. D, No. 1, “Turkey – Inner Relations”.
Package 1, to Dec. 31, 1916
No. LXX [70]
Constantinople, July 3, 1915.
Confidential.
Mr. Foreign Minister,
In my earlier reports I have already several times had the opportunity
to mention the hatred that the Young Turk government has been showing
with less and less ambiguity against the aliens in Turkey since
the beginning of the war and the abrogation of the capitulations,
and particularly against the Christians.
In spite of the repeated promises that the Grand Vizier has given
to the Apostolic delegate [Monseigneur Angelo Marie Dolci] and to
the mission chiefs, many of the monasteries and other religious
institutions that have been seized have not yet been reopened, and
they are still being treated with the utmost arbitrariness, often
under the pretext of military necessity.
The Catholic church in Bebek by the Bosporus has even been placed
at the disposal of the local Muslims, who have converted it into
a mosque ; and property belonging to the Holy See in Kadikeui,
near Constantinople, has been taken over in order to establish a
Muslim school.
All of these violations, though, amount to nothing compared to a
very vital step, that I have learned today has been taken by the
government to remove the protected status which the Catholics have
enjoyed in Turkey from old times.
The government has established a non-clerical council, made up of 12
Catholic Ottoman subjects – naturally chosen among followers of the
government – who must choose a chairman among themselves.
This council is supposed to administer the Catholic church in Turkey
(i.e., the Latin, not the Greek, Armenian, etc.), and will thus become
some sort of a new Patriarchate.
This way, the representative of the Papal delegate and of the
countries that have Catholic interests in Turkey will be robbed of any
opportunity of attending to such interests and that all monasteries and
churches, and everything that the Catholic church owns in this country,
will be administrated by this new council and seized by the Caliphate.
Not surprisingly, the Papal delegate has refused to receive the 12
newly appointed gentlemen in corpore.
In Catholic circles, there had been hope that under these circumstances
the German ambassador, who represents so many millions of Catholics,
and the representative of the “Apostolic king” [i.e., the Austrian
ambassador Johann Pallavicini] would have a moderating influence on
the Young Turk government, but this seems not to be the case.
The German ambassador says that it must be due to a misunderstanding
if one thinks that Germany or any other power has any influence
here, because the Turkish government disregards the daily efforts
he makes to direct its attention to the many unwise acts by which it
makes itself still more hated, and the Austrian-Hungarian ambassador
expresses himself in a similar way, in that he, among other things,
complains about the arrogant way the Turks try to give the impression
that the advancement of the Austrian armed forces first and foremost
is caused by the Turkish victories against the allied forces at the
Dardanelles and elsewhere.
With the highest esteem I remain, Mr. Minister, yours faithfully
[Wandel]
—————————- ————————————————– —
DOCUMENT 2
1915-09-04-DK-001
The minister in Constantinople (Carl Ellis Wandel) to the foreign
minister (Erik Scavenius)
Source : Danish National Archives, Foreign Office, Group Cases
1909-1945. Dept. 139, Gr. D, No. 1, “Turkey – Inner Relations”.
Package 1, to Dec. 31, 1916
No. CXIII [113]
Constantinople, September 4, 1915.
Confidential.
Mr. Foreign Minister,
In continuation of my most respectful reports No. LXXVIII [78] of
July 22, No. LXXXVII [87] of July 31, and No. IC [99] of August 18,
I have the honor of reporting that the persecutions of the Armenians
are continuing with great intensity, in spite of the promises made
by the government here, and of which I have already reported.
At the reception Monday the 16th of August, the German ambassador
once again brought up these persecutions with the Grand Vizier,
and asked him to induce his government to cease, – especially when
it comes to the Armenian Catholics who have never participated in
revolutions or interfered with politics and still are subjected to
the most persistent persecutions.
Even the Gregorian Armenians, who have distanced themselves from
all nationalist ideas to the extent that they have abandoned their
mother tongue and have embraced the Turkish language as their own,
are being persecuted.
The promises which the Grand Vizier gave to the German ambassador
were not kept, and when the persecutions and killings continued, His
Holiness Monseigneur Paul Pierre XIII, the Armenian-Catholic Patriarch,
turned to the resident Spanish minister and asked him, in the name of
Catholic Spain, to try to turn once more to the Grand Vizier to obtain
that at least the safety of the Catholic Armenians were respected.
The Spanish minister, who consented and, using the words of the
Patriarch, objected to the Grand Vizier at the reception last Monday,
tells me that His Highness, after having listened to him, showed his
surprise about what had happened, and that he, when the minister
firmly claimed that he had proof that the cruelties mentioned had
actually taken place, noted it and promised to immediately order that
the Armenian Catholics were spared.
However, both the minister and the Patriarch are convinced that these
terrible persecutions will not cease, among other things because the
central government has no power over the provincial authorities,
who, when it suits them, do not obey the orders they receive from
Constantinople, and – last not least – because the Germans in their
opinion only pretend to protest against the persecutions and killings.
It is obvious, they say, that the Germans are interested in the
extermination of the Armenians and in the Greeks fleeing, who fear
that the same thing should happen to them, so that they (the Germans)
without effort can take over Turkey`s trade and become the only
Europeans with a foothold here.
The authorities in the provinces and the Young Turks, they say, do
not consider the German ambassadors’ application to the government
as serious.
I shall briefly allow myself to give an account of the important and
sad communications of the latest developments, that has been given
to me by completely reliable and truthful source, and which is of
such a nature that it will cause general regret everywhere in the
Christian world.
The Turks are vigorously carrying through their cruel intention,
to exterminate the Armenian people.
In Brussa they have forced the well-to-do Armenians to pay the police
300 Turkish pounds (approximately 5000 Danish kroner) a person to be
allowed to stay in the city, and yet the next day they have banished
them from the city with their wifes and children.
Where these unfortunate people are now, and what fate they have met
after they have had to leave their homes, it is not possible to learn
even for the closest family.
In Adana the governor has ordered the posting of a proclamation which,
in a French translation I have received from the Patriarchate, goes
as follows :
“1) Jusqu`a la fin du mois courant les armeniens se trouvant dans la
ville meme d`Adana doivent avoir ete expedies au fur et a mesure et par
groupes. 2) Les proprietaires des fabriques sises a Mersina et a Adana,
ainsi que les employes de celles-ci qui travaillent pour le compte
du Departement Militaire, son exemptes pour le moment : ils ne seront
pas expedies et seront employes comme auparavant dans leur travaux.
3) Les familles dont les soutiens ou les maris sont en service
militaire ne seront pas expedies.
4) Tout le monde doit, a partir d`aujourd`hui, regler et mettre en
ordre ses affaires et se tenir pret a l`ordre de monter en chemin
de fer.
5) Il ne sera fait aucun cas de recours, qui seront faits faits pour
une demande de prolongation de delai ou d`autres empechements. 6)
L`expedition se fera quartier par quartier. 7) Il ne sera permis
pour chaque famille que le transport d`une quantite de meubles de
150 kilos seulement.
8) Pour les familles composees de plus 6 personnes, grandes ou petites,
il sera permis le transport de 200 kilos de meubles.
9) La population musulmans de la ville et de la banlieue est obligee
de fournir, pour cette expedition, les moyens de transport.
10) La commission nommee pour s`occuper des moyens de transport,
a commence deja ses travaux.
11) Les familles qui se seraient procure elles-meme leur moyens
de transport, sont autorisees, en vertu des pièces qui leur seront
delivrees par les Commissaires de Police, a se rendre directement a
Badjou et de la a Alep.
12) Par le train qui sera prepare le samedi 15 du mois courant,
seront expedies les quartiers de Akdje, Nesjid, Saradjen, Kharab,
Bagtche, Tchoukour, Kassab Bekir, Yarbachi, Tcinanli et Karan.
13) A partir de demain la population de ces quartiers devra absolument
s`adresser a la Commission d`inscription placee sous la presidence de
Adil Bey dans le Commissariat de Police et après s`etre fait inscrire,
devra prendre une pièce scellee et legalisee.
14) Ceux qui d`après l`inscription de leur etat civil, sinon du nombre
des habitants de ces quartiers et qui actuellement resident ailleurs,
leurs domiciles actuels ne seront pas pris en consideration, mais
ils seront obligee d`aller se faire inscrire avec les habitants des
quartiers auxquels ils appartiennent, et de partir, dans la meme
journee, avec les habitants de leur quartier d`origine.
15) Pour l`expedition soit des familles de militaires, soit des
personnes qui se trouveraient habitant dans d`autres quartiers, il
sera tenu compte, pour principe d`operation, de l`enregistrement de
leur etat civil.
16) Toutes les operations qui ne seront pas faites par inscription,
ne seront pas prises en consideration.
17) La population de ses quartiers devra, au matin du jour designe
ci-haut a 12 heures a la turque, avec ses bagages, tel qu`il est
dit a l`Art. 7 et avec les membres de la famille, se trouver a
la Nouvelle Station. 18) On doit se rendre a Alep par la voie de
Osmanieh-Radjou. 19) Une Commission speciale etant envoyee a Osmanieh,
sur la presentation des pièces, conformement a l`Art. 13, distribuera
a chaque famille, dans la mesure possible, des moyens de transport
et organisera les expeditions par groupes.
20) A l`arrivee a Osmanieh la susdite Commission fera diligence pour
l`installation et le bien-etre des groupes : par consequent chaque
quartier devra faire par l`intermediarie de leur Mouhtar respectif,
recours a la susdite Commission.
21) La quantite des personnes employees dont le sejour a ete decide,
avant etre notifie aux bureaux de la Police et de la Gendarmerie,
il sera procede, par les dits bureaux, a la separation et au maintien
de ceux-ci.
22) La sera delivre par la direction de la police, aux personnes
ainsi exemptees, des documents reguliers et legalises, concernant
leur maintien.
23) Si parmi la population des quartiers qui ont ete avisees, il se
trouvait des personnes, qui, a partir de demain, ne se presenteraient
pas et ne se feraient inscrire, ou qui ne se trouveraient pas
presentes a la Nouvelle Station au jour indique pour le depart soit
le samedi 15 du mois courant a l`heure indique ou qui chercheraient a
trouver des ruses ou des pretextes, les Mouhtars et les Conseils des
vieillards sont obliges de prevenir les Autorites et si les habitants
et le Mouhtar auraient contrevenu a tout cela, ils seront consideres
comme ayant agi contre l`Autorite Militaire et les ordres de l`etat
de mobilisation et seront immediatement deferes a la Cour Martiale
et dans les 24 heures une sentence sera donnee et executee.
24) Les ordres formelles, comme il convent, ayant ete donnes a tous les
bureaux. Il est preferable de travailler a completer ces preparatifs
plutôt que de perdre du temps a chercher des pretextes et a faire
des demarches inutiles. Août 1915.
In a letter received here from the bishop of Erzerum, Monseigneur
Melchisedechian, it is stated that the parish of Khodirtchour, which
was made up of 12 villages, has been completely evacuated, and that
no one knows what has happened to the vanished population.
That same prelate, on July 17 this year, reported that he himself
had been forced to set out for an unknown destination, and nothing
has been heard of him since.
The former bishop of that same district, Monseigneur Ketchourian,
at the same time travelled to Constantinople, but disappeared along
the way.
The bishop of Karput, Monseigneur Israëlian, on June 23 reported to
the Patriarchate that he had been ordered to leave the town for Aleppo
with all of his parishioners within 48 hours, and it has later been
learned that this bishop and all the clergy that accompanied him have
been attacked and killed between Diarbekir and Urfa at a place where
approximately 1700 Armenian families have suffered the same fate.
The whole of the population in the abovementioned parish are considered
lost.
The population in the parishes of Diarbekir and Malatia has also been
driven out of their villages, and it is not known what has happened
to the bishops Tchelebian and Khatchadourian and their parishioners.
The sad message has also been confirmed that the archbishop of Mardin,
Monseigneur Maloyan, and approx. 700 of his Catholic parishioners
have been killed, and that the population in the town of Tallermen,
which was purely Catholic, has been completely exterminated.
Reports are completely lacking on what has happened to the bishop
of Mouch, Monseigneur Topuzian, and his parishioners, but there is
reason to believe that they too have been killed.
It is feared that a similar fate has befallen the clergy and
parishioners of Gurin.
In the parish of Sivas, the only village to have been spared is
Pirkinik, where the archbishop, Monseigneur Ketchedjian, has escaped
to. He, and one cleric that accompanied him, are the only survivors.
Trebizond, Samson, [illegible], Marsivan, and Amassia have been
completely evacuated, and there is no knowledge of what has happened
to the 47 clerics of these towns.
Tarsus, Hedzin, and Mersina have suffered the same fate.
In Angora, all of the men have been abducted from the town, and the
women have been forced to marry Muslims ; approximately 6000 men,
approximately 70 clerics, and the bishop, Monseigneur Gregoire Bahaban,
have been shot on the road to the place of banishment.
In the city of Ismid, the government has ordered that the Armenian
Catholics who had been banished to Eskicheir should be allowed to
return to their homes, but the governor would not let them enter
the city, and sent them back. The same thing has happened in many
other places.
Even here in Constantinople Armenians are being abducted and sent to
Asia, and it is not possible to get information of their whereabouts.
The Patriarchate has calculated that half of the Armenian-Catholic
hierarchy has been lost ; 7 bishops, approximately 100 priests, 70
other clerics, and thousands upon thousands of their parishioners
have disappeared.
The Church formerly consisted of 16 districts (Constantinople, Mardin,
Diarbekir, Karput, Malatia, Sivas-Tokat, Mouch, Erzerum, Trebisond,
Angora, Cesaree, Brussa, Adana, Marache, Aleppo, and Alexandrie [=
Alexandrette]), and according to the latest information only Marash,
Aleppo, and Cesaree have been spared outside of Constantinople.
The fate that thus has befallen the Catholic Armenians, have with
even greater cruelty befallen all the other Armenians, in that the
aim of the government, as I have already had the honor to report,
is to completely exterminate the Armenian people.
With the highest esteem I remain, Mr. Minister, yours faithfully
[Wandel]
—————————- ————————————————– —
DOCUMENT 3 1915-09-22-DK-001
The minister in Constantinople (Carl Ellis Wandel) to the foreign
minister (Erik Scavenius)
Source : Danish National Archives, Foreign Office,Group Cases
1909-1945. Dept. 139, Gr. D, No. 1, “Turkey – Inner Relations”.
Package 1, to Dec. 31, 1916
No. CXXV [125]
Constantinople, September 22, 1915.
Mr. Foreign Minister,
In my earlier reports I have already tried to demonstrate how H. M.
the Sultan rules, and how the Committee is managing.
I have tried to demonstrate that Turkey has been incautious in giving
up its neutrality, given that the country`s position will be very
difficult if the war ends with a victory of one of the groups of
Great Powers.
Regarding the fate of the country if the Entente powers win, Mr.
Foreign Minister is far better informed than I ; the matters that I
have the opportunity to observe will only have a minor influence in
the event of such an outcome, and I therefore prefer to deal with
the question of what will happen in the event of a victory for the
Central Powers.
If the Central Powers are victorious, and the Balkan coalition is
not being reformed against the “German danger,” Turkey will in all
probability be faced with the choice of either giving up the major
parts of its political and economic independence to the benefit of
Germany, who will then gain firm ground here, or to enter into a
probably rather hopeless struggle for independence against its mighty
ally, and when this choice is to be made, the matters that I observe
daily could be decisive.
There is already full awareness in the German embassy here, that a
serious conflict between Germany and Turkey, who in a future union
undoubtedly will demand an equal status, hardly will be avoidable,
even at best, if the chauvinists remain in power. Some remarks made
to me recently by the embassy`s advisory specialist in Balkan policy
is certainly indicative thereof.
When I, after having expressed my admiration for the great and
outstanding achievements of the German diplomatic and military missions
to the benefit of Germany`s interests, added that I still found it
hard to forgive German Balkan policy that it, by strengthening and
flattering the Committee, has helped bring about its arrogance and
xenophobia to such an extent that the government here has become
thoroughly intractable, he answered that, from the German position,
this was readily regretted.
“But you must not forget,” he said, “that we had no other option ;
we needed Turkey`s help – it was for us a matter of life and death,
and we had to let things slide.”
By and large, there can therefore hardly be much doubt about where
it goes from here ; since the foreign warships (station ships) left
the roadstead of Constantinople, the presumptuousness of the Young
Turks has been ever increasing, and there can probably be no talk of
moderation in thought and principles before the ships return.
A thorough study of the prospects in the event of a victory for the
Central Powers, though, faces many difficulties, since it is almost
impossible to obtain reliable information about the composition and
practical circumstances of the true, but irresponsible, government
of the country – the Committee. The history of the Committe has not
yet been written, and the persons who know it dare not speak out.
Considering the topicality of the subject, I will still try to give,
based on what I learn here, a short description of the Committee
and its men – who make up a kind of directorate, consisting of 15-20
members, that decides the actions of the government – and of the change
in its policy since July 1908, when it intervened for the first time
in the fate of the country with a firm grip and, measured with the
standards of this country, [became] a uniquely thorough organization.
The distinctive feature of the Young Turk Committee has always been,
and still is, its organizational strength. Without this firmness,
the Committee would not have been able to withstand being persecuted
by despotism, and to even grow in strength to such an extent that
it could topple the old regime. This organizational firmness, which
the Committee created in its earliest days when it toiled with its
great work of liberation, it has kept since that time, for better
or for worse, and when in power it has, aided by that firmness,
been able to get away with unpunished abuses similar to that of
the toppled despotism, [and,] aided by it, it could regain power by
determined action when it had been dethroned. And the Committee is
not only equipped with this organizational strength, it also is and
has always been the only Turkish political organization in possession
of this quality ; all the other parties, that have been formed since
the introduction of the constitution, have lacked it – and they have
quickly succumbed.
An effect of this state of things is that the top positions of the
Committee are no longer held by the theorists who originally drew
up the program of the Committee, but by its political-organizational
leaders, those men who have worked in the service of the organization
from the beginning, not as great idealists or founding statesmen,
but as organizers who use all means to further the well-being of their
organization. This fact also explains that the Committee now, albeit
under much the same leaders as in its earliest years of struggle,
actually fights for a completely different program than then it had –
it is not the ideals, but power that has been and is being fought for.
Among the men in the leadership of the Committee, one first of all
has to mention the present leader of the government, interior minister
Talaat Bey, without doubt a significant politician.
Talaat Bey, former telegraphist in the provinces, was working for
the Committee from its earliest days, and he came to the forefront
immediately after the revolution as one of the leaders of Turkish
politics, but only after 1909 did he and other Young Turk leaders
become direct members of the government – Talaat Bey as interior
minister – to replace the old Pashas, who still for some time had
been allowed to remain in office as puppets. It was Talaat Bey who,
when the Committee had been toppled by “the liberating officers”
(in the Spring of 1912), led the secret effort of the Committee
to regain power, and he who, together with his friends, in effect,
by nationalistic demonstrations, forced Kiamil [Kamil] Pasha, the
then Grand Vizier, to engage in the unfortunate war against the
Balkan states (the end of 1912), instead of accepting to effectively
implement the reforms demanded by the Powers. And once again, it was
Talaat Bey who, together with Enver Pasha, was the leader behind the
new coup d`etat, that once again brought the Young Turks to power –
in accordance with Talaat`s plan at the exact moment when the Kiamil
cabinet sent the note to the Great Powers, where it gave up Adrianople
as a result of the urgent requests of those Powers. Kiamil Pasha`s
abandonment of the holy Adrianople would have put the men of the coup
d`etat in a more flattering light as national liberators who toppled
the cabinet that had unnecessarily surrendered parts of the country,
but, as chance would have it, the toppled cabinet had not delivered
the note of reply to the Powers (it had been sent, but because of an
editorial error it was called back before the delivery to the Austrian
ambassador), and it was the new Young Turk ministry that was left with
responsibility for the decision. It was luck – the internal struggle
of the Balkan states – and not foresight that saved Talaat and the
Committee`s power and regained Adrianople for Turkey.
Since then, Talaat has more and more become the centre of the Young
Turk Committee. The military members – and especially Enver Pasha
– have had to focus on the defence of the country, and the entire
government has slipped into the hands of Talaat Bey, who actually is
both minister of the interior, of finance, and of foreign affairs.
Close to Talaat is his friend Halil Bey, chairman of the deputy chamber
and of the Committee, Bedri Bey, prefect of the security police in
Turkey (in the Spring of 191[ ?] he had been condemned to death for
having shot a military police officer, had later escaped from prison,
been pardoned, and made chief of public security), Nazim Bey, the
Committee`s chauvinist secretary general and leader of the daily
administration of the Committee, Midhat Chukri Bey and Behaeddine
Chakir Bey, also pronounced chauvinists, Hussein Djahid Bey, former
editor of the Committee`s organ “Tanin,” and Djavid Bey, the former
finance minister, who took care of the great loan in France in 1914,
from a Jewish family that converted to Islam, originally school
inspector in the provinces, etc., etc.
A person completely preoccupied at the moment by the military events
is Enver Pasha, the officer who, together with Niazi Bey who was
killed shortly after, in June 1908 raised the rebel banner with his
troops in Albania, and thereby originated the revolution itself,
after which he became military attache in Berlin, a nomination that
surely has had a great impact on the relationship between Germany and
Turkey. After having returned to Turkey he became chief of staff for
the 10th Army Corps, was an active participant in the coup d`etat in
1913, and led the triumphant expedition to Adrianople. As a reward
he was, albeit relatively late, made minister of war in January 1914,
and thereby gained all of Turkey`s military power in his hand, after
the Committee had fired all the old generals and high ranking officers,
who enjoyed popularity with the troops, and replaced them with Enver
Pasha`s new proteges.
Another influential military member of the Committee was until lately
Enver Pasha`s co-suitor to the military leadership, Djemal Pasha, the
former military commander of Constantinople, named Pasha the same day
as Enver, decorated with the Osmanieh Order at the same time as Enver,
and finally, on Enver Pasha`s advice, made traffic minister to limit
his influence, but later, after urgent request, made marine minister,
a capacity in which he worked with great force on the renewal of the
fleet right until the beginning of the war, when he left Constantinople
as chief of the army that was sent to Egypt. From this time on, Djemal
Pasha has naturally been unable to participate in the governing of
Turkey, and the Marine Ministry too has been in the hands of Enver.
Among other people who have left their mark on the work of the
Committee during the past time, besides from the “liberator” Mahmoud
Chevket Pasha who was murdered in June 1913, must be mentioned Azmi
Bey, who, together with the then military commander of the city,
Djemal Pasha, and in connection with Talaat Bey, led the terror
regime as Chief of Police in the capital after the killing of Mahmoud
Chevket Pasha, but who on the Russian embassy`s firm demand was sent
to Konia shortly thereafter as governor, furthermore Hadji Adil Bey,
the present governor in Adrianople, mentioned in my report No. CXXIII
[123] of yesterday, and finally 2 men, who have eventually distanced
themselves from the Committee because they could not follow it in its
lust for power and its abuse : Rahmy Bey, the governor of the vilayet
Aidin (Smyrna), who, as also mentioned in my earlier reports, several
times has opposed the Committee`s orders when he found them unjust,
and Ahmed Riza Bey, who became the only important opponent of the
Committee`s autocracy in the last parliamentary session. Riza Tevfik
Bey, an influential member in the early days of the Committee as the
original intellectual protagonist of the Committee, and very esteemed
by all sides, also by the opponents of the Committee, was already at
an early stage repulsed by the way the rulers realized his ideals,
and was already in 1910 among the opponents of the Committee.
The Committee for Union and Progress took control under the motto :
Equal rights for all Ottomans. But to achieve the unity, that was at
the beginning of the Committe`s title, in the vast and ethnographically
tangled empire, there had to be created both an Ottoman sense of unity
shared by all peoples of the empire, and be raised guarantees that
this new “Ottomanism” would also be led by the Young Turk members
of the Committee in the future, both be created equal rights for all
Ottoman citizens, without consideration for nationality and religion
(the idealistic demands of the revolution), and made sure that the new
Ottomanism would still become a purely Turkish movement. The struggle
between these demands lasted for some time, until the Committee
immediately after the end of the Balkan war threw one of the demands
(equal rights for all Ottomans) overboard and decided to go forward
along the road of Turkification, the road that is characterized by
the anti-Greek boycott in the Spring of 1914 that affected those
Greeks who were Ottoman subjects just as well as the Greek subjects,
the simultaneous persecutions of the Greeks in Asia Minor and Thrace,
and, later that same year – with German assistance – the declaration
of Jihad, which was favoured by the World War and the subsequent
abrogation of the capitulations, and which finally has led to the
xenophobic and nationalistic policy, whose effects I have lately looked
closely upon several times in my reports, and whose main purpose at the
moment is the extermination of the Armenian population of the empire.
Mr. Foreign Minister will maybe realize from this account, in spite of
its faultiness, that it does not seem to be men with great political
refinement and experience, or with good knowledge, who now rule Turkey,
but people whose foolhardiness and irrepressable force of will and
action has replaced the former inertia, which was the strength of
the old Pashas before 1908, and Germany, should the occasion arise,
will have to realize that they are not manageable.
They are chauvinists and xenophobes, more or less true fanatics and
enthusiastic desperados ; for some of them there can be no doubt about
their integrity, but the common perception is that it will continue
down that same road that has already led to so many serious conflicts.
After the Greeks and the Armenians, the Jews and the Germans will most
likely be next, and it is very probable that the present government
will, at a given moment, prefer to play va banque and put everything on
the line, rather than understand that wise compliance and a compromise
for practical reasons can be preferable to a policy that almost can
be characterized as national suicide.
With the highest esteem I remain, Mr. Minister, yours faithfully
[Wandel]
—————————- ————————————————– —
DOCUMENT 4
1916-04-27-DK-001
The minister in Constantinople (Carl Ellis Wandel) to the foreign
minister (Erik Scavenius)
Source : Danish National Archives, Foreign Office, Group Cases
1909-1945. Dept. 139, Gr. N, No. 1, “Armenia”
No. LXXXXVIII [98]
Constantinople, April 27, 1916.
Confidential.
Mr. Foreign Minister,
The Papal minister [Angelo Marie Dolci] yesterday turned up in the
local Spanish legation [in Constantinople] accompanied by a German
Catholic priest who had arrived here from the Turkish Vilayet of Angora
in Asia Minor, where he has witnessed the treatment that has befallen
the local Armenian Catholic congregation, and which he introduced to
the [Spanish] minister, whom they asked to intervene and protest to
the Porte in the name of Catholic Spain.
The reason for their turning to the Spanish legation, they said, was
because the German and Austrian embassies had such a relationship
with the Turkish government that they, in order not to [offend]
it, had to show so much consideration that they really could not
energetically plead the cause of the Armenians.
When one bears in mind that the two embassies mentioned represent
24 and 34 million Catholics respectively, and that the leader of the
Catholic Centrum of the German Reichstag [Matthias Erzberger] in these
very days is here in Constantinople on an official visit as a guest
of the Turkish government, and that the local German ambassador,
Count Metternich, himself is a Catholic, one can conclude by this
request how careful the German diplomacy in Turkey is now acting,
and the extent to which it weighs Germany`s political considerations
over all other considerations.
Even though, as it appears from my report No. CXIII [113] of September
4 last year, 13 of the 16 Catholic congregations that existed among
the Armenians in Turkey outside of Constantinople have disappeared
completely, without anyone having knowledge of what has happened to
all of the clergy, the Catholic Centrum of the German Reichstag does
not seem to dare to attempt any forceful intervention on behalf of
its unfortunate, persecuted co-religionists.
While describing the state of things, I shall not refrain from adding
that it is very possible that even a vigorous German diplomatic
intervention on behalf of the Armenians would not move the Turkish
government to refrain from its project, because the great effort that
the local American embassy, which does not have to show the same
kind of consideration as the German and Austrian embassy, has done
to save the Armenians, has, the American Charge d`Affaires [Phillips]
tells me, been fruitless, and this has in all probability, after what
I only later have learned, also been one of the contributing factors
to the departure of the American ambassador [Henry Morgenthau].
With the highest esteem I remain, Mr. Minister, yours faithfully
[Wandel]
—————————- ————————————————– —
———————————————- ———————————-
DOCUMENT 5
1916-03-14-DK-001
The minister in Constantinople (Carl Ellis Wandel) to the foreign
minister (Erik Scavenius)
Source : Danish National Archives, Foreign Office, Group Cases
1909-1945. Dept. 139, Gr. N, No. 1, “Armenia”
1 enclosure.
No. LVIII [58]
Constantinople, March 14, 1916.
Mr Foreign Minister,
In continuation of my report No. LIV [54] dated the 10th of this
month concerning the persecutions of the Armenians, I have the honor
to report that the latest pieces of information received here state
that the general removal of the Armenian population, which has already
taken place in all the other Vilayets of Asia Minor except for the
Vilayet Aidin (Smyrna), has now also begun in the Vilayet of Castamuni,
in which the Armenians hitherto have not been disturbed.
The governor of the Vilayet of Castamuni, who has not used the
authority given to him to have the Armenian population removed,
has been dismissed, and in his place the governor up till now of the
Vilayet of Angora, who has been more zealous, has been appointed.
I use the opportunity to send an enclosed official announcement from
today concerning the execution of 4 Armenians, who were hanged in
Stambul yesterday morning.
With the highest esteem I remain, Mr. Minister, yours faithfully
[Wandel]
Enclosure : “Lloyd Ottoman”, March 14, 1916 :
Pendaisons
Du commandement de la place :
Par decision de la cour martiale sont condamnes a la peine capitale
: Les nommes Horen veledi Hatchadour Beremian, forgeron habitant
la quartier Kouyoumdji a Adapazar, Kirkor veledi Ohannès, Kabian,
locataire de l`hôtel Ararat et du casino habitant dans le quartier
Abdal de la meme ville, le bijoutier Karabet veledi Ohannès Patokian,
du village Bagdjedjik (Ismidt), convaincus d`avoir fait partie du
comite revolutionnaire armenien et d`avoir neglige de remettre,
durant le delai prescrit, aux autorites les bombes cachees dans leur
maison ; ainsi que le converti Mehmed Chakir bin Minas alias Abdullah,
de Brousse coinvancu d`avoir complote contre le gouvernement ottoman
et d`avoir fait l`espionnage contre le gouvernement pou le compte du
gouvernement Anglais et le nomme Adem effendi de Monastir, agent de
police, convaincu d`avoir assassine par premeditation Ali Riza bey,
merkez m’mour du poste Tcinili a Scutari.
Cette decision de la court martiale ayant ete sanctionnee par irade
imperial, l`execution a eu lieu hier matin. Les quatre premiers
condamnes ont ete pendus sur la place de Bayazid et l`agent de police
Adem effendi pres du debarcadère de Scutari.
# # #
———————————————– ———————-
Translations of reports from the archives of the Danish foreign
ministry documenting the Armenian genocide were by Matthias Bjørnlund.
Copyright Matthias Bjørnlund and Wolfgang Gust,
website :
email : [email protected].
–Boundary_(ID_rwZ53vZAMhF /il0yEaQK7Q)–
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

NEZAVISIMAYA GAZETA: KOCHARIAN-ALIYEV NEXT MEETING TO PROCEED ACCORDING TO STRICT AMERICAN SCENARIO
PanARMENIAN.Net
26.06.2006 12:55 GMT+04:00
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The new meeting of Armenian and Azerbaijani
Presidents Robert Kocharian and Ilham Aliyev on the Nagorno Karabakh
conflict will most likely proceed according to strict American
scenario, Nezavisimaya Gazeta newspaper reports. It says “after the
recurrent failure of talks at the top level in Bucharest Americans
decided to take control over the settlement process.” The U.S. State
Department has replaced its Co-chair of the OSCE Minsk Group on the
Karabakh settlement. The post of the OSCE Minsk Group U.S. Co-chair
was assumed by Matthew J. Bryza, the former Deputy Assistant Secretary
of State for European and Eurasian Affairs.
Unlike his predecessors and counterpart from Russia and France Mr Bryza
shows a more open attitude towards journalists. The other day in an
interview with the RFE/RL the U.S. mediator for the first time slightly
uncovered the contents and fundamental principles of the conflict
settlement Ilham Aliyev and Robert Kocharian are supposed to sign. “At
the moment an organized document is lying on the bargaining table
but the parties refuse to accept it yet,” Matthew Bryza said. In his
words, the framework agreement provides for the following: withdrawal
of the Armenian troops from the regions under Armenia’s control,
establishment diplomatic and economic relations between Armenia and
Azerbaijan, deployment of peacekeeping forces in the conflict zone,
international economic assistance to Nagorno Karabakh, conduction
of a referendum on the status of Nagorno Karabakh. Bryza called on
the Presidents to adopt this framework agreement. At that he said
“strong political will is essential for it.”
“The new U.S. Co-chair will try to prompt the Presidents during the
visit to the region to he held in the near future. However, judging
from the reaction of Baku and Yerevan it won’t be easy for Bryza to
succeed. Last weekend when addressing the graduates of the military
college after Heydar Aliyev the Azerbaijani President openly said,
“We will restore our territorial integrity either peacefully or by
force,” Nezavisimaya Gazeta says.

ITEMS SOUNDED BY BRYZA DON’T REFLECT CORE OF DOCUMENT
PanARMENIAN.Net
26.06.2006 13:10 GMT+04:00
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The items of the draft agreement on the Nagorno
Karabakh conflict settlement sounded by OSCE Minsk Group Co-chair
Matthew J. Bryza are just elements of the document submitted to the
conflicting parties and certainly do not reflect the essence of the
project thus causing inappropriate comments, RA President’s Spokesman
Victor Soghomonyan told a PanARMENIAN.Net reporter. Anyway, if media
publishes such revelations again the Armenian party will make public
all the documents discussed during the recent 7-8 years, specifically
the Key-West draft agreement and the draft discussed in Bucharest
recently. I am sure that everything will become clear then. By the
way all the projects were rejected by the Azeri side,” Soghomonyan
said. As for the recent statements by Azerbaijani President Ilham
Aliyev, Victor Soghomonyan said, “It’s irrelevant to keep on commenting
on the statements with different wording but the same meaning.”
From: Baghdasarian

Karabakh Conflict Still Too Far from Solution
PanARMENIAN.Net
24.06.2006 15:53 GMT+04:00
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The Nagorno Karabakh conflict is sill too far from
its solution and those, who say it can be solved in 2-3 years make
too optimistic statements, Senior Research Fellow of the Institute
of World Economy and International Relations Victor Nadein-Rayevsky
stated in an interview with a PanARMENIAN.Net reporter in Yerevan. In
his words, the desire to solve the conflict depends on all parties,
however Azerbaijan is not yet able to provide security guarantees to
the NKR people.
“Lately Azeri position changes and that is good, Baku adds some
realism. However, it should not be forgotten that the years of NKR
independence had their role. The people are not only a subject,
but also an object of the international law and they should decide
their future themselves. There is no difference whether a state is
recognized by the international community or not. The NKR is a party to
the conflict and its presence at the talks is compulsory. They speak
of some autonomy models, but they do not ask the NKR population. I
am sure this is not correct,” Victor Nadein-Rayevsky underscored.

PEACE AGREEMENT WOULD ELIMINATE MONOPOLY
Lragir.am
24 June 06
Ararat Zurabyan, the leader of the All-Armenian Movement Party, thinks
that the governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan are not different. Both
are illegitimate and both cause trouble to their societies. Therefore
the resolution of the Karabakh conflict is delayed, said the leader
of AAM June 24 at the Azdak Club. According to him, there is not a
family in Armenia that would like the war to begin. “We are not going
to take Baku. If we had had the opportunity, we would have captured
it, and winners are not tried.
Unfortunately, we did not have the opportunity and we could not have
had,” says Ararat Zurabyan.
Unlike the ARF principle of genetic incompatibility, the AAM believes
that both peoples will remain neighbors forever and are doomed to
signing a peace. Especially that there is a precedent. “Germany and
France, which had serious disputes, are partners, and it was positive
for their societies,” says Ararat Zurabyan.
With regard to the former and present approaches towards the conflict
over Karabakh, Ararat Zurabyan said the best way of evaluating a
person is comparison of his former and present words. “People who
alleged a 8000 km Karabakh, have nothing to yield, not a strip of land,
became very tolerant at once. Whereas the AAM always said that Lachin
and Kelbajar are a security area and cannot be considered. The other
regions will be returned,” says Ararat Zurabyan. According to him, the
settlement should be acceptable for Armenia, Karabakh and Azerbaijan.
“The right for conciliation should be passed over to the generations,
not the threat of war,” says the leader of the AAM, and adds that
it would not be bad to delay the question of the status of Nagorno
Karabakh. “Delaying the question of the status for some 30 years
might be positive, and there might be no borders in 30 years. Who
would think in post-war Europe that borders would become conventional?”
Opening the border would be double benefit for Armenia, believes
Ararat Zurabyan. “After signing a peace these oligarchic, monopolistic
relations will vanish. Because it is impossible to open borders and
wait for somebody to get the protection of the government to import
sugar or fuel,” says the leader of the AAM.

Shifting Moods Mark “Time”
By Aram Kouyoumdjian
Critics’ Forum
Theater
6.24.06
A harsh reality of theater is that monumental works of drama-say, those
with epic-sized casts or taxing technical demands-are rarely produced.
The limiting factor is economic: theaters either lack the resources
to undertake such productions or simply cannot afford them.
Few plays illustrate this harsh reality as well as William Saroyan’s
“The Time of Your Life.” The foremost Armenian-American playwright’s
Pulitzer Prize-winning masterwork boasts a script rich with lyricism.
But it requires nearly two dozen actors, which renders it practically
untouchable.
To my knowledge, the play has not been professionally staged since
an exquisite 2002 production by the Steppenwolf Theatre Company
in Chicago. (Rather than mounting its own production, the Seattle
Repertory Company simply imported the Steppenwolf show in 2004,
as did the American Conservatory Theater in San Francisco).
So the mere fact that the Open Fist Theatre Company is presenting
“The Time of Your Life” in Hollywood (through July 1) is welcome news.
That this esteemed troupe acquits itself with an impressive production
doubles the delight.
Set in San Francisco at the outset of World War II, “The Time of Your
Life” traces the bustle at Nick’s Pacific Street Saloon. It revolves,
in part, around Joe, a wealthy dreamer and a regular at the bar,
where he endlessly sips champagne and soaks up the atmosphere of the
diverse characters who drift in and out of the joint. Saroyan crafts
a gorgeous mosaic of humanity flowing through the saloon, which
makes “The Time of Your Life” more of a lovely mood piece-funny,
heartbreaking, and redemptive-rather than a strictly plot-driven
narrative.
The denizens of Nick’s watering hole include longshoremen,
prostitutes, corrupt cops, a starving piano player, a pinball addict,
a philosophizing immigrant, and that indelible teller of tall tales,
Kit Carson. Even as these eccentrics struggle with life’s hardships,
they cling, in true Saroyan style, to innocence and hope in their
search for a better, decent life; for work; or for someone to love.
The play’s nominal love story involves Joe’s underling, Tom, and Kitty
Duvall, the prostitute he seeks to save from the streets. Its best
love scene, however, comes as a brief, poetic, altogether surreal
encounter between Joe and Mary, a married woman who strolls into
the bar. In their few minutes together (we never see Mary again),
Joe declares his love for her. Although unable to welcome his love,
Mary admits to being happy with the thought that Joe will pine for
her after she’s gone from his life. The scene’s simple beauty lies
in its depiction of a world where people cross paths as in a dream,
where love is instantly felt and confessed, where longings forever
linger in memory.
For the Steppenwolf production in Chicago, director Tina Landau had
heightened the dream-like quality of Saroyan’s play through a fluid,
stylized manner of movement, at times in rhythm with impeccable
musical choices that punctuated the production and underscored its
transcendent closing tableau.
The Open Fist production-probably funded with only a fraction of
the Steppenwolf budget-cannot match the visual flair of Landau’s
panoramic staging, which had elevated background action to high art.
Nevertheless, as directed by Stefan Novinski, the production is
an accomplished one, sensitive to the shifting moods of Saroyan’s
script. Although he allows the pace to slacken at times, Novinski
deftly handles the challenges of the play’s sprawling storylines.
He elicits fine performances from a talented cast, including Michael
Franco, who ably captures the duality of Joe’s buoyancy and bitterness,
and Bruce A. Dickinson, who nails the deadpan hilarity of Kit Carson.
The period set designed by Donna Marquet creates an authentic milieu
for the action.
While the opportunity to experience an infrequently revived Saroyan
play may be reason enough to see “The Time of Your Life,” it’s the
charmed combination of strong acting and intelligent direction that
makes this Open Fist production a rare treat indeed.
All Rights Reserved: Critics’ Forum, 2006
Aram Kouyoumdjian is the winner of Elly Awards for both playwriting
(“The Farewells”) and directing (“Three Hotels”). His performance
piece, “Protest,” was recently staged at the Finborough Theatre
in London.
You can reach him or any of the other contributors to Critics’
Forum at [email protected]. This and all other articles
published in this series are available online at
To sign up for a weekly electronic version of new articles, go to
Critics’ Forum is a group created to
discuss issues relating to Armenian art and culture in the Diaspora.

Russia-Turkey Relations Became Normal and Friendly
PanARMENIAN.Net
24.06.2006 15:50 GMT+04:00
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Russia-Turkey relations have become normal and
friendly, Senior Research Fellow of the Institute of World Economy and
International Relations Victor Nadein-Rayevsky stated in an interview
with a PanARMENIAN.Net reporter, when answering a question on coming
visit of Turkish President Ahmet Sezer to Moscow. He reminded that 90%
of Turkish export goes to Russia. “Turkish economy has strengthened a
bit during past 2-3 years. As of discussion of international problems,
these are discussed at any meeting of that level. Russia cannot play
any role in EU-Turkey relations, as the issue of Russia’s accession
to the EU is not on the agenda. As of regional conflicts, of course
these will be subject to discussion between Putin and Sezer,” the
Russian scholar believes.

AZG Armenian Daily #117, 24/06/2006
Karabakh issue
VARTAN OSKANIAN: TO SUGGEST AUTONOMY TO NAGORNO
KARABAKH IS SELF-DECEPTION
Armenia has supported and still supports all the international measures
directed to aversion and condemnation of genocides, ethnic purges
of people in their historical lands and the attempts to deny these
events. Vartan Oskanian, RA Foreign Minister, said this in the course
of the sitting of the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva, on June 21.
In his speech, Oskanian touched upon the destruction of 2000 Middle
Aged Armenian cross stones in Nor Jugha, Nakhijevan, when the Armenians
had nothing to do but to watch how the Azeris were destroying their
cultural and spiritual heritage. Oskanian stated that this brutal
attitude to the Armenian spirit and culture lasts for already centuries
and is very cynical and dangerous. “2000 marvelous medieval cross
stones were totally destroyed few months ago,” he said. Mr. Oskanian
stated that the Armenians and the international community are quite
concerned that the intentions of the Azeri authorities to settle
the peace are not serious. He emphasized that the cross stones
were destroyed in a place where not a single Armenian lives at
present. Mr. Oskanian said that this factor testifies to the real
intentions and methods of Azerbaijan. He stated that such a brutal
annihilation of a nation’s culture and history leads to mistrust and
loss of peace.
As for the current stage of Nagorno Karabakh conflict settlement
process, he said that Azerbaijan’s approach “one step forward, one step
back” applied in the negotiations was concerning, while the suggestion
of autonomy to NKR testify to Azerbaijan’s retreat and decline from the
essence of the negotiations and from the international trends. “It’s
a mere self-deception to suggest autonomy to people who manage their
life in their own historical land for about two decades already,”
Mr. Oskanian said.
Anyway, Mr. Oskanian expressed hope that the negotiations will be
held in the direction that will lead to long lasting peace for all
sides in conflict.
By Aghavni Harutyunian

AZG Armenian Daily #117, 24/06/2006
Home
‘WE DO NOT WANT YOU TO SAY IN USA THE THINGS THAT YOU SAY HERE’
With these words the US Embassy to Armenia rejected Armen Avetisian,
head of the Aryan Union of Armenia, entry to the USA on June 20. On
this occasion the Union disseminated a press release expressing its
indignation over this fact, labeling the Embassy’s rejection of a
political character adding that such an approach is not do credit to
the authorities of a country that views itself as a world power.
According to the release, Armen Avetisian and a member of the Union’s
student and youth wing were to leave for the USA at the invitation of
the Armenian Genealogy Association to meet the Armenian community and
lecture on national ideology and history. Avetisian who was permitted
to visit United States last year, was told: “We do not want you to say
in USA the things that you say here.” To his retort that the US State
Department viewed his arrest as suppression of freedom of speech,
Avetisian got: “Not everything said in the State Department report
was in your favor.”